[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 125 (Friday, September 29, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H8044-H8048]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NORTH KOREA NONPROLIFERATION ACT OF 2006
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take from the
Speaker's table the Senate bill (S. 3728) to promote nuclear
nonproliferation in North Korea, and ask for its immediate
consideration in the House.
The Clerk read the title of the Senate bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
Mr. KUCINICH. Reserving the right to object, Mr. Speaker, this bill
will not bring relief to the millions of North Koreans who are
suffering every day. It is estimated that 2 million people have died of
starvation in North Korea. More than 13 million North Koreans suffer
from malnutrition, including 60 percent of all children, the worst rate
among 110 developing nations surveyed by the World Health Organization
and UNICEF. North Korea had an infant mortality rate of 2 percent in
2000. South Korea's infant mortality rate for the same year by contrast
was 0.5 percent. There are chronic shortages of food and fuel already.
Heavy military spending, estimated at between one-quarter and one-third
of gross domestic product, has constrained and skewed economic
development. North Korea has a per capita GDP of $1,000. South Korea's
per capita GDP by contrast is $18,000.
Despite significant inflows of international assistance over the past
decade, harsh economic and political conditions have caused tens of
thousands of persons to flee the country.
The better approach the U.S. should be supporting is the approach
adhered to by the South Koreans. They have taken the approach of
unification as a way to pull North Korea into the modern world. It
worked for East Germany,
[[Page H8045]]
and it can work for North Korea again. The downside of this approach is
that missile defense advocates will have to create another false reason
to spend in excess of $9 billion a year on the failed system. I am
confident they can conjure up some new enemy and protect defense
industry profits.
Now, it is true, Mr. Speaker, that North Korea has declared that it
possesses nuclear weapons, this according to a report by Dr. Hans Blix
that was presented and remarked on in a congressional subcommittee the
other day. He said this report says it has not provided evidence of
this claim. It has violated the NPT and twice declared its withdrawal
from the treaty.
It operates a nuclear fuel cycle consisting of a 5-megawatt research
reactor, which uses natural uranium; a reprocessing facility which
produces plutonium; and various uranium processing and fuel fabrication
facilities. The United States has claimed that the country also has an
enrichment capability.
In 2005 Pakistan's President Musharaff stated that the A.Q. Khan
network had provided centrifuge machines and designs to North Korea,
although the scale of its enrichment capability remains unknown. North
Korea has not signed the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.
Now, under a section called ``What Must be Done'' in the report that
Dr. Blix delivered, the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission makes
many specific and detailed recommendations. The most important of them
are summarized as, number one, to agree on general principles of
action; number two, to reduce the danger of present arsenals, no use by
states, no access by terrorists; number three, to prevent
proliferation, no new weapons systems, no new possessors; number four,
work towards outlawing all weapons of mass destruction once and for
all, including preventing an arms race in space by prohibiting any
stationing or use of weapons in outer space. I would recommend this to
the reading by Members of this Congress who are concerned about nuclear
proliferation.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, I think that it is time that this Congress
calls for the abolition of all nuclear weapons. That, in effect, is
what the Nonproliferation Treaty is all about. It is true that the use
of nuclear weapons threatens the future of mass public, cities,
nations, civilization itself, and, indeed, all of life on Earth.
Nuclear weapons in the arsenal of any country undermine the security of
all countries, including the United States. Under the Treaty of
Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the NPT, all nuclear weapon states
are committed to good-faith negotiations to achieve nuclear
disarmament.
On June 6, 2006, the Chair and Vice Chair of the National Commission
on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, commonly known as the 9/11
Commission, cited as their number one concern for the security of the
United States the availability of nuclear weapons materials for attack
upon the American people. The 2006 report of the Weapons of Mass
Destruction Commission concludes: ``So long as any state has nuclear
weapons, others will want to use them. So long as any weapons remain,
there is a risk that they will one day be used by design or accident.
Any such use will be catastrophic. The model nuclear weapons convention
circulated by the United Nations demonstrates the feasibility of
achieving the global elimination of nuclear weapons.''
