[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 121 (Monday, September 25, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H6988-H6993]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
URGING THE PRESIDENT TO APPOINT A PRESIDENTIAL SPECIAL ENVOY FOR SUDAN
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 992) urging the President to appoint a
[[Page H6989]]
Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. Res. 992
Whereas in July 2004, the United States House of
Representatives and Senate declared that the atrocities in
the Darfur region of Sudan constitute genocide, and the Bush
administration reached the same conclusion in September 2004,
when then Secretary of State Colin Powell stated that ``the
evidence leads us to the conclusion that genocide has
occurred and may still be occurring in Darfur'';
Whereas an estimated 300,000 to 400,000 people have been
killed by the Government of Sudan and its Janjaweed allies
since the crisis began in 2003, more than 2,000,000 people
have been displaced from their homes, and more than 250,000
people from Darfur remain in refugee camps in Chad;
Whereas some rebel factions, which have targeted civilians
in the Darfur region, have intensified their attacks even
after the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement in May 2006;
Whereas the United Nations Under-Secretary General for
Humanitarian Affairs, Jan Egeland, in late August 2006 stated
that ``[i]nsecurity is at its highest level since 2004,
access at its lowest levels since that date, and we may well
be on the brink of a return to all-out war'';
Whereas despite the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement
in May 2006, violence against civilians, peacekeepers, and
humanitarian workers continues unabated; and an estimated 12
humanitarian workers have been killed in Darfur, including a
nurse in September 2006;
Whereas in August 2006, the Government of Sudan began to
deploy thousands of government troops for a major offensive
in Darfur, once again threatening a major humanitarian
catastrophe and risking the safety and security of millions
of civilians;
Whereas according to the Government of Sudan's plan, in a
document submitted to the United Nations Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, the Government of Sudan plans to deploy
approximately 26,500 additional troops and 7,050 additional
police to Darfur;
Whereas the objectives of this deployment are ``to deal
with the threats posed by the activities of groups that have
rejected the Darfur Peace Agreement and to gain control over
the security situation and achieve stability in Darfur'';
Whereas the United Nations Security Council passed a
resolution expanding the mandate of the United Nations
Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) for the additional deployment of
17,300 peacekeeping troops and 3,300 civilian police
personnel as well as 16 formed police units to Darfur;
Whereas President Omar Bashir of Sudan has rejected the
deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping force to Darfur,
even as First Vice President Salva Kiir has publicly stated
his support for the deployment of a United Nations
peacekeeping mission to Darfur;
Whereas implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
(CPA) between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement (SPLM) is slow, raising serious concern
about the commitment of the Government of Sudan to fulfill
its responsibilities;
Whereas in July 2005, although the Abyei Boundary
Commission, established to define and demarcate the area of
the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms, finished its work and
submitted its report to President Bashir, the President has
yet to implement the conclusions of the Commission, as called
for in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement;
Whereas the reconstruction and development of Southern
Sudan and other marginalized areas remains a major challenge,
while the return of refugees and displaced people to their
homes in Darfur will require major financial commitments and
the establishment of a secure and safe environment throughout
Darfur;
Whereas in order to tackle these many and difficult
challenges, the appointment of a Presidential Special Envoy
for Sudan with a robust mandate and access to, and support
of, senior Administration officials, including the President,
is crucial;
Whereas Members of Congress, leading foreign policy
experts, and many nongovernmental organizations have called
repeatedly for the appointment of a Presidential Envoy for
Sudan to effectively represent the United States Government
in heading off a further escalation of genocide in Darfur;
Whereas United States Government officials have diligently
pursued peace agreements to end the North-South conflict and
the Darfur conflict and the United States Government has
provided more than $2 billion in assistance to help the
suffering people of Sudan; and
Whereas during a speech before the United Nations General
Assembly on September 19, 2006, President George W. Bush
announced the appointment of Andrew Natsios to serve as
Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) commends the many years of tireless efforts of United
States officials who have helped secure the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement;
(2) strongly supports the appointment of an adequately
staffed Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan with a robust
mandate to develop and coordinate United States policy toward
Sudan with regular access to senior Administration officials;
and
(3) strongly urges the mandate of the Presidential Special
Envoy for Sudan to include--
(A) deterring a further escalation of violence and
