Congressional Record, Volume 153 Issue 20 (Thursday, February 1, 2007)

[Congressional Record Volume 153, Number 20 (Thursday, February 1, 2007)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1483-S1486]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

FAIR MINIMUM WAGE ACT OF 2007

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will
resume consideration of H.R. 2, which the clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:

A bill (H.R. 2) to amend the Fair Labor Standards Act of
1938 to provide for an increase in the Federal Minimum Wage.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia is recognized.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I wish to speak on another matter.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

Iraq

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, the verdict is in on the President's plan to
send more American troops into Iraq: 68 percent of the American people
are opposed to it; 62 percent of Active-Duty military officers are
opposed to it. Top military leaders have voiced skepticism about
whether an increase in troops will succeed in suppressing the sectarian
violence that has consumed Iraq. The evidence is in. The voice of the
people, the American people--voix populaire--is clear. It is time to
turn around. Unfortunately, this administration seems to have no
intention of heeding that call from the people.
Last week, the Vice President talked about the ``enormous successes''
that have been accomplished in Iraq. Enormous successes? I ask,
enormous successes? The Vice President's definition of ``enormous
success'' is, apparently, different from mine.
The Vice President said that talk of failures and blunders in Iraq
was just hogwash--his word, ``hogwash''--and the Vice President
asserted that whatever Congress votes on in relation to Iraq, ``it
won't stop us.'' Hear me now. Hear me. This is the Vice President
talking. He asserted that whatever Congress votes on in relation to
Iraq, ``it won't stop us.''
Now, listen to me, you people out there in the hills, in the valleys,
across the mountain ranges, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, that is a
slap in the face to you. Our constituents voted for change in the last
election. They asked their elected representatives--us--to chart a new
course in Iraq. This administration continues to disregard the will of
the American people, it continues to disregard the people of the
Nation, the authority of the Constitution. The administration believes
it can continue to ignore the message that is coming--yes--from the
American people, loudly and clearly: Bring our sons and daughters home.

That is why the bipartisan resolutions we will be debating are so
important. That is why they are so important. We have a duty as the
elected representatives of the people of the United States to be their
voices and to speak the truth. And the truth is that sending more
American troops into Iraq would be a continuation of the mistakes that
brought us there in the first place. The truth is that many of us in
both parties deeply, deeply disagree with the President's decision to
increase our commitment in Iraq rather than to decrease it. The truth
is that the American people are fed up with having our--our--soldiers
caught in the crossfire of a civil war.
It is important to send that message from the people to the President
of the United States. But it is not enough. The American people are
asking us to send a message, but they are also asking us for answers.
What is our strategy? What is our strategy in Iraq? I am not a Johnny-
come-lately on this question. I was against sending American troops
into Iraq in the first place. I said so, and I voted so.
So what is our strategy in Iraq? Why are we there? When can our sons
and daughters and grandchildren come home? When can our sons and
daughters come home? This President has had almost 4 years to
articulate answers to those questions. Unfortunately, he has failed at
every opportunity. And so it falls to us--us, you Senators and me, and
Members of the other body--to find a way forward out of the mess he has
created. That is why I will be introducing, within the coming days, a
resolution that is a new approach to the war, a resolution that is