So, Mr. Speaker, I am once again asking this House to call for the
abolition of all nuclear weapons and to ask that the House call upon
the President to initiate multilateral negotiations for the abolition
of nuclear weapons. We can start by opening up direct negotiations with
North Korea for the purpose of getting their participation, and I think
that is a much better approach than the legislation that we are about
to send over to the President.
And for that purpose, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
Mr. WU. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I would like to
inquire of the chairman what his reasoning is in moving this bill when
he was so supportive of selling fissile materials to India, which, like
North Korea, is not a signatory to the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban
Treaty and, unlike North Korea, has a demonstrated nuclear capability.
Now, I was only a kid then, but I remember when we sold F-15s to Iran
so that Iran could offset Soviet power in South Asia. And because we
sold F-15s and other things to Iran, we wound up selling chemical
weapon precursor materials to Iraq to offset Iran in the Middle East.
Now we are told that we should sell fissile materials to India, which
would free up Indian nuclear reactors to produce many more nuclear
weapons for the Indian nuclear weapons program as an offset to Chinese
power in Asia.
Mr. Chairman, if we do this with India, what it would do is encourage
the Chinese to increase their nuclear arsenal, and I submit to you that
we are one of the potential targets of that enhanced Chinese nuclear
arsenal.
{time} 0045
Even more worrisome is that this Indian nuclear build-up would
accelerate further the Pakistani nuclear build-up, which my friend from
Ohio referred to a moment ago.
And while I have strong confidence in the stability of the Indian
government, and in the stability of Indian democracy, I have much less
faith in the stability of the Pakistani government, and of Pakistani
democracy, and of the Pakistani government's ability to keep under
control those nuclear weapons which it already has, and more of which
it would be encouraged to build because of the sale of fissile material
to India.
And in a military coup, if there is a military coup in Pakistan,
which there has been multiple times in the last 20 years, we should be
very, very concerned about the stability of not only south Asia, but of
the world.
I think the chairman, as one of the subcommittee chairs of the
International Relations Committee would surely agree with me that
rather than sanctioning nonsignatory States, approving of nonsignatory
States to those nonproliferation treaties, the better course of action
is to respect these international agreements and to immediately bring
to the Senate a total ban on nuclear testing, and comprehensive
treaties concerning nuclear proliferation.
I would be happy to yield to the chairman for his response.
Mr. ROYCE. Yes. Let me explain to the gentleman that, first, our
efforts with respect to India is to bring India into the
nonproliferation regime.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. Is not ultimately the big picture effect
of permitting India to go forward with this basically blowing out of
the water the entire treaty system with which we have tried to restrain
nuclear nonproliferation in this world? I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Aliberti supports, and the United Nations Security
Council resolution supports actions by member States in response to
North Korea pulling out of the nonproliferation agreement, to go
forward and put these types of prohibitions on the transfer of
technologies to North Korea that would allow it to develop these types
of weapon systems.
North Korea is a proliferator, India is not.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. Is the gentleman citing something from
the United Nations? I yield to the the gentleman.
Mr. ROYCE. I am citing the United Nations Security Council resolution
adopted on July 15, 2006.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. Is this the Congress of the United States
or are we abdicating responsibility to the United Nations?
Mr. ROYCE. I am pointing out that all member States, in response to
the actions by North Korea to develop and to proliferate weapons of
mass destruction such as long-range ballistic missiles and atomic
weapons, have attempted to curtail the transfer of technologies to this
State, since it has adopted a very aggressive posture and thus has
become a direct threat to the United States and to our allies in
northeast Asia.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. It is a very short question, amenable to
a ``yes'' or ``no'' answer. Is this not the United States Congress? Are
we not abdicating responsibility under your comment to the United
Nations rather than taking responsibility ourselves?
[[Page H8046]]
Mr. ROYCE. We are taking responsibility because North Korea is a
direct threat to the United States.
Mr. WU. I mean taking responsibility for Indian nuclear weapons,
which will be produced as a result of our sale of fissile materials to
India.