humanitarian disaster in the Darfur region of Sudan while
ensuring civilians are adequately protected and the Darfur
Peace Agreement is fully implemented;
(B) facilitating the development of an international
peacekeeping mission to Darfur with a mandate to protect
civilians and humanitarian workers;
(C) ensuring implementation of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement, which ended the 21-year civil war in Southern
Sudan, Nuba, Southern Blue Nile, and Abyei and helping secure
a just peace in Eastern Sudan;
(D) coordination of reconstruction and development work in
Southern Sudan and other marginalized areas;
(E) coordination and monitoring of the return of refugees
and displaced people to their homes in Darfur and southern
Sudan;
(F) securing and consolidating peace in Northern Uganda by
working closely with the Government of South Sudan and the
Government of Uganda;
(G) coordination of efforts to ensure implementation of the
transformation of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA)
into a professional armed force;
(H) work toward achieving a peaceful, stable, and
democratic Sudan by ensuring that free and fair elections are
held, as called for in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, by
coordinating and implementing programs necessary to achieve
these objectives; and
(I) coordination of efforts to work toward achieving
accountability for the crimes committed in Darfur by working
closely with relevant individuals and entities engaged in
this area.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
General Leave
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and
extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the challenges we face today in Sudan are perhaps among
the most difficult of our time. The interminable war between Khartoum
and the rebels in the south claimed the lives of over 2 million people
and was punctuated by brutalities that strain our credulity. The United
States poured hundreds of millions of dollars into humanitarian relief
for Sudan, but never bothered to effectively engage in a high-level
effort to resolve the conflict until 2001 when President Bush appointed
Senator John Danforth to serve as a Special Envoy to Sudan.
With Senator Danforth's leadership, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
for Sudan was signed in January of 2005, presenting a historic
opportunity for peace, economic development, and democratic aspirations
in southern Sudan. Unfortunately, implementation of the peace agreement
has been slow and many difficult challenges lie ahead.
While the international community focused on resolving the war in the
south, a genocidal campaign was unleashed by the government of Sudan in
the Darfur region of western Sudan. As many as 400,000 people have died
since 2004, and more than 2 million others have been forced from their
homes. Once again, the U.S. Government provided millions of dollars to
meet the immediate humanitarian needs of those most affected by the
conflict, including more than $150 million to support the deployment
and operations of the African Union peacekeepers in Darfur. This time,
however, the U.S. immediately engaged at the highest levels to seek a
resolution to the conflict.
Two years of intense negotiations, with significant engagement by
President Bush himself, finally yielded a peace agreement between the
Government of Sudan and the largest rebel faction in Darfur, the SLA,
in May of this year. Unfortunately, the agreement has not held and the
Sudanese Government has launched military operations against its own
civilian population in Darfur.
Mr. Speaker, the United States has significant human rights and
security
[[Page H6990]]
interests at stake in Sudan. Recall that in 1996 the Sudanese
Government made Osama bin Laden available to American law enforcement
officials, a point that Salah Gosh reiterated to me with a great deal
of sarcasm when I met with him 14 months ago in Khartoum. That offer,
as we know, was refused.
We cannot afford to repeat those mistakes of the past. The United
States needs a rational, well coordinated policy towards Sudan that
puts an end to the violence and terrorism and human rights abuses at
the core of our relationship. It is in this context that I welcome, and
we welcome as a body, the President's appointment of Andrew Natsios to
serve as the Presidential Envoy for Sudan.
The resolution before us today, authored by our good friend and
colleague, Chairman Frank Wolf, H. Res. 992, strongly supports the
appointment of the Special Envoy for Sudan and suggests a roadmap for
the formation of a comprehensive responsible policy towards Sudan.
It states that the Special Envoy's mandate should include all efforts
to consolidate peace throughout Sudan, including by ensuring full
implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement and the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement. The mandate should also include helping to secure a
just and equitable peace in eastern Sudan, supporting reconstruction
efforts and the return of displaced persons to the Darfur and southern
Sudan and addressing the inextricably linked conflict in northern
Uganda.
In essence what will be the Special Envoy's responsibility to ensure
that we do not repeat the mistakes of the past by focusing solely on
the crisis in Darfur at the expense of solidifying the north-south
peace accord and resolving the conflict in the east; by allowing the
potential for peace in southern Sudan to blind us to the grave human
rights tragedies continuing to unfold in Darfur; and by allowing the
government of Sudan's reported cooperation in the war on terror to
outweigh human rights concerns in the region. They must be paramount.
