[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 121 (Monday, September 25, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H7313-H7319]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DARFUR PEACE AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT OF 2006
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
concur in the Senate amendment to the bill (H.R. 3127) to impose
sanctions against individuals responsible for genocide, war crimes, and
crimes again humanity, to support measures for the protection of
civilians and humanitarian operations, and to support peace efforts in
the Darfur region of Sudan, and for other purposes.
The Clerk read as follows:
Senate amendment:
Strike out all after the enacting clause and insert:
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Darfur
Peace and Accountability Act of 2006''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents of this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Definitions.
Sec. 3. Findings.
Sec. 4. Sense of Congress.
Sec. 5. Sanctions in support of peace in Darfur.
Sec. 6. Additional authorities to deter and suppress genocide in
Darfur.
Sec. 7. Continuation of restrictions.
Sec. 8. Assistance efforts in Sudan.
Sec. 9. Reporting requirements.
SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) AMIS.--The term ``AMIS'' means the African Union
Mission in Sudan.
(2) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee
on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on
International Relations of the House of Representatives.
(3) Comprehensive peace agreement for sudan.--The term
``Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan'' means the peace
agreement signed by the Government of Sudan and the SPLM/A in
Nairobi, Kenya, on January 9, 2005.
(4) Darfur peace agreement.--The term ``Darfur Peace
Agreement'' means the peace agreement signed by the
Government of Sudan and by Minni Minnawi, leader of the Sudan
Liberation Movement/Army Faction, in Abuja, Nigeria, on May
5, 2006.
(5) Government of sudan.--The term ``Government of
Sudan''--
(A) means--
(i) the government in Khartoum, Sudan, which is led by the
National Congress Party (formerly known as the National
Islamic Front); or
(ii) any successor government formed on or after the date
of the enactment of this Act (including the coalition
National Unity Government agreed upon in the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement for Sudan); and
(B) does not include the regional government of Southern
Sudan.
(6) Officials of the government of sudan.--The term
``official of the Government of Sudan'' does not include any
individual--
(A) who was not a member of such government before July 1,
2005; or
(B) who is a member of the regional government of Southern
Sudan.
(7) SPLM/A.--The term ``SPLM/A'' means the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement/Army.
SEC. 3. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) On July 23, 2004, Congress declared, ``the atrocities
unfolding in Darfur, Sudan, are genocide''.
(2) On September 9, 2004, Secretary of State Colin L.
Powell stated before the Committee on Foreign Relations of
the Senate, ``genocide has occurred and may still be
occurring in Darfur'', and ``the Government of Sudan and the
Janjaweed bear responsibility''.
(3) On September 21, 2004, in an address before the United
Nations General Assembly, President George W. Bush affirmed
the Secretary of State's finding and stated,``[a]t this hour,
the world is witnessing terrible suffering and horrible
crimes in the Darfur region of Sudan, crimes my government
has concluded are genocide''.
(4) On July 30, 2004, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1556 (2004), calling upon
the Government of Sudan to disarm the Janjaweed militias and
to apprehend and bring to justice Janjaweed leaders and their
associates who have incited and carried out violations of
human rights and international humanitarian law, and
establishing a ban on the sale or supply of arms and
[[Page H7314]]
related materiel of all types, including the provision of
related technical training or assistance, to all
nongovernmental entities and individuals, including the
Janjaweed.
(5) On September 18, 2004, the United Nations Security
Council passed Security Council Resolution 1564 (2004),
determining that the Government of Sudan had failed to meet
its obligations under Security Council Resolution 1556
(2004), calling for a military flight ban in and over the
Darfur region, demanding the names of Janjaweed militiamen
disarmed and arrested for verification, establishing an
International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur to investigate
violations of international humanitarian and human rights
laws, and threatening sanctions should the Government of
Sudan fail to fully comply with Security Council Resolutions
1556 (2004) and 1564 (2004), including such actions as to
affect Sudan's petroleum sector or individual members of the
Government of Sudan.
(6) The Report of the International Commission of Inquiry
on Darfur, submitted to the United Nations Secretary-General
on January 25, 2005, established that the ``Government of the
Sudan and the Janjaweed are responsible for serious
violations of international human rights and humanitarian law
amounting to crimes under international law,'' that ``these
acts were conducted on a widespread and systematic basis, and
therefore may amount to crimes against humanity,'' and that
officials of the Government of Sudan and other individuals
may have acted with ``genocidal intent''.
(7) On March 24, 2005, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1590 (2005), establishing
the United Nations Mission in Sudan (referred to in this
section as the ``UNMIS''), consisting of up to 10,000
military personnel and 715 civilian police tasked with
supporting the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement for Sudan and to ``closely and continuously liaise
and coordinate at all levels with the African Union Mission
in Sudan (AMIS)'', which had been established by the African
Union on May 24, 2004, to monitor the implementation of the
N'Djamena Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement, signed on April
8, 2004, ``with a view towards expeditiously reinforcing the
effort to foster peace in Darfur''.
(8) On March 29, 2005, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1591 (2005), extending the
military embargo established by Security Council Resolution
1556 (2004) to all the parties to the N'Djamena Ceasefire
Agreement of April 8, 2004, and any other belligerents in the
states of North Darfur, South Darfur, and West Darfur,
calling for an asset freeze and travel ban against those
individuals who impede the peace process, constitute a threat
to stability in Darfur and the region, commit violations of
international humanitarian or human rights law or other
atrocities, are responsible for offensive military
overflights, or violate the military embargo, and
establishing a Committee of the Security Council and a panel
of experts to assist in monitoring compliance with Security
Council Resolutions 1556 (2004) and 1591 (2005).
(9) On March 31, 2005, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1593 (2005), referring the
situation in Darfur since July 1, 2002, to the prosecutor of
the International Criminal Court and calling on the
Government of Sudan and all parties to the conflict to
cooperate fully with the Court.
(10) On July 30, 2005, Dr. John Garang de Mabior, the newly
appointed Vice President of Sudan and the leader of the SPLM/
A for the past 21 years, was killed in a tragic helicopter
crash in Southern Sudan, sparking riots in Khartoum and
challenging the commitment of all Sudanese to the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan.