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fully supportive of our troops, while laying out clear--clear; as clear
as the noonday Sun in a cloudless sky--benchmarks for concluding U.S.
military engagement in Iraq.
This administration has claimed that debating the President's plan
will undermine the troops. Can you believe that? Debating--debating--
debating the President's plan will undermine the troops? Hogwash--h-o-
g-w-a-s-h--hogwash. Only 38 percent of the Active-Duty U.S. military
forces support sending more troops into Iraq. To imply that the
American people and the American troops are somehow incapable of
hearing and participating in debate about this war is utterly
ridiculous--ridiculous--hogwash.
War--hear me now--war and the escalation of war is not something to
be decided in some backroom corridor far from the madding crowd, far
from the light of day. We have a duty--yes, a duty--and a
responsibility to deliberate, to discuss, and to offer advice. That is
the way democracy works, and that is the system established by our
Founding Fathers. You better believe it.
Some have claimed that by putting forward these resolutions, we are
only offering criticism--well, what is wrong with that in the
beginning--and, they say, not alternatives. But criticism is only the
first step. That is all right. Criticism is only the first step. It is
critical to send a consensus message to this President that he is
moving us in the wrong direction. The next step is to show the
President the right direction. That is why my resolution is so
important and why we should be allowed to debate it and to vote on it
quickly. We must show the President the way forward. We must send a
light in a binding resolution that cannot be ignored.
The American people want a fundamental change in the administration's
policies toward Iraq. The American people elected Congress--you, you,
you, and me--to make those changes. We must demonstrate that the
Congress can take and is prepared to take action to compel the
President to create a strategy that is not simply more of the same.
The resolution I will be introducing will do exactly that. You may
not agree with it. The resolution will do exactly that. This resolution
reflects the will of the American people that the war in Iraq must be
brought to a close in a responsible way. It will establish provisions
to bring to a close the U.S. military engagement in Iraq based not upon
dates but based upon conditions.
It will restore to Congress--Congress; that is us, the people's
elected representatives in the House of Representatives and the U.S.
Senate--it will restore to Congress its constitutional war-making power
by adding conditions that would terminate the original 2002 use of
force resolution. I was against that resolution. I spoke against it. I
voted against it. I was against it. I am against it. I was right. I am
right. And there are others who voted with me--yes, the people's voice.
Let me say that again. It will restore to Congress--the House and
Senate of the United States--it will restore to Congress its
constitutional war-making power. Do you believe me? I have it right
here. I hold in my hand a copy of the U.S. Constitution. It
will restore to Congress its constitutional war-making power by adding
conditions that would terminate the original 2002 use of force
resolution. Hallelujah. Amen. I was against that to start with. Not
everybody agreed with me, which was their right. But this would
restore--where it was and ought to have been in the first place--to
Congress its constitutional war-making power by adding conditions that
would terminate the original 2002 use of force resolution. I was
against it. But that resolution was enacted, and it is still the law of
the land. It is still the law of the land and will be the law of the
land unless and until the Congress acts to terminate it.

The conditions can be summarized as follows: We have achieved our
objective. We are no longer needed--or we are no longer wanted in Iraq.
These are not irresponsible conditions that would prolong our
involvement in Iraq, nor do they require a chaotic or dangerous
withdrawal of our troops. These are reasonable conditions that, through
the exercise of the article I, section 8 powers granted to the
Congress, set limits on the Iraq war resolution, which currently has no
sunset provision. Hear me. It has no sunset provision. It goes on and
on and on--like Tennyson's brook--forever, on and on and on. Do we want
that? That war resolution will continue to be in effect in perpetuity.
Do you know what that means? Till Kingdom comes; in perpetuity, from
now on, as far as the human eye can see and beyond that. That war
resolution will continue to be in effect in perpetuity if the Congress
does not act. And if Congress does not act, that is an abdication of
the responsibility of the Congress--that is an abdication of the
responsibility of the Congress--to be a steward, a good steward, of its
constitutional power to declare war.
Additionally, as the bipartisan Iraq Study Group concluded, a clear
message must be sent to the Iraqi Government that the U.S. commitment
to the war in Iraq is not open-ended. The Byrd resolution will point
the way toward concluding that commitment.
No Senator must set aside his or her views of the war in order to
support the Byrd resolution. Those who support a rapid redeployment of
our troops must realize that the Congress must first reassert the
powers vested in this body by article I of the Constitution. Those who
have supported the war but are now calling for benchmarks for progress
by the Iraqi Government should understand that there can be no clearer
call for benchmarks for progress than by writing into the law of the
land the conditions under which our presence in Iraq will end.
My approach is one that I believe should have wide bipartisan
support. At the appropriate time, I will make the necessary motions to
place my resolution, the Byrd resolution, directly onto the calendar,
and I urge that the Senate schedule a debate on this proposal soon
after this body completes action on the nonbinding resolutions.
Although the President believes he can act without the support of the
people, the Congress must not submit to such hubris. The work of the
Congress must be the work of the people, and there is no more important
issue--hear me, there is no more important issue--before our country
today than finding a way out of the quagmire in Iraq.
Madam President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. McCaskill). The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. KENNEDY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. KENNEDY. Madam President, I support the bipartisan compromise
legislation on Iraq. I urge my colleagues to support it as well. It is
a stunning repudiation of the President's misguided strategy in Iraq,
and it will put the Senate squarely on record in opposition to the
surge. It is a clarion call for change and a vote of no confidence in
the President's failed policy.
It was wrong for the President to take the country to war when we
did, the way we did, and for the false reasons we were given. It is
wrong to compound that mistake now by sending tens of thousands of
additional American troops into the middle of a civil war now taking
place.
The American people oppose this escalation. Many generals oppose it.
A bipartisan majority of Congress opposes it as well. I especially
commend our colleague, Senator Warner, for his extraordinary service to
the Nation and making this compromise possible.
Could our message to the White House be any louder or clearer? I
intend, however, to press for binding action that will prevent the
surge, unless the President changes course. If he doesn't, I will seek
a vote at the first appropriate opportunity. It is wrong for the
President to escalate this war and send more American soldiers into the
cauldron of civil war.
We are very hopeful that through the course of the afternoon we are
going to be finally able to get a vote on the increase in the minimum
wage from $5.15 to $7.25 an hour. This is the 9th day we have been on
this particular legislation. We have had over $240 billion worth of
increased tax preferences that have been suggested and recommended--
always on the increase on the minimum wage.