And also to allow those same human rights concerns to compromise our
ability to protect our own citizens.
Again, this is a good resolution. I would note parenthetically that
originally it called for the creation, this resolution by Mr. Wolf, of
a Special Envoy. Thankfully, events have overcome the resolution and
now we are congratulating the administration for doing just that,
creating a Special Envoy for Sudan.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in strong support of this resolution. I would first like to
commend my good friend from Virginia, Congressman Frank Wolf, who
serves with me as co-chair of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus,
for introducing this most important measure. I also want to
congratulate former USAID Administrator Andrew Natsios on his recent
appointment as Presidential Special Envoy responsible for addressing
the crisis in Darfur and for coordinating our policies towards Sudan.
Mr. Natsios brings a remarkable lifetime of experience to this very
challenging task. Throughout his career, he has faced many humanitarian
and disaster situations, and he has performed brilliantly. The crisis
in Darfur will require aggressive diplomacy for which Mr. Natsios is
well suited.
Mr. Speaker, 2 years ago this Congress found the atrocities taking
place in Darfur were genocide. We thought that this declaration would
trigger an outpouring of diplomatic efforts worldwide to rescue the
victims of Khartoum's methodical madness. Rather than welcoming our
clear-cut declaration, many around the world continued to wring their
hands. Some even indulged in a specious debate as to whether the
tragedy in Darfur was even a genocide. For too many the term
``genocide'' created the specter of accountability, which few
individual leaders and fewer governments and institutions were willing
to contemplate.
This same paralysis struck the international community, including our
own government, in 1994, when the Rwandan genocide unfolded before us
with lightning speed, 1 million people massacred in 100 days. In the
aftermath of the genocide in Rwanda, leaders uttered the familiar
phrase ``never again,'' never again would the world stand by and allow
genocide to take place while we stood by and did nothing about it.
But for 3 years, Mr. Speaker, genocide has been unfolding in Darfur,
and the international community has been excruciatingly slow to act.
Mr. Speaker, this Congress and the American people have not given up.
Today we are voting on three separate measures that address the crisis
in Darfur, including the one before us at the moment. The genocide must
stop. Lives must be saved. The people of Darfur must be made whole
again and a permanent and just peace must come to Darfur.
Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution because sustained and
intensive diplomatic efforts at the highest levels are needed. The
Special Envoy must not only engage the parties to the conflict in
Darfur. He also will need to galvanize the international community to
bring lasting peace to Darfur.
I strongly support this resolution and urge all of my colleagues to
do so as well.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Virginia, Chairman Frank Wolf, author of
the resolution.
(Mr. WOLF asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I stand in strong support of H. Res. 992, supporting the
appointment of a Presidential Special Envoy; also, H. Res. 723, calling
for the President to take immediate steps to improve the security
situation in Darfur; and H.R. 3127, the Darfur Peace and Accountability
Act.
I want to commend and personally thank Chairman Hyde, Mr. Lantos, Mr.
Payne, and Mr. Smith of New Jersey and their staffs for all the efforts
that have gone into this.
Last week at the United Nations, the President renewed our country's
commitment to finding peace in Sudan by appointing Andrew Natsios as a
Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan. Andrew has a big task ahead of
him, but I am confident he goes into this position with the respect of
the administration and determination to see peace in Sudan and somebody
who understands the issue having been there on numerous occasions. We
all support him in this endeavor.
The people of Sudan, north, south, Darfur, all of Sudan, have
suffered for too long. What is needed now is immediate action. The
women and children are counting on us to end their nightmare. No human
should ever have to live through and endure what these people are
living through. I have seen through my own eyes during my latest trip
to Sudan just 2 years ago the suffering people of Darfur. I visited
five refugee camps, all sprawling tent cities jam-packed with thousands
of displaced families. Also having visited Sudan in other cases, I have
seen the suffering that went on in the north-south issue, people in the
south and in the north.
So as Mr. Smith said, this does not only deal with Darfur but also is
to make sure that the north-south peace agreement continues to stay
alive.