(11) On January 12, 2006, the African Union Peace and
Security Council issued a communique endorsing, in principle,
a transition from AMIS to a United Nations peacekeeping
operation and requested the Chairperson of the Council to
initiate consultations with the United Nations and other
stakeholders toward this end.
(12) On February 3, 2006, the United Nations Security
Council issued a Presidential Statement authorizing the
initiation of contingency planning for a transition from AMIS
to a United Nations peacekeeping operation.
(13) On March 10, 2006, the African Union Peace and
Security Council extended the mandate of AMIS, which had
reached a force size of 7,000, to September 30, 2006, while
simultaneously endorsing the transition of AMIS to a United
Nations peacekeeping operation and setting April 30, 2006 as
the deadline for reaching an agreement to resolve the crisis
in Darfur.
(14) On March 24, 2006, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1663 (2006), which--
(A) welcomes the African Peace and Security Council's March
10, 2006 communique; and
(B) requests that the United Nations Secretary-General,
jointly with the African Union and in consultation with the
parties to the Abuja Peace Talks, expedite planning for the
transition of AMIS to a United Nations peacekeeping
operation.
(15) On March 29, 2006, during a speech at Freedom House,
President Bush called for a transition to a United Nations
peacekeeping operation and ``additional forces with a NATO
overlay . . . to provide logistical and command-and-control
and airlift capacity, but also to send a clear signal to
parties involved that the west is determined to help effect a
settlement.''.
(16) On April 25, 2006, the United Nations Security Council
passed Security Council Resolution 1672 (2006), unanimously
imposing targeted financial sanctions and travel restrictions
on 4 individuals who had been identified as those who, among
other acts, ``impede the peace process, constitute a threat
to stability in Darfur and the region, commit violations of
international humanitarian or human rights law or other
atrocities'', including the Commander of the Western Military
Region for the armed forces of Sudan, the Paramount Chief of
the Jalul Tribe in North Darfur, the Commander of the Sudan
Liberation Army, and the Field Commander of the National
Movement for Reform and Development.
(17) On May 5, 2006, under the auspices of African Union
mediation and the direct engagement of the international
community, including the United States, the Government of
Sudan and the largest rebel faction in Darfur, the Sudan
Liberation Movement, led by Minni Minnawi, signed the Darfur
Peace Agreement, which addresses security, power sharing, and
wealth sharing issues between the parties.
(18) In August 2006, the Sudanese government began to amass
military forces and equipment in the Darfur region in
contravention of the Darfur Peace Agreement to which they are
signatories in what appears to be preliminary to full scale
war.
(19) On August 30, 2006, the United Nations Security
Council passed Security Council Resolution 1706 (2006),
without dissent and with abstentions by China, Russian
Federation, and Qatar, thereby asserting that the existing
United Nations Mission in Sudan ``shall take over from AMIS
responsibility for supporting the implementation of the
Darfur Peace Agreement upon the expiration of AMIS' mandate
but in any event no later than 31 December 2006'', and that
UNMIS ``shall be strengthened by up to 17,300 military
personnel . . . 3,300 civilian police personnel and up to 16
Formed Police Units'', which ``shall begin to be deployed [to
Darfur] no later than 1 October 2006''.
(20) Between August 30 and September 3, 2006, President
Bashir and other senior members of his administration have
publicly rejected United Nations Security Council Resolution
1706 (2006), calling it illegal and a western invasion of his
country, despite the current presence of 10,000 United
Nations peacekeepers under the UNMIS peacekeeping force.
(21) Since 1993, the Secretary of State has determined,
pursuant to section 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of
1979 (50 App. U.S.C. 2405(j)), that Sudan is a country, the
government of which has repeatedly provided support for acts
of international terrorism, thereby restricting United States
assistance, defense exports and sales, and financial and
other transactions with the Government of Sudan.
SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the genocide unfolding in the Darfur region of Sudan is
characterized by acts of terrorism and atrocities directed
against civilians, including mass murder, rape, and sexual
violence committed by the Janjaweed and associated militias
with the complicity and support of the National Congress
Party-led faction of the Government of Sudan;
(2) all parties to the conflict in the Darfur region have
continued to violate the N'Djamena Ceasefire Agreement of
April 8, 2004, and the Abuja Protocols of November 9, 2004,
and violence against civilians, humanitarian aid workers, and
personnel of AMIS is increasing;
(3) the African Union should immediately make all necessary
preparations for an orderly transition to a United Nations
peacekeeping operation, which will maintain an appropriate
level of African participation, with a mandate to protect
civilians and humanitarian operations, assist in the
implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement, and deter
violence in the Darfur region;
(4) the international community, including the United
States and the European Union, should immediately act to
mobilize sufficient political, military, and financial
resources through the United Nations and the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, to support the transition of AMIS to a
United Nations peacekeeping operation with the size,
strength, and capacity necessary to protect civilians and
humanitarian operations, to assist with the implementation of
the Darfur Peace Agreement, and to end the continued violence
in the Darfur region;
(5) if an expanded and reinforced AMIS or subsequent United
Nations peacekeeping operation fails to stop genocide in the
Darfur region, the international community should take
additional measures to prevent and suppress acts of genocide
in the Darfur region;
(6) acting under article 5 of the Charter of the United
Nations, the United Nations Security Council should call for
suspension of the Government of Sudan's rights and privileges
of membership by the General Assembly until such time as the
Government of Sudan has honored pledges to cease attacks upon
civilians, demobilize and demilitarize the Janjaweed and
associated militias, and grant free and unfettered access for
deliveries of humanitarian assistance in the Darfur region;
(7) the President should use all necessary and appropriate
diplomatic means to ensure the full discharge of the
responsibilities of the Committee of the United Nations
Security Council and the panel of experts established
pursuant to section 3(a) of Security Council Resolution 1591
(2005);
(8) the President should direct the United States Permanent
Representative to the United Nations to use the voice, vote,
and influence of the United States to urge the adoption of a
resolution by the United Nations Security Council that--
(A) extends the military embargo established by United
Nations Security Resolutions 1556 (2004) and 1591 (2005) to
include a total ban on the sale or supply of offensive
military equipment to the Government of Sudan, except for use
in an internationally recognized demobilization program or
for nonlethal assistance necessary to carry out elements of
the Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan or the Darfur
Peace Agreement; and
[[Page H7315]]
(B) calls upon those member states of the United Nations
that continue to undermine efforts to foster peace in Sudan
by providing military assistance to the Government of Sudan,
government supported militias, or any rebel group operating
in Darfur in violation of the embargo on such assistance and
equipment, as called for in United Nations Security Council
Resolutions 1556 (2004) and 1591 (2005), to immediately cease
and desist.