[[Page S1485]]

This is not a very complex issue. We have not raised the minimum wage
in over 10 years. The purchasing power of the minimum wage has gone
down and down, and even with the increase now to $7.25 an hour, it will
only be restored to the purchasing power it had 10 years ago.
This is an issue of fairness. It is about people who work and work
hard. It is about men and women of dignity who want to do a good job
and also want to provide for their children. So I am very hopeful we
will have a chance this afternoon to move ahead and vote. We, on this
side, have been prepared to vote on that increase from the first day.
The House of Representatives only took 4 hours. The Democrats were
joined by 80 Republicans to increase the minimum wage.
But over here, we have had 9 days of debate on the minimum wage, with
a host of different amendments and still, outside of cloture, we would
have 96 amendments that would have been offered by our friends on that
side.
I saw yesterday that the President of the United States went to Wall
Street and made a speech about how good everything was in terms of the
American economy. I noticed that. I read through the speech. He was
very robustly cheered by Wall Street during his recitation of some of
the facts of what has been happening in the American economy. But
although the economy has worked very well for Wall Street--I don't know
of anybody who is doubting that--it is a different situation on Main
Street. We have seen and heard, during the course of this debate, from
many of our colleagues who related many of the stories they witnessed
firsthand as they campaigned in their States and as they supported the
initiatives that took place in some six States across the country.
Rather than jobs that were going to lift you out of poverty, they are
ending up being jobs that keep you in poverty. A minimum wage job was
never meant to keep you in poverty. That is what it is doing today.
To review what our situation is, looking at the growth of poverty in
the United States, these are some of the figures that were not included
in the President's speech yesterday. Between 2000 and 2005, 5.4 million
more Americans are in poverty in this Bush economy. This is in the last
5 years, from 2000 to 2005. What is more distressing is the number of
children who are now living in poverty. This is the other side of the
economic coin. This is not Wall Street; this is what is happening in
communities all across our country. These are census figures, as of
August 2006. We have 1.3 million more children who are living in
poverty. We have not seen a reduction in the number of children in
poverty; we have seen an increase in the number of children in poverty.
This has followed quite a series of economic policies that have brought
us to where we are at the present time. We saw that between 1947 and
1973--to put this administration's economic policies in some
perspective because I think it is useful to try to find out exactly
what it is and to understand it better. Rather than taking one speech
at a time, why don't we look at what has been happening to the economy
over the period of recent years.
This chart reflects statistics from 1947 to 1973, over a 25-year
period, and these indicators are the five different quintiles of income
for the American economy, with the lowest at 20 percent. What we are
seeing is that all of the different economic groups rose and moved
together. Actually, the ones that rose the most were those at the
lowest part of the economic ladder. But what this chart is saying is
that the economy of the United States of America was working for
everyone during this 25-year period. Everyone. Everyone across the
board was benefiting from the expanding economy.
If we look at 1973 to 2000, we begin to see the growth of these great
disparities. This is from the Economic Policy Institute, and these are
figures from 1973 to 2000. It was interesting that in the President's
speech he talked about where we were 25 years ago. Of course, 25 years
ago is when President Reagan was President, and this is what we find,
which is right in the middle of that period and when this major
disparity started to grow. This would be, obviously, starting in 1980,
and this is 1973 to 2000.
The previous chart showed them all about even, with the lowest
growing the fastest. Now we are seeing the flow line and the top moving
along the fastest. And if we break this out even further, between 1973
and 2000, we find this growth disparity starting under the Republicans.
It is 1980. The President made the reference to 25 years ago, and that
is when the growth of this disparity started, and that is due to
economic policies. Economic policies. You just can't get away from it.
If we look from 2000 to 2004, this chart reflects what has happened.
Take the line that goes right across, and we find out that low-income
Americans are actually losing income and falling the fastest. This is a
Census Bureau historical income table. These are the governmental
figures. So this isn't a speech, these are governmental figures. It
shows this extraordinary growth in these disparities, and the people