I watched the barbarous Janjaweed militiamen, who are carrying out
these attacks, sitting astride camels and horses just a short distance
from where young and old sought what they had hoped would be a safe
harbor.
In the face of genocide, the international community has been
paralyzed to act. The United States Government has led this effort in
trying to bring peace in Sudan. Heroes like Roger Winter and others
have dedicated their careers to the people of Sudan and should be
commended.
But, unfortunately, all of the diplomatic efforts that have been made
over the last 3 years have failed to bring peace in Darfur. As we stand
here, bombers are taking off, Antonov bombers, strafing villages.
Soviet Hind helicopters fly in and attack the villages. Women and
children are fleeing for their lives. The Janjaweed militia has
continued to rape and kill, wiping out generations of people in Darfur.
It is unacceptable, and the world must act.
[[Page H6991]]
All three of these measures make it a priority to end the genocide
and work to bring a lasting peace for the people of Sudan.
I want to again commend the House for the strong stand. I want to
commend Mr. Hyde, who has been a champion on these issues for so many,
many times, in a bipartisan effort. I also want to thank Mr. Lantos.
Every time one of these issues comes down on the floor, it is Lantos
who is sitting over there.
{time} 1815
And, lastly, I want to thank my good friend, Mr. Smith, who, quite
frankly, on these issues of human rights and religious freedom over the
26 years that I have served with him, he has done more I think than
perhaps any other person that has ever served in this institution from
the very, very beginning. But it is always Hyde, Lantos, Smith. It is
almost like a baseball game and the three.
And, also, I also want to thank Don Payne. Don Payne has been
faithful, loyal, always there, always speaking out, always there. Has
been there, I do not how many times, but also I want to thank Mr.
Payne, and there are so many other Members.
But these four, Hyde, Lantos, Payne and Smith, have been the ones
that have really made a tremendous difference. And others again, I
stipulate, care about this thing deeply. But it just seems that every
time there is a human rights issue on the floor, they are the people
that are down there.
So I urge that we pass this thing with a majority vote and send a
message to the government of Khartoum.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend from Virginia for
his most generous comments, and I yield 3 minutes to the ranking member
of the Africa Subcommittee, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne),
my good friend and distinguished colleague, who is our leader on issues
relating to Africa.
(Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3127, the
Darfur Peace and Accountability Act, a bill which I have worked on for
more than a year with many others. I am glad to see it come to the
floor again for final passage.
Let me just say that the bills that are being discussed today, H.R.
3127, the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act of 2006; H.R. 723,
calling for the President to take immediate steps to help improve the
security in Darfur; and H. Res. 992, urging the President to appoint
special envoys for Sudan; really speaks out that we are sick and tired
of being sick and tired.
We continue to say to Khartoum that they must stop the genocide. It
will not be tolerated. President Bashir, the National Congress party
officials, Janjaweed commanders and murderers, and others responsible
for genocide must be held accountable and will be brought to justice.
This bill is just the first step.
I want to thank Chairman Hyde for working with our Democratic members
of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International
Operations.
I also would like to repeat what Congressman Wolf said, that
Congressman Lantos has been a steadfast leader on issues of genocide.
And as he being a genocide survivor, a Holocaust survivor, we know of
his strong passion for this issue, and so we really appreciate his
leadership.
There are key provisions in this legislation, Section 7 and Section
8. We want to first say that a peaceful resolution must happen in
Darfur, and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement we think is a step
towards that to happen.
Section 8 of the legislation exempts the south and the three
marginalized areas, deals with a number of issues that have been
summarized in the bill.
But let me just conclude by saying that there was an additional
provision in the original bill, though, that I just would like to
mention briefly, of Congresswoman Barbara Lee, which dealt with States
having the ability to withhold pension funds from businesses that are
operating in Sudan.
Unfortunately, this was removed by the Senate. We hope to see this
legislation, this language put back in, because we believe that States
should have the right to divest from companies doing business,
international companies doing business in Darfur; and we will continue
to work towards that end.
And so, Mr. Speaker, I thank the leadership for moving this bill
forward.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of our
time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Lee), always a strong voice on human rights.
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from California, our
ranking member, for yielding and for your leadership. I also want to
thank Chairman Smith. I want to thank Mr. Payne for your leadership and
for helping to get this bill this far.