(9) the United States should not provide assistance to the
Government of Sudan, other than assistance necessary for the
implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan
and the Darfur Peace Agreement, the support of the regional
Government of Southern Sudan, the Transitional Darfur
Regional Authority, and marginalized areas in Northern Sudan
(including the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Nile, Abyei,
Eastern Sudan (Beja), Darfur, and Nubia), or for humanitarian
purposes in Sudan, until the Government of Sudan has honored
pledges to cease attacks upon civilians, demobilize and
demilitarize the Janjaweed and associated militias, grant
free and unfettered access for deliveries of humanitarian
assistance in the Darfur region, and allow for the safe and
voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced
persons;
(10) the President should seek to assist members of the
Sudanese diaspora in the United States by establishing a
student loan forgiveness program for those individuals who
commit to return to Southern Sudan for a period of not less
than 5 years for the purpose of contributing professional
skills needed for the reconstruction of Southern Sudan;
(11) the Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan should be
provided with appropriate resources and a clear mandate to--
(A) provide stewardship of efforts to implement the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan and the Darfur Peace
Agreement;
(B) seek ways to bring stability and peace to the Darfur
region;
(C) address instability elsewhere in Sudan, Chad, and
northern Uganda; and
(D) pursue a truly comprehensive peace throughout the
region;
(12) the international community should strongly condemn
attacks against humanitarian workers and African Union
personnel, and the forcible recruitment of refugees and
internally displaced persons from camps in Chad and Sudan,
and demand that all armed groups in the region, including the
forces of the Government of Sudan, the Janjaweed, associated
militias, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, the Justice and
Equality Movement, the National Movement for Reform and
Development (NMRD), and all other armed groups refrain from
such activities;
(13) the United States should fully support the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan and the Darfur Peace
Agreement and urge rapid implementation of their terms;
(14) the May 5, 2006 signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement
between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan Liberation
Movement was a positive development in a situation that has
seen little political progress in 2 years and should be
seized upon by all sides to begin the arduous process of
post-conflict reconstruction, restitution, justice, and
reconciliation; and
(15) the new leadership of the Sudan People's Liberation
Movement (referred to in this paragraph as ``SPLM'') should--
(A) seek to transform SPLM into an inclusive, transparent,
and democratic body;
(B) reaffirm the commitment of SPLM to--
(i) bring peace to Southern Sudan, the Darfur region, and
Eastern Sudan; and
(ii) eliminate safe haven for regional rebel movements,
such as the Lord's Resistance Army; and
(C) remain united in the face of efforts to undermine SPLM.
SEC. 5. SANCTIONS IN SUPPORT OF PEACE IN DARFUR.
(a) Blocking of Assets and Restriction on Visas.--Section 6
of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004 (Public Law
108-497; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
(1) in the heading of subsection (b), by inserting ``of
Appropriate Senior Officials of the Government of Sudan''
after ``Assets'';
(2) by redesignating subsections (c) through (e) as
subsections (d) through (f), respectively; and
(3) by inserting after subsection (b) the following:
``(c) Blocking of Assets and Restriction on Visas of
Certain Individuals Identified by the President.--
``(1) Blocking of assets.--Beginning on the date that is 30
days after the date of the enactment of the Darfur Peace and
Accountability Act of 2006, and in the interest of
contributing to peace in Sudan, the President shall,
consistent with the authorities granted under the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701
et seq.), block the assets of any individual who the
President determines is complicit in, or responsible for,
acts of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity in
Darfur, including the family members or any associates of
such individual to whom assets or property of such individual
was transferred on or after July 1, 2002.
``(2) Restriction on visas.--Beginning on the date that is
30 days after the date of the enactment of the Darfur Peace
and Accountability Act of 2006, and in the interest of
contributing to peace in Sudan, the President shall deny a
visa and entry to any individual who the President determines
to be complicit in, or responsible for, acts of genocide, war
crimes, or crimes against humanity in Darfur, including the
family members or any associates of such individual to whom
assets or property of such individual was transferred on or
after July 1, 2002.''.
(b) Waiver.--Section 6(d) of the Comprehensive Peace in
Sudan Act of 2004, as redesignated by subsection (a), is
amended by adding at the end the following: ``The President
may waive the application of paragraph (1) or (2) of
subsection (c) with respect to any individual if the
President determines that such a waiver is in the national
interests of the United States and, before exercising the
waiver, notifies the appropriate congressional committees of
the name of the individual and the reasons for the waiver.''.
(c) Sanctions Against Janjaweed Commanders and Coordinators
or Other Individuals.--It is the sense of Congress, that the
President should immediately impose the sanctions described
in section 6(c) of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of
2004, as added by subsection (a), against any individual,
including the Janjaweed commanders and coordinators,
identified as those who, among other acts, ``impede the peace
process, constitute a threat to stability in Darfur and the
region, commit violations of international humanitarian or
human rights law or other atrocities''.
SEC. 6. ADDITIONAL AUTHORITIES TO DETER AND SUPPRESS GENOCIDE
IN DARFUR.
(a) Presidential Assistance To Support AMIS.--Subject to
subsection (b) and notwithstanding any other provision of
law, the President is authorized to provide AMIS with--
(1) assistance for any expansion of the mandate, size,
strength, and capacity to protect civilians and humanitarian
operations in order to help stabilize the Darfur region of
Sudan and dissuade and deter air attacks directed against
civilians and humanitarian workers; and
(2) assistance in the areas of logistics, transport,
communications, material support, technical assistance,
training, command and control, aerial surveillance, and
intelligence.
