[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 134 (Thursday, December 7, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11451-S11452]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAQ
Mr. SMITH. Mr. President, I know it is probably appropriate to speak
of our colleagues, and I will do that on the record. I rise tonight,
however, to speak about a subject heavy on my mind. It is the subject
of the war in Iraq.
I have never worn the uniform of my country. I am not a soldier or a
veteran. I regret that fact. It is one of the regrets of my life. But I
am a student of history, particularly military history, and it is that
perspective which I brought to the Senate 10 years ago as a newly
elected Member of this Chamber.
When we came to the vote on Iraq, it was an issue of great moment for
me. No issue is more difficult to vote on than war and peace, because
it involves the lives of our soldiers, our young men and women. It
involves the expenditure of our treasure, putting on the line the
prestige of our country. It is not a vote taken lightly. I have tried
to be a good soldier in this Chamber. I have tried to support our
President, believing at the time of the vote on the war in Iraq that we
had been given good intelligence and knowing that Saddam Hussein was a
menace to the world, a brutal dictator, a tyrant by any standard, and
one who threatened our country in many different ways, through the
financing and fomenting of terrorism. For those reasons and believing
that we would find weapons of mass destruction, I voted aye.
I have been rather silent on this question ever since. I have been
rather quiet because, when I was visiting Oregon troops in Kirkuk in
the Kurdish area, the soldiers said to me: Senator, don't tell me you
support the troops and not our mission. That gave me pause. But since
that time, there have been 2,899 American casualties. There have been
over 22,000 American men and women wounded. There has been an
expenditure of $290 billion a figure that approaches the expenditure we
have every year on an issue as important as Medicare. We have paid a
price in blood and treasure that is beyond calculation by my
estimation.
Now, as I witness the slow undoing of our efforts there, I rise to
speak from my heart. I was greatly disturbed recently to read a comment
by a man I admire in history, one Winston Churchill, who after the
British mandate extended to the peoples of Iraq for 5 years, wrote to
David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of England:
At present we are paying 8 millions a year for the
privilege of living on an ungrateful volcano.
When I read that, I thought, not much has changed. We have to learn
the lessons of history and sometimes they are painful because we have
made mistakes.
Even though I have not worn the uniform of my country, I, with other
colleagues here, love this Nation. I came into politics because I
believed in some things. I am unusually proud of the fact of our recent
history, the history of our Nation since my own birth. At the end of
the Second World War, there were 15 nations on earth that could be
counted as democracies that you and I would recognize. Today there are
150 nations on earth that are democratic and free. That would not have
happened had the United States been insular and returned to our
isolationist roots, had we laid down the mantle of world leadership,
had we not seen the importance of propounding and encouraging the
spread of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and the values of
our Bill of Rights. It is a better world because of the United States
of America, and the price we have paid is one of blood and treasure.
Now we come to a great crossroads. A commission has just done some, I
suppose, good work. I am still evaluating it. I welcome any ideas now
because where we are leaves me feeling much like Churchill, that we are
paying the price to sit on a mountain that is little more than a
volcano of ingratitude.
Yet as I feel that, I remember the pride I felt when the statue of
Saddam Hussein came down. I remember the thrill I felt when three times
Iraqis risked their own lives to vote democratically in a way that was
internationally verifiable as well as legitimate and important. Now all
of those memories seem much like ashes to me.
The Iraq Study Group has given us some ideas. I don't know if they
are good or not. It does seem to me that it is a recipe for retreat. It
is not cut and run, but it is cut and walk. I don't know that that is
any more honorable than cutting and running, because cutting and
walking involves greater expenditure of our treasure, greater loss of
American lives.
Many things have been attributed to George Bush. I have heard him on
this floor blamed for every ill, even the weather. But I do not believe
him to be a liar. I do not believe him to be a traitor, nor do I
believe all the bravado and the statements and the accusations made
against him. I believe him to be a very idealistic man. I believe him
to have a stubborn backbone. He is not guilty of perfidy, but I do
believe he is guilty of believing bad intelligence and giving us the
same.