This is a good step in a direction that I hope will ultimately stop
the slaughter, stop the genocide, protect the people of Darfur and
allow the people of Darfur to go home.
Over 2 million people have been displaced. We hear upwards of 450,000
people have been killed. This is a horrific genocide. We need the world
community to say no, and we need to make sure that the young people who
have been working and organizing throughout the country and raising
their voices saying ``not on our watch'' that this is not on our watch
and that we on our watch allow for the genocide to end.
You do remember very clearly that over a million people were killed
in Rwanda. And what we did, unfortunately, was sit back and say later
that we were sorry. This should not ever happen again. Not on our watch
will it happen again.
So I think even with the difficulties we have had with the language
remaining with regard to not preempting States in their divestment
movements, this is, again, a good first start.
I just want Members in this body to know, especially, that we are
coming back on divestment, because it makes no sense to allow companies
with holdings in the Sudan to continue to do this type of business.
Pension funds should not have blood in their banks, and that is exactly
what has happened.
The people in the United States of America do not want genocide to
take place with their money. That is what is taking place. And so we
need to allow the wishes and the desires of people throughout the
country, including in New Jersey, and today California signed its
divestment legislation, Illinois, there are many States that are moving
forward.
So we are going to come back with our divestment legislation so that
this Federal law will not preempt it.
So thank you again, Mr. Lantos and Mr. Smith.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank Chairman Chris Smith and Ranking
Member Don Payne for their hard work on H.R. 3127, the Darfur Peace and
Accountability Act but have concerns on versions emerging from the
other body.
We all agree that the systematic displacement, torture and slaughter
of millions in Darfur must be stopped.
However, the legislation before us today is not the same bipartisan
bill that received almost unanimous support in the House of
Representatives in April of this year--and then awaited consideration
in the other body for nearly 6 months.
Mr. Speaker, the original H.R. 3127 legislation that the House
approved contained all the steps necessary to bring about peace and
justice for the victims in Darfur and criminal penalties and financial
sanctions against those who perpetrated the genocide.
H.R. 3127 still contains many strong provisions including:
immediately mobilizing support to expand the African Union mission,
blocking assets and restricting travel of any individual the President
determines is responsible for acts of genocide, war crimes, or crimes
against humanity in the Darfur region; and offering U.S. support for
the International Criminal Court's efforts to prosecute those
responsible for acts of genocide in Darfur.
However, Mr. Speaker, this bill falls short on the issue of
divestment.
The bill that came out of the House International Relations Committee
and passed by the House included an amendment I authored on divestment.
In particular, the language that was included in the House-passed
bill provides pre-emptive protections for states and universities who
are mounting divestment campaigns throughout our Nation.
States and localities, and colleges and universities across the
Nation have passed legislation mandating divestment of State funds
[[Page H6992]]
from companies that conduct business in Sudan.
Mr. Speaker, divestment works.
The lessons from South Africa taught us that divestment is an
effective tool--and clearly it's time we hit Khartoum where they'll
feel it most, in their pocket books.
We should not provide cover to businesses whose profits maintain
Khartoum's systematic torture, rape, murder and displacement of
millions.
And moreover, I am profoundly disappointed at my colleagues in the
other body.
By removing this key provision, they are sending a message to states
and universities nation-wide that stopping divestment is ultimately
more import than stopping the genocide.
Without the Lee Section 11 Divestment language a message is also
going out to Khartoum and the companies that have been sheltered by the
removal of this language--the message is ``With a wink and an eye your
profits are more important than the Darfur people.
I will support this bill. But, Mr. Speaker, I will also continue to
fight to ensure preemption protections for states and communities and
other bodies pursuing divestment strategies.
That is why I introduced H.R. 6140, a bill that bars Federal
contracts with firms doing business with Sudan but also protects
states' ability to divest their pension funds from such companies.
Mr. Speaker we have a moral responsibility to use every tool at our
disposal to stop the genocide. And divestment is a powerful tool and
should have been part of the legislation we are considering today.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise
and extend her remarks.)
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished
gentleman from California. There is certainly no doubt in your
leadership on these issues.
The chairman, Chairman Smith, and the members of the International
Relations Committee, Members of this Congress, this is time for robust
action. Frankly, it is time for rolling up the sleeves and the heavy
lifting.
Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate the distinguished gentleman from
New Jersey for his persistence on passing the accountability bill and
the declaration of genocide. It has been a long journey. We passed it.
We are back again. But the people of Darfur cannot take any more bumps
in the road, the constant pain of the violence and abuse against women
and children and men, the constant moving, the increasing number of
refugees, the violence against refugees, the Janjaweed and others.
The government is continuing to play the blame game. It is vital that
the envoy have a robust mandate and be able to energize the
negotiations that are going on or that are not going on. The President
of Sudan has to be addressed and has to be admonished, and then we need
NATO to be able to ensure that there is security and that they are much
involved in pushing the Sudan.
We need Egypt, we need Jordan, we need Algeria, we need Libya to
encourage the president of Sudan to stand down. It is extremely
important that we are reminded of the necessary humanitarian aid that
is vital in the cause of saving lives.
We need to save lives. Chad cannot take any more of a burden than
what it already has. And having been to the camps in Chad, spoken to
women who would not look you in the face because they had been raped
over and over again, Mr. Speaker, this is a monumental crisis. We must
not leave this place, the Senate must not leave the place, the
President must not let this Congress go out without signing legislation
so that the protection of those who are now under attack can be
ensured.
I hope that the presidential envoy will have the robust mandate to
push the United Nations and the African Union and the United Nations
peacekeepers to ensure peace in the region. I ask for support of these
initiatives.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 992, which
urges the President to appoint a Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan.
The appointment of a Presidential Special Envoy for Sudan with a
robust mandate and access to, and support of, senior administration
officials, including the President, is crucial. Just a few months ago,
we passed the Emergency Supplemental Act, which included $250,000 to
appoint this special envoy. It is imperative that the President move
rapidly to appoint this envoy, that envoy has now been appointed and
his mandate must be vigorous and unyielding for peace and security in
Darfur.
The genocidal regime in Sudan has left 2.5 million people displaced
and at least 400,000 people dead in Darfur. Due to increasing violence,
15,000 innocent civilians continue to die each month. Genocide cannot
continue on our watch; the United States must move towards effective
action against this most terrible crime. The United Nations Secretary
General has described the situation in Darfur as ``little short of hell
on earth.'' Expert John Prendergast calls it ``Rwanda in slow motion.''
The United States Congress and administration are on record as
declaring that the atrocities being committed in Darfur, Sudan are
genocide.
Until the security situation vastly improves, the people of Sudan
will experience increasingly long-term adversity. Civilians can't plan
on stability in the future. They can't grow crops, or raise livestock,
if there is a likelihood--not a chance, a likelihood--that roving
government-sponsored militias will beat, rape, or kill them if they
wander outside the protection of makeshift camps. And these government-
sponsored criminals burn fields the people have managed to grow, and
steal or slaughter the livestock the people have managed to keep.
Over 400,000 people have died in the Darfur conflict since 2003, with
3.5 million people driven into hunger, and another 2.5 million
displaced due to violence. Imagine if the entire city of Las Vegas had
perished at the hands of government-sponsored bandits, the population
of Los Angeles was starving, and both the cities of Houston and Atlanta
had all relocated due to conflict. The upheaval of the South after
Hurricane Katrina is our closest reference to understanding the
devastation Sudan is experiencing, and yet the scale in Sudan is
overwhelming. We should all be quaking with anger.
Human rights are not for any government to give and take--they are
inherent, self-evident, and vital, as our founding fathers understood
so well. We should not be complacent when such rights are violated or
refused--we must use what power we have to ensure that people are free
to live and thrive safely.
We must work to deter any escalation of violence, and provide
unwavering assistance to diffuse the current strife. I commend the
tireless efforts of United States officials who have helped secure the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Darfur Peace Agreement. And yet
there is much to be done, the welfare of a nation lies within our
hands.
Our role is clear, and we must do what we can to alleviate the
desperation of the civilians caught in the mayhem in Sudan. I urge my
colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3127, H. Res. 723
and H. Res. 992 and to call your attention to the rapidly deteriorating
situation in Darfur. I join the sponsors of these bills in an effort to
express our support of urgent action by the U.S. Government to
intervene to stop the genocide which is now occurring. Since the
conflict began in 2003 hundreds of thousands of people have died.