Mr. ROYCE. Our attempt with respect to India is to bring India into
the MPT regime and lead it to peaceful purposes of nuclear energy and
away from producing weapons outside of an MPT regime.
Mr. WU. I thank the gentleman and yield to the question from Ohio.
Mr. KUCINICH. I want to say that the gentleman from Oregon's point is
well taken. As someone who engaged in the debate over India, I am
familiar with the concerns that he has raised. And there are concerns
about the ability of the United States Congress, which is being asked
to on one hand ascent to the proliferation of one group, and deny the
proliferation of another, for this Congress to be in a position of
trying to help this country have a consistent program of nuclear
nonproliferation, which I know is exactly the point that the gentleman
relates to.
In addition to that, the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission has
said that North Korea ought to be given the same kinds of guarantees
that is in the agreed framework of 1994 that they are not going to be
attacked. This is the same thing that has been recommended that is done
with Iran as well. So we do not need to get into these nuclear crises
and say that people are threats if we engage them in talks that work
towards nonproliferation.
This group made recommendations, Mr. Wu, that I am sure you are
familiar with. They said that a negotiation with North Korea should aim
at a verifiable agreement, including as a principle element, North
Korea's manifestation of its adherence to the MPT and accepting the
1997 additional protocol, as well as the revival and a legal
confirmation of the commitments made in the 1992 joint declaration on
the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
And notably saying that neither North nor South Korea shall have
nuclear weapons nor nuclear reprocessing and uranium enrichment
facilities, and fuel cycle services should be assured through
international agreements. The agreements should also cover biological
and chemical weapons as well as the comprehensive nuclear test ban
treaty, thus making the Korean Peninsula a zone free of weapons of mass
destruction.
So what Mr. Wu is asking about, and which I certainly support, is
some consistency in policy. And it beings with Congress since we are
being called upon, as Mr. Wu stated, to either agree or disagree with
these policies.
I want to thank the gentleman for raising that, because this is the
appropriate time to raise that.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. I thank the gentleman. I want to make
clear that I am certainly not defending the North Korea regime. But, I
am calling into question the actions of this Congress and the strong
advocacy of the chairman in favor of a proposed treaty with India which
would have the result of starting a nuclear arms race or accelerating a
nuclear arms race in south Asia and, just as importantly, which in the
big picture blows out the whole treaty system for restraining the
proliferation of nuclear weapons.
I would be happy to yield to the gentleman.
Mr. ROYCE. With respect to the strategy to bring India into the MPT,
in our considered judgment, and the judgment of the majority of the
Members of this House, it is a wiser policy to bring them into the
tent, to get their cooperation and to focus on using nuclear energy to
produce energy for peaceful purposes in India.
Now, with respect to North Korea, it remains a very real threat with
over a million troops, possibly several nuclear weapons, and most
importantly, the propensity to export these types of weapons. This is
not something we have seen from India in the past.
But North Korea is an exporter of its missiles and of its technology.
And for that very reason, the goal of this legislation is to put a
prohibition on the transfer to North Korea of the types of technologies
that could be used by North Korea in order to further develop its
weapons systems. It is that simple.
It is the same with respect to Iran. It is the same with respect to
Syria. Now, we are putting in place a provision stating that North
Korea shall not have the ability to receive from the United States or
any companies in the United States this type of technology. U.S.
companies will not be able to be licensed to export this kind of
technology. They will be sanctioned if they attempt it.
Mr. WU. I share with the gentleman the concerns about the export of
nuclear weapons from North Korea. The point of my earlier comments is
not about export from India, but because of our actions with respect to
India, that we would be encouraging and accelerating the Pakistani
nuclear program from which there is a real risk of exportation. I yield
to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. KUCINICH. This is a discussion that should have been happening a
long time ago in this Congress. Because no one really talked that
deeply about the implication of our decision granting India the ability
to gain access to fissile materials, in terms of the potential
dialectic of conflict which develops between the proliferator,
Pakistan, and India gaining the fissile materials.