(b) Conditions.--
(1) In general.--Assistance provided under subsection (a)--
(A) shall be used only in the Darfur region; and
(B) shall not be provided until AMIS has agreed not to
transfer title to, or possession of, any such assistance to
anyone not an officer, employee or agent of AMIS (or
subsequent United Nations peacekeeping operation), and not to
use or to permit the use of such assistance for any purposes
other than those for which such assistance was furnished,
unless the consent of the President has first been obtained,
and written assurances reflecting all of the forgoing have
been obtained from AMIS by the President.
(2) Consent.--If the President consents to the transfer of
such assistance to anyone not an officer, employee, or agent
of AMIS (or subsequent United Nations peacekeeping
operation), or agrees to permit the use of such assistance
for any purposes other than those for which such assistance
was furnished, the President shall immediately notify the
Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the
Committee on International Relations of the House of
Representatives in accordance with the procedures applicable
to reprogramming notifications under section 634A of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2394-1).
(c) NATO Assistance To Support AMIS.--It is the sense of
Congress that the President should continue to instruct the
United States Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (referred to in this section as ``NATO'')
to use the voice, vote, and influence of the United States at
NATO to--
(1) advocate NATO reinforcement of the AMIS and its orderly
transition to a United Nations peacekeeping operation, as
appropriate;
(2) provide assets to help dissuade and deter air strikes
directed against civilians and humanitarian workers in the
Darfur region of Sudan; and
(3) provide other logistical, transportation,
communications, training, technical assistance, command and
control, aerial surveillance, and intelligence support.
(d) Rule of Construction.--Nothing in this Act, or any
amendment made by this Act, shall be construed as a provision
described in section 5(b)(1) or 8(a)(1) of the War Powers
Resolution (Public Law 93-148; 50 U.S.C. 1544(b),
1546(a)(1)).
(e) Denial of Entry at United States Ports to Certain Cargo
Ships or Oil Tankers.--
(1) In general.--The President should take all necessary
and appropriate steps to deny the Government of Sudan access
to oil revenues, including by prohibiting entry at United
States ports to cargo ships or oil tankers engaged in
business or trade activities in the oil sector of Sudan or
involved in the shipment of goods for use by the armed forces
of Sudan until such time as the Government of Sudan has
honored its commitments to cease attacks on civilians,
demobilize and demilitarize the Janjaweed and associated
militias, grant free and unfettered access for deliveries of
humanitarian assistance, and allow for the safe and voluntary
return of refugees and internally displaced persons.
(2) Exception.--Paragraph (1) shall not apply with respect
to cargo ships or oil tankers involved in--
(A) an internationally-recognized demobilization program;
(B) the shipment of non-lethal assistance necessary to
carry out elements of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement for
Sudan or the Darfur Peace Agreement; or
(C) the shipment of military assistance necessary to carry
out elements of an agreement referred to in subparagraph (B)
if the President has made the determination set forth in
section 8(c)(2).
(f) Prohibition on Assistance to Countries in Violation of
United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1556 and 1591.--
(1) Prohibition.--Amounts made available to carry out the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22
[[Page H7316]]
U.S.C. 2151 et seq.) may not be used to provide assistance
(other than humanitarian assistance) to the government of a
country that is in violation of the embargo on military
assistance with respect to Sudan imposed pursuant to United
Nations Security Council Resolutions 1556 (2004) and 1591
(2005).
(2) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
paragraph (1) if the President determines, and certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees, that such waiver is
in the national interests of the United States.
SEC. 7. CONTINUATION OF RESTRICTIONS.
(a) In General.--Restrictions against the Government of
Sudan that were imposed pursuant to Executive Order 13067 of
November 3, 1997 (62 Federal Register 59989), title III and
sections 508, 512, 527, and 569 of the Foreign Operations,
Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act,
2006 (Public Law 109-102), or any other similar provision of
law, shall remain in effect, and shall not be lifted pursuant
to such provisions of law, until the President certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees that the Government
of Sudan is acting in good faith to--
(1) implement the Darfur Peace Agreement;
(2) disarm, demobilize, and demilitarize the Janjaweed and
all militias allied with the Government of Sudan;
(3) adhere to all associated United Nations Security
Council Resolutions, including Security Council Resolutions
1556 (2004), 1564 (2004), 1591 (2005), 1593 (2005), 1663
(2006), 1665 (2006), and 1706 (2006);
(4) negotiate a peaceful resolution to the crisis in
eastern Sudan;
(5) fully cooperate with efforts to disarm, demobilize, and
deny safe haven to members of the Lord's Resistance Army in
Sudan; and
(6) fully implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement for
Sudan without manipulation or delay, by--
(A) implementing the recommendations of the Abyei
Boundaries Commission Report;
(B) establishing other appropriate commissions and
implementing and adhering to the recommendations of such
commissions consistent with the terms of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement for Sudan;
(C) adhering to the terms of the Wealth Sharing Agreement;
and
(D) withdrawing government forces from Southern Sudan
consistent with the terms of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement for Sudan.
(b) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
subsection (a) if the President determines, and certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees, that such waiver is
in the national interests of the United States.
SEC. 8. ASSISTANCE EFFORTS IN SUDAN.
(a) Assistance for International Malaria Control Act.--
Section 501 of the Assistance for International Malaria
Control Act (Public Law 106-570; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is
repealed.
(b) Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.--Section 7 of the
Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004 (Public Law 108-497;
50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is repealed.
(c) Economic Assistance.--
(1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, the President is authorized to provide economic
assistance for Southern Sudan, Southern Kordofan/Nuba
Mountains State, Blue Nile State, Abyei, Darfur, and
marginalized areas in and around Khartoum, in an effort to
provide emergency relief, to promote economic self-
sufficiency, to build civil authority, to provide education,
to enhance rule of law and the development of judicial and
legal frameworks, to support people to people reconciliation
efforts, and to implement any nonmilitary program in support
of any viable peace agreement in Sudan, including the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan and the Darfur Peace
Agreement.