who have suffered the most have been children and also those at the
lower end of the economic ladder, who are the minimum wage workers. And
that is what we are trying to change on the floor of the Senate, to
give them a break and give them a raise to $7.25.
We can see what has happened as a result of these economic policies
of the recent past. These are the UNICEF child poverty figures, and we
see across the industrial world that the United States has the highest
child poverty rate, the highest child poverty rate of any industrial
country in the world. So we have this idea on Wall Street that we can
say everything is hunky-dory and yet be a nation where we have the
highest child poverty rate in the world. And Lord only knows that this
weekend probably every person in this Chamber will be making a speech
about how children are our future and we have to invest in them, all of
which is absolutely true, but we have been failing in our
responsibility to look after what has been happening to the children in
our country.
One might say: Well, this is all very interesting, but what has the
minimum wage got to do with any of this, Senator? It is interesting,
but the increase in the minimum wage doesn't solve these issues. And I
agree with the President that we have to do more in terms of education.
We have to do more in terms of training and in health and in nutrition
for these children. There is a great deal more we have to do for
children. It all starts, obviously, in the home, but schools are next,
and then communities. We all have to do a great deal more, but these
are rather startling indictments.
Look at where the poverty rate is in the United States. In States
that have a high minimum wage, they have lower poverty rates. This is
directly related to the subject matter here.
We have talked generally about economic trends. We have talked about
the growth in poverty and the growth in child poverty. So one might
ask: What can we do about it? Well, one major step forward we can take
is doing something about the minimum wage. Let's prove it.
Look at this chart. These are States with higher minimum wages. They
are the States that have voted for an increase in the minimum wage over
the Federal minimum wage. Again, these are the Census Bureau's figures.
The national poverty rate we see is the red line, and the States that
have a higher minimum wage than the national average have less child
poverty. Less child poverty.
This chart reflects poverty rates generally, with the next chart
reflecting lower child poverty rates. Here is the increase in the
minimum wage, and it shows where child poverty is. The other chart
showed families living in poverty. This is what happens in States with
a higher minimum wage. Again, these are all Census Bureau figures.
So we can do something about child poverty by increasing the minimum
wage. And there are many other things we can do, such as increase the
earned-income tax credit, support the CHIP, Medicaid expansion, and
other types of outreach programs. But one thing we know we can do, and
what we have before the Senate this afternoon, is the issue of whether
we are going to make progress in reducing child poverty. That is the
issue. That is one of the significant outcomes of the vote this
afternoon.
We are seeing at the present time, according to the USDA, that we
have 12.4

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million children who are hungry under the Bush economy. This particular
line is left out of the speeches on Wall Street. We have 12.4 million
children who are going hungry every single day according to the U.S.
Department of Agriculture. But here we see what happens with these 6.4
million children who will benefit from this increase in the minimum
wage.
This is the spinoff from the increase in the minimum wage. We are
going to get better attendance in our schools, better concentration,
and better performance. We have seen that time and time again. We are
going to get higher test scores and higher graduation rates; children
with stronger immune systems, better health, fewer expensive hospital
visits, and fewer run-ins with the juvenile justice system.
We should go back and look at the Perry preschool programs. The
studies reflect that when we make these investments in children that we
will see every one of these kinds of indicators come out in a positive
way. And increasing the minimum wage, as I mentioned, will have an
impact on 6.4 million children.
I will make just one final point, Madam President. We have 50,000
spouses of our military who are working today, 50,000 of them and their
husbands, primarily husbands but also wives, who are serving in the
Armed Forces of the United States of America, and many of them are in
Iraq or Afghanistan or served in Iraq and Afghanistan, and they are
earning $5.15 or slightly more an hour today. So when we ask what can
we do to indicate to our men and women in uniform that we have some
respect for their families, well, we have important responsibilities to
their families. We can't expect we are going to have top-notch fighting
personnel if they are worried about the economic condition of their
families. Any military leader will tell you that.