Mr. Wu has raised the point that is really central to the discussion
about how do we protect world peace. How do we stop some kind of a
conflagration from breaking out on the subcontinent if we do not have a
consistent policy?
I mean, we know as was pointed out in the WMDC report here, that in
February of 1999, India and Pakistan signed a memorandum of
understanding on a variety of nuclear confidence building measures.
Both countries, however, this report says: ``Are continuing their
efforts to develop and produce nuclear weapons and their delivery
vehicles.'' So, Mr. Wu is right on in raising this. And this is the
exact time this has to be raised, even though it is almost one in the
morning on Saturday. I yield.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. I would be happy to yield to the
chairman.
Mr. ROYCE. Yes. In response, I do not think the opposition is to this
bill. But I understand the concept, and the argument relating to the
nonproliferation regime as you have laid it out.
But I think we have an honest disagreement about the approach to
India and whether or not that will strengthen the regime. And that is
what is playing itself out in debate here.
From my standpoint, the proliferation issues have been between
Pakistan and North Korea, whereas India has shown itself resistant to
proliferation, and has shown a willingness to look at a way to be
brought into the fold of the MPT. So I saw that earlier initiative to
bring India within the framework agreement and with the MPT as a
positive step forward.
And with respect to this legislation, basically what it does is to
apply exactly the same system of forced compliance on companies that
now exist with respect to Iran and Syria.
That is to say, that in terms of getting a licensing agreement or
having the ability to ship technologies into North Korea that could be
used for the purpose of eventually developing those weapon systems,
that will be prohibited. That is the intent of the legislation. And I
thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. WU. Reclaiming my time. Unlike the gentleman from Ohio, the
dialectic of proliferation is way beyond me.
{time} 0100
I do recognize a bad idea when I see one, and encouraging India by
selling it nuclear fissile materials, which would ultimately result in
the increase of Chinese nuclear weapons and Pakistani nuclear weapons,
is surely that bad idea.
There are times when we are all in the minority at one time or
another. There was 68 of us who voted against approving the treaty to
sell nuclear fissile materials to India. On that vote, I would have
been happy to have been a minority of one because I do believe that it
would add fuel to the fire of nuclear proliferation in south Asia in
that it basically does blow out of the water any hope we have of treaty
constraints on the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
I want to make it clear in this Record and for history that the
actions of this administration in nuclear proliferation or trying to
contain nuclear proliferation have been patently
[[Page H8047]]
irresponsible. This administration has underfunded the Nunn-Lugar
legislation which seeks to purchase fissile materials, which would be
otherwise available to terrorists on the open market.
This administration has proposed a treaty with India that would sell
India nuclear fissile materials that would result in a nuclear arms
race between India and China and India and Pakistan, and Pakistan is
not a stable country. There is great danger of the leakage of nuclear
weapons from Pakistan. You heard earlier from another speaker about
Pakistani aid to nuclear proliferation elsewhere in the world.
Let the record show that if or when a mushroom cloud ever erupts over
an American city, it will be traced back to this unwise vote in the
United States Congress and to a bone-headed policy of this
administration with respect to treaty rights, to Nunn-Lugar and this
sale of nuclear materials to India.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, if I could make just one last comment in
support of what the gentleman is saying, I am sure many are familiar
that in the Hindu religion Brahma, the Creator; and Vishnu, the
Preserver; and Shiva, the Destroyer exist simultaneously and represent
the multiplicity of God.
We here are called upon to determine which of the principles,
Creator, Preserver or Destroyer, shall work through each of us. As the
gentleman from Oregon says, if we continue to pursue nuclear
proliferation as embodied in the nuclear agreement with India, we will
be open to the principles of destruction. At this moment when world
tensions are rising and violence is cycling higher, we need to take the
direction of preserving the peace and creating a new opening through
the abolition of all nuclear weapons.
Again, I want to thank my friend from Oregon for raising this point
at this propitious moment.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair would like to inquire as to
whether or not the gentleman from Oregon is planning on withdrawing his
reservation or not.