(2) Congressional notification.--Assistance may not be
obligated under this subsection until 15 days after the date
on which the Secretary of State notifies the congressional
committees specified in section 634A of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2394-1) of such obligation
in accordance with the procedures applicable to reprogramming
notifications under such section.
(d) Authorized Military Assistance.--
(1) In general.--If the President has not made a
certification under section 12(a)(3) of the Sudan Peace Act
(50 U.S.C. 1701 note) regarding the noncompliance of the
SPLM/A or the Government of Southern Sudan with the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement for Sudan, the President,
notwithstanding any other provision of law, may authorize,
for each of fiscal years 2006, 2007, and 2008, the provision
of the following assistance to the Government of Southern
Sudan for the purpose of constituting a professional military
force--
(A) non-lethal military equipment and related defense
services, including training, controlled under the
International Traffic in Arms Regulations (22 C.F.R. 120.1 et
seq.) if the President--
(i) determines that the provision of such items is in the
national security interest of the United States; and
(ii) not later than 15 days before the provision of any
such items, notifies the Committee on Foreign Relations of
the Senate and the Committee on International Relations of
the House of Representatives of such determination; and
(B) small arms and ammunition under categories I and III of
the United States Munitions List (22 C.F.R. 121.1 et seq.) if
the President--
(i) determines that the provision of such equipment is
essential to the national security interests of the United
States; and
(ii) consistent with the procedures set forth in section
614(a)(3) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C.
2364(a)(3)), notifies the Committee on Foreign Relations of
the Senate and the Committee on International Relations of
the House of Representatives of such determination.
(2) End use assurances.--For each item exported pursuant to
this subsection or subsection (c), the President shall
include with the notification to Congress under subparagraphs
(A)(ii) and (B)(ii) of paragraph (1)--
(A) an identification of the end users to which the
provision of assistance is being made;
(B) the dollar value of the items being provided;
(C) a description of the items being provided; and
(D) a description of the end use verification procedures
that will be applied to such items, including--
(i) any special assurances obtained from the Government of
Southern Sudan or other authorized end users regarding such
equipment; and
(ii) the end use or retransfer controls that will be
applied to any items provided under this subsection.
(3) Waiver authority.--Section 40 of the Arms Export
Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2780) shall not apply to assistance
provided under paragraph (1).
(e) Exception to Prohibitions in Executive Order Number
13067.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the
prohibitions set forth with respect to Sudan in Executive
Order No. 13067 (62 Fed. Reg. 59989) shall not apply to
activities or related transactions with respect to Southern
Sudan, Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains State, Blue Nile
State, Abyei, Darfur, or marginalized areas in and around
Khartoum.
SEC. 9. REPORTING REQUIREMENTS.
Section 8 of the Sudan Peace Act (Public Law 107-245; 50
U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
(1) by redesignating subsection (c) as subsection (g); and
(2) by inserting after subsection (b) the following:
``(c) Report on African Union Mission in Sudan.--Until such
time as AMIS concludes its mission in Darfur, in conjunction
with the other reports required under this section, the
Secretary of State, in consultation with all relevant Federal
departments and agencies, shall prepare and submit a report,
to the appropriate congressional committees, regarding--
``(1) a detailed description of all United States
assistance provided to the African Union Mission in Sudan
(referred to in this subsection as `AMIS') since the
establishment of AMIS, reported by fiscal year and the type
and purpose of such assistance; and
``(2) the level of other international assistance provided
to AMIS, including assistance from countries, regional and
international organizations, such as the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, the European Union, the Arab League, and
the United Nations, reported by fiscal year and the type and
purpose of such assistance, to the extent possible.
``(d) Report on Sanctions in Support of Peace in Darfur.--
In conjunction with the other reports required under this
section, the Secretary of State shall submit a report to the
appropriate congressional committees regarding sanctions
imposed under section 6 of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan
Act of 2004, including--
``(1) a description of each sanction imposed under such
provision of law;
``(2) the name of the individual or entity subject to the
sanction, if applicable; and
``(3) whether or not such individual has been identified by
the United Nations panel of experts.
``(e) Report on United States Military Assistance.--In
conjunction with the other reports required under this
section, the Secretary of State shall submit a report to the
appropriate congressional committees describing the
effectiveness of any assistance provided under section 8 of
the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act of 2006, including--
``(1) a detailed annex on any military assistance provided
in the period covered by this report;
``(2) the results of any review or other monitoring
conducted by the Federal Government with respect to
assistance provided under that Act; and
``(3) any unauthorized retransfer or use of military
assistance furnished by the United States.''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
General Leave
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their
remarks on the bill under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
For as long as I can remember, we have received conflicting messages
about the situation in Sudan. My staff and I, like many people in this
body, have met with Sudanese government officials. We have met with
African Union officials and Darfur rebel leaders in Khartoum, Darfur,
Addis Ababa, Abuja, and in Washington; and we have gotten varying
accounts and assurances between the northern and southern officials in
the Sudan government,
[[Page H7317]]
between the African Union military and political departments, and
between the SLM factions and the JEM.
Unfortunately, the past few months have brought more of the same. On
May 5, 2006, we welcomed the news that the government of Sudan had
signed a peace agreement with the largest rebel group in Darfur, the
Minni Minnawi-led faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement Army.
Modeled after the peace agreement which ostensibly ended over 20 years
of war in southern Sudan, the Darfur Peace Agreement was hailed as a
breakthrough in the peace process that had seen little progress in 2
years.
Our hopes for peace in Darfur were further raised on August 30 as the
United Nations Security Council finally approved Resolution 1706,
authorizing the transition of the well-meaning but severely constrained
African Union Mission in Sudan, AMIS, to a larger, more capable U.N.
peacekeeping mission with a robust mandate providing for civilian
protection.
Before the microphones were silenced and the ink had dried, however,
it became clear that eloquent speeches and agreements on paper would do
little, if anything, to protect human life in Darfur.