So we have a responsibility to them because they are part of our
national security, but we have a responsibility to them also if we are
interested in having the most efficient kind of fighting force. Yet we
have 50,000 members whose families are out there earning $5.15 or
slightly more an hour. That can change. That will change. We can
increase the benefits that reach these families.
Hopefully, we have had a good opportunity to talk about these issues.
At earlier times in the debate we had questions about, well, what is
going to be the impact on small business. We showed the charts where
they had increased the minimum wage in some States and, actually, the
numbers of small businesses and the expansion of small business and the
profitability of small business had all been enhanced.
We had the question: Well, if we increase the minimum wage, will
there be an increasing loss of employment? We demonstrated here the
best answer to that is what has happened in the past. At other times,
historically, when we saw this kind of increase in the minimum wage, we
actually saw the unemployment figures continue to strip downward and
the employment figures continued to drift upward. Those are the
statistics. We put them out here and we haven't been challenged on any
of these figures.
We also hear, although not a great deal during the course of this
particular debate but in other debates, that this action will be
inflationary. So we put the chart up that showed if we provide an
increase in the minimum wage, in terms of the payroll, that the
increase is just one-fifth of 1 percent of total payroll in this
country. So the idea that it is going to add to inflation is basically
misleading. Of course, it doesn't compare to the kinds of increases we
have seen in a lot of these corporate salaries. I wish we had heard
complaints about some of that as we were talking about the pressures of
increased payout.
The arguments in favor of the increase are compelling, they are
overwhelming, and, hopefully, we are going to have an opportunity this
afternoon to finally get, after 10 years, an increase in the minimum
wage. We have been standing virtually in the same place for 10 years
trying to get an increase. We had 16 days of debate on the increase in
the minimum wage outside of the last 9 days. So that is 25 days of
discussion on the floor of the Senate as to whether we are going to
increase the minimum wage from $5.15 to $7.25 an hour over, basically,
a 2-year period. It has taken us all that time to get the Senate of the
United States to hopefully vote positively on that proposal, but I am
very hopeful that will be the case later in the afternoon.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. ALLARD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. ALLARD. Madam President, I further ask unanimous consent that I
be allowed to speak as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
(The remarks of Mr. Allard and Mr. Salazar pertaining to the
introduction of S. 472 are located in today's Record under ``Statements
on Introduced Bills and Joint Resolutions.'')
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia is recognized.

Congratulating Miss America Contestants

Mr. ISAKSON. Madam President, later today the Senate will approve a
resolution commending Ms. Lauren Nelson, Miss Oklahoma, as having been
named Miss America in the contest on Monday night. I certainly join all
Members of the Senate in congratulating her.
I also wish to acknowledge my pride in Amanda Kozak, who finished as
second runner-up as Miss Georgia. She is an equally beautiful and
talented young lady.
I think it is appropriate that we memorialize on the floor of the
Senate for the record the fact that one of our own was also in that
contest on Monday night. I am very proud of Miss Kate Michael, Miss
District of Columbia, who has worked in my office for the past 3 years.
She is a talented, insightful young woman, dedicated to the betterment
of mankind and committed to her country. She is a gifted professional
dancer who has danced off-Broadway. She is a beautiful person on the
outside, and she is equally beautiful on the inside. She is very
bright. She graduated magna cum laude from the University of Georgia,
and now, while pursuing the Miss America contest, working every day in
the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee with me, at night
she goes to Johns Hopkins to pursue a master's degree in government.
Truly, sometimes the media takes those sensational things that happen
to young people that are always disappointing and elevates them to
front-page news. Yet fine young women such as the ones we recognize in
this resolution rarely ever get a comment once the crown is placed on
their head. But I am very proud today to say how proud I am of Miss
Kate Michael, Miss District of Columbia, my employee and an employee of
this Senate, who performed masterfully and competed masterfully in the
Miss America contest and is the winner of a crown with me every day of
the year.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio is recognized.
Mr. BROWN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in
morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

____________________