Mr. WU. Mr. Speaker, I simply wanted to yield to the chairman for any
further comments he might have.
Mr. ROYCE. I am going to yield back, and I appreciate the gentleman
yielding.
Mr. WU. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the chairman's forbearance and the
Speaker's forbearance.
Ms. BORDALLO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of S. 3728,
the North Korea Non-Proliferation Act of 2006. This legislation would
amend the Iran and Syria Nonproliferation Act to extend the provisions
of the Act to North Korea. Enactment of this legislation would impose
sanctions on persons who transfer such weapons and related goods and
technology to and from North Korea. This legislation would authorize
sanctions that are equivalent to those required under current law for
persons who are found to transfer such items to and from Iran and
Syria. S. 3728 also calls on the international community to act in
accordance with the provisions of United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1695 (UNSCR 1695), which prevents member states from
conducting missile and related transfers to or from North Korea in
reaction to the tests. This bill is timely and important. It deserves
steadfast support from this body.
North Korea's nuclear ambitions are destabilizing. Its recent missile
tests on July 5, 2006, were conducted against the urging of the
international community. Ultimately, this recent missile test was a
failure. But that act, taken together with its previous tests and North
Korea's intransigent behavior during international talks on this
matter, is indicative of the recalcitrant nature of the North Korean
regime. North Korea is in fact continuing to pursue its nuclear and
ballistic missiles programs in spite of diplomatic efforts by the
international community and in contradiction with North Korea's
previous commitments. North Korea's pursuit of nuclear weapons and
ballistic missiles technology and capabilities is an emerging danger to
the national security of the United States.
North Korea's recent missile test also disappointed the international
community. On July 16, 2006, the United Nations Security Council
adopted UNSCR 1695 in order to prevent United Nations member states
from conducting missile and related technology transfers to North Korea
in reaction to the tests. UNSCR 1695 also requires North Korea to
suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile program and
return to the negotiating table. Enactment of S. 3728 would strengthen
U.S. laws, authorizing the U.S. government to investigate, sanction,
and prevent proliferation efforts made by or on behalf of the North
Korean regime by government or private entities.
But sanctions alone will not ultimately solve this problem. Robust
and constant diplomatic pressure on the North Korean regime must
continue to be applied by the United States in coordination with the
United Nations and other countries. North Korea and its pursuit of
nuclear weapons and delivery vehicles is not only the United States'
problem. I am encouraged by the fact that China, Japan, South Korea,
and Russia remain desirous of a peaceful resolution to this problem.
The Six Party Talks involving these countries and North Korea should
continue.
More progress should be made toward constraining North Korea's
ability to develop nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technology and
capabilities while we continue diplomatic efforts to encourage that
government to abandon its nuclear ambitions. S. 3728, the North Korea
Non-Proliferation Act of 2006, will help to achieve those goals.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. 3728, the
North Korea Non-Proliferation Act of 2006.
Mr. Speaker, Americans around the nation celebrated the Fourth of
July this year by watching fireworks, hosting backyard barbecues, and
spending time with their families. The North Koreans chose to observe
America's birthday in a far more threatening fashion: they test
launched a series of missiles, one of which was potentially capable of
hitting American soil with a nuclear payload.
Pyongyang's destabilizing actions not only angered Washington, but
set off alarm bells in Seoul, Tokyo, Beijing and Moscow, our partners
in the Six Party Talks. The UN Security Council quickly adopted a
resolution requiring all Member States to prevent overseas sales of
North Korea missiles, and to stop transfers of any financial resources
to North Korea related to its missile or WMD programs.
The legislation before the House today implements this groundbreaking
Security Council Resolution. By adding North Korea to the Iran and
Syria Nonproliferation Act, the United States will take concrete
actions against foreign firms that engage in missile- and WMD-related
trade with North Korea.
The Executive Branch will now be forced to review every six months
all credible intelligence regarding commercial transfers to North Korea
of items applicable for the development of weapons of mass destruction
and ballistic missiles.