I can't tell you how devastated I was to learn that in fact we were
not going to find weapons of mass destruction. But remembering the
words of the soldier--don't tell me you support the troops but you
don't support my mission--I felt the duty to continue my support. Yet I
believe the President is guilty of trying to win a short war and not
understanding fully the nature of the ancient hatreds of the Middle
East. Iraq is a European creation. At the Treaty of Versailles, the
victorious powers put together Kurdish, Sunni, and Shia tribes that had
been killing each other for time immemorial. I would like to think
there is an Iraqi identity. I would like to remember the purple fingers
raised high. But we can not want democracy for Iraq more than they want
it for themselves. And what I find now is that our tactics there have
failed.
Again, I am not a soldier, but I do know something about military
history. And what that tells me is when you are engaged in a war of
insurgency, you can't clear and leave. With few exceptions, throughout
Iraq that is what
[[Page S11452]]
we have done. To fight an insurgency often takes a decade or more. It
takes more troops than we have committed. It takes clearing, holding,
and building so that the people there see the value of what we are
doing. They become the source of intelligence, and they weed out the
insurgents. But we have not cleared and held and built. We have cleared
and left, and the insurgents have come back.
I, for one, am at the end of my rope when it comes to supporting a
policy that has our soldiers patrolling the same streets in the same
way, being blown up by the same bombs day after day. That is absurd. It
may even be criminal. I cannot support that anymore. I believe we need
to figure out how to fight the war on terror and to do it right. So
either we clear and hold and build, or let's go home.
There are no good options, as the Iraq Study Group has mentioned in
their report. I am not sure cutting and walking is any better. I have
little confidence that the Syrians and the Iranians are going to be
serious about helping us to build a stable and democratic Iraq. I am at
a crossroads as well. I want my constituents to know what is in my
heart, what has guided my votes.
What will continue to guide the way I vote is simply this: I do not
believe we can retreat from the greater war on terror. Iraq is a
battlefield in that larger war. But I do believe we need a presence
there on the near horizon at least that allows us to provide
intelligence, interdiction, logistics, but mostly a presence to say to
the murderers that come across the border: We are here, and we will
deal with you. But we have no business being a policeman in someone
else's civil war.
I welcome the Iraq Study Group's report, but if we are ultimately
going to retreat, I would rather do it sooner than later. I am looking
for answers, but the current course is unacceptable to this Senator. I
suppose if the President is guilty of one other thing, I find it also
in the words of Winston Churchill. He said:
After the First World War, let us learn our lessons. Never,
never believe that any war will be smooth and easy or that
anyone who embarks on this strange voyage can measure the
tides and the hurricanes. The statesman who yields to war
fever must realize that once the signal is given, he is no
longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable
and uncontrollable events.
That is a lesson we are learning again. I am afraid, rather than
leveling with the American people and saying this was going to be a
decade-long conflict because of the angst and hatred that exists in
that part of the world, that we tried to win it with too few troops in
too fast a time. Lest anyone thinks I believe we have failed
militarily, please understand I believe when President Bush stood in
front of ``mission accomplished'' on an aircraft carrier that, in
purely military terms, the mission was accomplished in the wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq. But winning a battle, winning a war, is different
than winning a peace.
We were not prepared to win the peace by clearing, holding, and
building. You don't do that fast and you don't do it with too few
troops. I believe now that we must either determine to do that, or we
must redeploy in a way that allows us to continue to prosecute the
larger war on terror. It will not be pretty. We will pay a price in
world opinion. But I, for one, am tired of paying the price of 10 or
more of our troops dying a day. So let's cut and run, or cut and walk,
or let us fight the war on terror more intelligently than we have,
because we have fought this war in a very lamentable way.
Those are my feelings. I regret them. I would have never voted for
this conflict had I reason to believe that the intelligence we had was
not accurate. It was not accurate, but that is history. Now we must
find a way to make the best of a terrible situation, at a minimum of
loss of life for our brave fighting men and women. So I will be looking
for every opportunity to clear, build, hold, and win or how to bring
our troops home.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia is recognized.
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