Given its conduct of the war in the south, it should have been come
as no surprise to learn that the government of Sudan had launched a new
major military offensive in north Darfur in late August, in direct
violation of the peace agreement it had signed just 3 months earlier.
Rather than serving as a harbinger of peace, it appears that the
Darfur Peace Agreement has emboldened the Sudanese government, the
Janjaweed militias, and rebel groups in Darfur to act with even greater
impunity in killing, abusing and displacing civilians as they seek to
consolidate their positions before international peacekeepers are
deployed.
And despite assurances that a U.N. peacekeeping mission would be
accepted upon conclusion of a peace agreement, Security Council
Resolution 1706 was greeted by the Sudanese government with unmitigated
hostility.
Regardless of the fact that a U.N. peacekeeping mission already
exists in southern Sudan, the Sudanese government now seeks to portray
the proposed expansion to Darfur as a ``western invasion'' and has
called upon jihadists to attack any U.N. peacekeepers who dare to
deploy in Darfur.
While it is not require under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1706,
the Sudanese government's intransigence and inflammatory remarks have
all but guaranteed that the long-awaited transition of AMIS will not
take place before the end of this year.
It is these sharp contrasts between word and deed in Sudan which
underlie the importance of today's consideration of H.R. 3127, the
Darfur Peace and Accountability Act.
H.R. 3127, which was authored by Chairman Hyde and cosponsored by Mr.
Lantos, Mr. Payne and me and 160 other Members, passed the House in
April and was amended by the Senate just last week. It offers the
President the tools he needs both to support the immediate expansion of
AMIS and to facilitate its transition to a U.N. peacekeeping mission as
soon as possible. It also provides the President with the authority to
provide emergency economic and development assistance to marginalized
areas in Sudan, including southern Sudan and Darfur.
H.R. 3127 also carries punitive measures intended to promote
accountability in Sudan and act as a deterrent against further
atrocities. It imposes targeted sanctions against individuals
determined to be complicit in or responsible for acts of genocide, war
crimes or crimes against humanity in Darfur. It calls upon the
President to take all necessary actions to deny the government of Sudan
access to oil revenues, which have been used to fund its genocidal
campaign in Darfur. H.R. 3127 also calls for the suspension of the
government of Sudan's rights and privileges at the U.N. until it has
honored its commitments before that body.
The Senate amendment updates the bill to reflect events that have
taken place following House passage last April and expresses the
conviction of this Congress that AMIS must be transitioned to a larger,
more capable U.N. mission. It also allows the President to provide
limited military assistance to the government of southern Sudan,
thereby fulfilling commitments to facilitate the transformation of the
Sudan People's Liberation Army from a rebel group to a professional
military force.
I note with considerable regret that the Senate amendment also
strikes an important provision to make clear that nothing in this bill
shall preempt State laws on divestment.
I am very proud of the fact that New Jersey has divested its pension
fund investments from companies that do business with Khartoum. I would
note that some States like Illinois are in court, in litigation,
because they have done likewise. This provision would have made clear
that nothing in the bill would preempt State laws on disinvestment.
That is a loss, but there are many other things in this bill that I
think warrant its passage.
Mr. Speaker, in their addresses to the U.N. Assembly last week, both
President Bush and Secretary General Kofi Annan recognized the
transcendent importance of a show of resolve on Darfur. While it is
true that the bill before us as amended by the Senate requires Members
to make difficult compromises, it is nevertheless a solid bill. It is a
serious bill. It is an urgent bill. Far too much time has lapsed. Far
too many graves have been filled since we first began debating this
resolution. The time to show Congress's resolve is now.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, and I
yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Illinois, Chairman
Hyde, and our ranking subcommittee member, Mr. Payne, for the
extraordinary hard work that went into writing this potentially life-
saving legislation, the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act.
This bill, Mr. Speaker, has a simple goal: to increase steadily the
pressure on the politicians in Khartoum so they finally will end the
genocide there.
Congress has acted before to pressure the Sudanese government, and
perhaps we will have to do so again in the future. But we must continue
to press until the genocide is ended, the displaced can return to their
home, and justice will have been served.
This important and comprehensive piece of legislation does many
things. It imposes sanctions on political and military leaders in Sudan
who are responsible for the Darfur genocide. It authorizes the
President to provide additional assistance to the currently over-
matched African Union military mission. It prohibits assistance to
countries in violation of the United Nations Security Council
resolutions which impose sanctions on Sudan. It maintains existing
United States sanctions on the government of Sudan to keep on the
pressure.
{time} 2000
And it makes special provisions to aid the Government of southern
Sudan by exempting it from sanctions.
Madam Speaker, the measures in this bill are ``smart sanctions'' on
individuals. They target specific measures against political and
military leaders who have directed the scorched Earth policy against
men, women, and children in Darfur.
Consider the scope of this tragedy: over 200,000 have died. More than
2 million innocent civilians have been displaced from their homes. Rape
is a weapon of choice against women and girls. And even those who find
shelter in refugee camps beyond the country's borders are not safe from
attack.
The perpetrators of genocide in Darfur have lied about their actions.
They defied international rebuke. And they attempted to hide their
duplicitous nature by participating in peace negotiations while keeping
up the aggression against the people of Darfur.
Madam Speaker, the murderers in Khartoum do not respond to the fine
points of diplomacy without blunt pressure that hampers their ability
to do business as usual. Khartoum responds only to hardball tactics and
then only reluctantly.
Madam Speaker, genocide is not perpetrated by anonymous
unidentifiable individuals and groups. Genocide is conceived, planned,
and carried out by
[[Page H7318]]
malicious immoral people with names and faces. Our legislation focuses
specifically on those individuals who have been identified by the
President as complicit in or responsible for acts of genocide, war
crimes, or crimes against humanity in Darfur. The list of individuals
includes their family members and people to whom assets have been
transferred since the genocide began.