On the basis of these reviews, the President must sanction foreign
firms that engaged in such trade, or explain to Congress why he has not
done so.
This is Congressional direction at its best. We must remember that
the Iran and Syria Nonproliferation Act, which this amends, forced the
Executive Branch to take actions against firms engaging in illicit
trade with both Iran and Syria, actions that the President would
otherwise not have taken. Dozens of firms have been sanctioned for such
Iran- and Syria-related trade in the years since, focusing global
attention on their activities and on their governments.
The regime of Kim Jong-Il poses as much of a threat to international
security as Iran and Syria. Common sense requires us to undertake the
same review and sanctions for Pyongyang's activities and their
commercial co-conspirators as we do for Iran and Syria.
Mr. Speaker, the North Korean leadership was hoping to gain the
world's attention with its July missile launches. Pyongyang succeeded.
But rather than forcing the world to bring a new tray of goodies to
North Korea, the tests unified the world in opposition to North Korea's
destabilizing actions, and brought about a new round of UN-approved
sanctions.
Mr. Speaker, with the right package of carrots and sticks, I remain
optimistic that the U.S. and its Six Party allies can negotiate a
comprehensive and verifiable deal with North Korea. I hope that by July
4th next year, we will have such an agreement in hand. Until then, we
must bring our laws in line with the recent UN Security Council
resolution, and act decisively to undermine North Korea's missile and
WMD programs.
Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this legislation, and am gratified
that it has passed this House.
Mr. WU. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
The Clerk read the Senate bill, as follows:
S. 3728
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``North Korea Nonproliferation
Act of 2006''.
[[Page H8048]]
SEC. 2. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
(a) In view of --
(1) North Korea's manifest determination to produce
missiles, nuclear weapons, and other weapons of mass
destruction and to proliferate missiles, in violation of
international norms and expectations; and
(2) United Nations Security Council Resolution 1695,
adopted on July 15, 2006, which requires all Member States,
in accordance with their national legal authorities and
consistent with international law, to exercise vigilance and
prevent--
(A) missile and missile-related items, materials, goods,
and technology from being transferred to North Korea's
missile or weapons of mass destruction programs; and
(B) the procurement of missiles or missile-related items,
materials, goods, and technology from North Korea, and the
transfer of any financial resources in relation to North
Korea's missile or weapons of mass destruction programs,
it should be the policy of the United States to impose
sanctions on persons who transfer such weapons, and goods and
technology related to such weapons, to and from North Korea
in the same manner as persons who transfer such items to and
from Iran and Syria currently are sanctioned under United
States law.
SEC. 3. AMENDMENTS TO IRAN AND SYRIA NONPROLIFERATION ACT.
(a) Reporting Requirements.--Section 2 of the Iran and
Syria Nonproliferation Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended--
(1) in the heading, by inserting ``, NORTH KOREA,'' after
``IRAN''; and
(2) in subsection (a)--
(A) in the matter preceding paragraph (1)--
(i) by striking ``Iran, or'' and inserting ``Iran,''; and
(ii) by inserting after ``Syria'' the following: ``, or on
or after January 1, 2006, transferred to or acquired from
North Korea'' after ``Iran''; and
(B) in paragraph (2), by inserting ``, North Korea,'' after
``Iran''.
(b) Conforming Amendments.--Such Act is further amended--
(1) in section 1, by inserting ``, North Korea,'' after
``Iran'';
(2) in section 5(a), by inserting ``, North Korea,'' after
``Iran'' both places it appears; and
(3) in section 6(b)--
(A) in the heading, by inserting ``, North Korea,'' after
``Iran''; and
(B) by inserting ``, North Korea,'' after ``Iran'' each
place it appears.
SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION.
Congress urges all governments to comply promptly with
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1695 and to impose
measures on persons involved in such proliferation that are
similar to those imposed by the United States Government
pursuant to the Iran, North Korea, and Syria Nonproliferation
Act (Public Law 106-178; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note), as amended by
this Act.
The Senate bill was ordered to be read a third time, was read the
third time, and passed, and a motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
____________________