Madam Speaker, we know who these perpetrators of evil are, and I am
pleased beyond words that the House and the Senate are prepared to act
against them. But our bill goes beyond sanctions against the evil-doers
in Khartoum. It also ensures that sanctions on Sudanese Government
officials remain in place until they have stopped the genocide and
implanted the Darfur Peace Agreement, disarmed the murderous Arab
militia, adhered to all U.N. Security Council resolutions, and
negotiated a peaceful settlement to the crisis in eastern Sudan.
Madam Speaker, the legislation before us today does not contain
divestment provisions of the type that were so instrumental in bringing
down the Apartheid government in South Africa. I strongly support such
provisions, and the other body's refusal to include them in the
comprehensive bill represents a missed opportunity. But this bill
remains a very strong piece of legislation that will undoubtedly
increase pressure on the Government of Sudan to end the genocide.
With its passage, Congress is signaling that we will not be passive
observers to mass murder. We will act and act decisively.
I urge all of my colleagues to support this important bill.
Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to a distinguished
member of the International Relations Committee, my good friend from
Minnesota, a strong voice for human rights, Congresswoman Betty
McCollum.
Ms. McCOLLUM of Minnesota. Madam Speaker, I am here to support H.R.
3127, but I have serious concerns that this legislation is too little
too late for hundreds of thousands of innocent people who have died and
continue to be in danger.
Secretary of State Colin Powell declared the murder in Sudan a
genocide in September, 2004, 2 years ago. I voted on this legislation
in subcommittee 15 months ago. And every day since then, the violence
and the humanitarian crisis in Darfur have gotten worse. Passing this
legislation today may make us all feel good, but it will not end the
genocide or even slow down the killing.
Sudan is a rogue nation. Sudan is a state sponsor of terrorism. In
the Darfur region, the Sudanese regime terrorizes its citizens; it
trains, it funds, and it arms the Janjaweed militia that commits acts
of terrorism and mass murder and the systematic rape of girls and
women. More than 2,000 villages have been destroyed in Darfur. More
than 2 million people have been driven from their homes, and thousands
of lives are at risk of disease and ongoing terrorist attacks by the
Khartoum regime and the Janjaweed militia. This is an evil regime
perpetrating genocide.
Genocide is not a number of random incidents of violence. Genocide is
the sum, the horrible outcome, of acts of terrorism perpetrated in a
systematic manner against civilians; 400,000 innocent people have died.
When H.R. 3127 passed this House, it included language calling upon
the Secretary of State to declare the Janjaweed militia a foreign
terrorist organization. I thank Mr. Hyde, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Lantos for
supporting it. This language, unfortunately, has been stripped from the
bill. But let us today call upon Secretary of State Rice to immediately
designate the Janjaweed militia a foreign terrorist organization. Those
who murder Africans are terrorists. Those who murder Muslim Africans
are terrorists, and they should be given the same terrorist designation
as those who attack Americans and Israelis. The Janjaweed militia are
terrorists, and they must be held accountable for their crimes against
humanity.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my
friend from Texas, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson-Lee.
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise
and extend her remarks.)
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I am here because I
indicated that I believe that this debate or these debates that we have
had over these last couple of hours may be some of the most important
lifesaving efforts that this Congress can spend its time on this week.
We have heard our colleagues over and over again talk about the
devastation and the outrage of what is going on in Sudan. Let me thank
Mr. Lantos and Mr. Hyde and Mr. Payne because I am reminded that, as my
good friend and colleague who just recently debated this question on
the floor reminded us, we have been here before. And when we came here
before, we should have moved this legislation, not contending to give
deference to the leader of Sudan anymore because he has obviously shown
us that it is not his intention to do what is right for the suffering
people.
I have mentioned the fact that there are so many who have fled and
who have been devastated out of the camps. So many women, so many poor
conditions, so many harsh conditions, lack of water, lack of clothing,
lack of housing and shelter, if you will, and certainly the inability
to protect oneself.
This legislation provides the sanctions against those who will
perpetrate this horrible violence, but it also is the kind of strong
legislation that is needed. And as my good friend from California,
Ranking Member Mr. Lantos, has said, it could do more. We could support
divestiture. And, frankly, that is why I am supporting the legislation
of Congresswoman Barbara Lee to call for the divestiture all over the
Nation of any investment in Sudan.
But allow me to share with you why this is such an important
initiative. We have just heard from the President of Sudan, who has now
begun new military offenses in Darfur and who has gone from country to
country, Morocco, Egypt, and argued his case that he does not want U.N.
peacekeepers in Sudan. Who is he to reject U.N. peacekeepers when he is
perpetrating violence on his own constituents, his own people?
Now, we have stood on this floor and we have affirmed some of the
positive steps that our good friends in the Arab world are making, and
I do not step away from that. But this is a time, with the passage of
this legislation, for Algeria and Morocco and Egypt to reject the pleas
of the Khartoum government and allow U.N. peacekeepers into the Sudan.
This is a time for this legislation, which was passed some months back,
to be able to immediately go to the President's desk so that sanctions
can go against the individuals that are perpetrating this violence. And
if we could, we need to move forward on legislation that causes the
divestiture, and the reason is it seems impossible for the President of
Sudan, for the Khartoum government to understand the urgency and the
necessity of coming to grips with an existing peace agreement that has
not been implemented or enforced. People are dying. Surrounding
countries are bending under the pressure, and I would simply argue
vigorously that this legislation needs to be passed and moved on to the
President's desk. I ask my colleagues to support it.
Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3127, which
imposes sanctions against individuals responsible for genocide, war
crimes, and crimes against humanity, supports measures for the
protection of civilians and humanitarian operations, and supports peace
efforts in the Darfur region of Sudan.
The Darfur Peace and Accountability Act of 2005, H.R. 3127, is a
bipartisan effort to impose sanctions on the Government of Sudan, its
officials, and the Janjaweed militia who have engaged in genocidal acts
in the Darfur region of Sudan over the past 2 years.
The genocidal regime in Sudan has left 2.5 million people displaced
and at least 400,000 people dead in Darfur. Due to increasing violence,
15,000 innocent civilians continue to die each month. Genocide cannot
continue on our watch; the United States must move towards effective
action against this most terrible crime. The United Nations Secretary
General has described the situation in Darfur as ``little short of hell
on earth.'' Expert John Prendergast calls it ``Rwanda in slow motion.''
The United States Congress and administration are on record as
declaring that the atrocities being committed in Darfur, Sudan are
genocide.
Until the security situation vastly improves, the people of Sudan
will experience increasingly long-term adversity. Civilians can't plan
[[Page H7319]]
on stability in the future. They can't grow crops, or raise livestock,
if there is a likelihood-not a chance, a likelihood--that roving
government-sponsored militias will beat, rape, or kill them if they
wander outside the protection of makeshift camps. And these government-
sponsored criminals burn fields the people have managed to grow, and
steal or slaughter the livestock the people have managed to keep.
Over 400,000 people have died in the Darfur conflict since 2003, with
3.5 million people driven into hunger, and another 2.5 million
displaced due to violence. Imagine if the entire city of Las Vegas had
perished at the hands of government-sponsored bandits, the population
of Los Angeles was starving, and both the cities of Houston and Atlanta
had all relocated due to conflict. The upheaval of the South after
Hurricane Katrina is our closest reference to understanding the
devastation Sudan is experiencing, and yet the scale in Sudan is
overwhelming. We should all be quaking with anger.
Human rights are not for any government to give and take--they are
inherent, self-evident, and vital, as our founding fathers understood
so well. We should not be complacent when such rights are violated or
refused--we must use what power we have to ensure that people are free
to live and thrive safely.
We must work to deter any escalation of violence, and provide
unwavering assistance to diffuse the current strife. I commend the
tireless efforts of United States officials who have helped secure the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement. And yet
there is much to be done, the welfare of a nation lies within our
hands.
Our role is clear, and we must do what we can to alleviate the
desperation of the civilians caught in the mayhem in Sudan. I urge my
colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
I would like to just at this point thank the following congressional
staff for their extraordinary work and persistence in shaping this
bill. As my colleague from Minnesota pointed out earlier, we did mark
this bill up 15 months ago in my subcommittee, and it has been a long,
arduous journey to this night on this Hyde-Lantos legislation. So I
want to thank Joan Collins, Gregory Simpkins, Pearl Alice Marsh, Noelle
LuSane, Ian Campbell, Hannah Royal, Aysha House-Moshi, Greg Adams,
Samantha Stockman, Walker Roberts, Jock Scharfen, David Abramowitz,
Will Lowell.
And I hope I didn't leave anybody out because there was an
extraordinary amount of give and take on this legislation. Again, some
of its aspects that we would have liked to have seen dealing with
disinvestment was dropped by the Senate. I think that was a setback.
But it is still a very solid piece of legislation and deserves the full
support of this body to advance our efforts to mitigate and hopefully
end the genocide in Darfur.
This now goes to the President, as I have just been reminded, and I
think he will sign it very quickly. I urge its passage.
Ms. WATERS. Madam Speaker, I rise to support H.R. 3127, the Darfur
Peace and Accountability Act. This bill imposes sanctions on the
government of Sudan and blocks the assets and restricts travel for
individuals who are responsible for acts of genocide, war crimes or
crimes against humanity in the Darfur region of Sudan.
More than 450,000 people have died since 2003 as a result of the
genocide in Darfur. There are two-and-a-half million displaced people
in camps in Darfur and another 350,000 in refugee camps in neighboring
Chad. Almost 7,000 people are dying every month in Darfur. There can be
no doubt that what is taking place in Darfur is genocide, and the
government of Sudan is responsible.
Crimes against humanity in Darfur have escalated in recent months.
Over 500 women were raped over the summer in one camp alone. There have
been renewed attacks and aerial bombardment, and twelve humanitarian
workers were killed, two of them in the last 4 weeks. If the United
Nations does not intervene in Darfur now, the death toll could rise
dramatically in the next few months.
Earlier this year, I visited the Darfur region with my good friend
from California, Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and I was deeply disturbed
by what I saw. As far as the eyes could see, there were crowds of
displaced people who had been driven from their homes, living literally
on the ground with little tarps just covering them. It is
unconscionable that this should continue.
I urge my colleagues to vote in favor of this bill and take a firm
stand against the crime of genocide in Darfur.
The world stood by and watched the genocide that occurred in Rwanda.
The world has noted over and over again the atrocities of the
Holocaust. We must take action now to prevent a repeat of these
horrific chapters in human history.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Madam Speaker, I once again rise in strong
support of H.R. 3127, the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act. I am
proud to be a cosponsor of this important legislation, and look forward
to it being signed into law.
The scope of the Darfur tragedy is nothing less than horrific. As far
as we know, an estimated 400,000 people are now dead and over two
million have been displaced as a result of the violence. Thousands
continue to die each month as a result of starvation, neglect and
sickness. Unfortunately, little has changed since the House first
passed H.R. 3127 in April: the Sudanese government has continued to
ignore United Nations Security Council resolutions calling for the end
of the conflict, the May 2006 peace agreement has largely been ignored
and the violence against the people of Darfur has raged on.
As United Nations Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs Jan
Egeland noted in August, the situation has only gone ``from real bad to
catastrophic.'' It is therefore more important than ever that the
United States provide the strong moral leadership necessary to spur the
world community to act to stop the killings, kidnappings and rapes in
Darfur. As our nation continues to work within the United Nations for
strong international action on Darfur, passage of this bill, and its
enactment into law, will send a clear message to the government of
Sudan that the United States will not simply stand by as these
atrocities continue.
Two years ago, this Congress and the administration declared the
atrocities in Darfur to be genocide and vowed to end the ongoing
campaign of violence. It is in that spirit that we must continue to
work to ensure that these strong words are not empty ones, that peace
can be found in Sudan, and that the people of Darfur are one day free
of the threat of genocide. This bill, and the other Darfur measures
that we will pass today, are small but important steps towards reaching
these goals.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of
my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Drake). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House
suspend the rules and concur in the Senate amendment to the bill, H.R.
3127.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the Senate amendment was
concurred in.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________