Nearly 2,000,000 people have been internally displaced, more than
3,000,000 people are dependant on international assistance to survive,
and nearly 220,000 refugees are seeking protection in neighboring Chad.
And although the UN has deployed nearly 13,000 humanitarian aid
workers, the support offered to the region is not enough. In spite of
the presence of African Union Mission in Sudan (AIMS) forces, the
Sudanese government as well as militia men persists in flagrantly
ignoring terms outlined in peace agreements resulting in continued
genocidal violence and crimes against humanity. As reported by the
International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur ``the extensive
destruction and displacement have resulted in a loss of livelihood and
the means of survival for countless women, men and children.'' Each day
hundreds of innocent civilians are killed, raped, and forced to flee
their homes. The world is failing Darfur. The United States is failing
Darfur.
Despite continued talk of the United States' commitment to liberate
people from tyrannical dictators, spread democracy around the world,
and fighting terrorism; we continue to tacitly permit the isolation,
displacement, and murder of thousands of people throughout the region.
We cannot continue to bear silent witness to the massacres. We must act
now.
How long will we allow a government which permits attacks and
killings of so many of its citizens to refuse aid? How long will we
watch as humanitarian aid workers are killed in the line of duty? How
long will we continue to talk about genocide without responding? During
a subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International
Operations House International Relations Committee testimony, Roger P.
Winter, former special representative
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on Sudan of the Deputy Secretary of State asserted ``Sudan's National
Congress Party is controlled by an intellectually-capable, radically
committed, conspiratorial and compassionless nucleus of individuals,
long referred to as the National Islamic Front (NIF).'' Substantiating
the fact that the Sudanese government is responsible for perpetuating
the atrocities occurring throughout the Sudan, especially in Darfur,
Mr. Winter's comments also underscore the necessity for both the United
Nations and the United States to step up to the plate.
Let us be clear. The situation is getting worse and it will continue
to worsen should we stand idle. In violation of previous agreements,
aerial bombings of villages using helicopter gunships have begun.
Twelve humanitarian aid workers have been killed in the last two months
and 25 humanitarian aid vehicles have been hijacked. The Sudanese
government is still opposing a UN force, and has been threatening to
throw out the AU if they transition into a UN force, and members of the
Sudanese armed forces are disguising themselves and their vehicles to
look like those of the AU. Something must be done to stop these
atrocities.
There are several steps that can be taken to begin to address some of
the egregious wrongs occurring throughout Sudan, particularly in
Darfur. We must work both collectively with other governments as well
as independently to enforce the provisions outlined in H.R. 3127, the
Darfur Peace and Accountability Act including: reinforcing the
deployment and operations of an expanded AU peace keeping force;
restricting travel of individuals and associates directly responsible
for acts of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity in Sudan;
and withholding, from the Sudanese government, profits from and/or
related to oil and oil related ventures. Immediate deployment of UN
peacekeeping forces in accordance with UN SC Res 1706, and
implementation of all previously passed UN SC resolutions such as a No
Fly Zone and disarming the Janjaweed militia is needed.
In accordance with H. Res. 723 we must take steps toward improving
the security situation in Darfur particularly with regard to protecting
civilian life. It is of critical importance that we immediately
implement an interim civilian protection force that is both well
trained and adequately equipped to protect civilians remaining in
Darfur as well as those seeking refuge in Chad. In light of a report by
Human Rights Watch we must ensure that cross-border raids initiated by
Sudanese government forces and Janjaweed militias are countered by
stalwart peacekeeping forces backed by stronger mandates. Similarly,
appropriations must be made to support the implementation of these
forces as well as to fund the missions of both AMIS and NATO in Darfur.
We must also push for allies and other nations including China,
India, Malaysia and Russia to extend their support for the Sudanese
government. Echoing the sentiments of H. Res. 992 we must employ a
special envoy to facilitate the development of an international
peacekeeping force and ensuring the implementation of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement among other essential tasks.
Moreover, we must encourage local authorities to exercise their legal
right and moral obligation to exercise discretion in how they invest
their money. Divesting is one of the many ways that we can send the
clear message that we will no longer stand by while hundreds of
thousands of innocent people suffer. Lastly, we must ensure that the
recently established presidential envoy has a solid, strong mandate,
adequate support, and clear channels of communication with the
President.
We cannot ignore the great responsibility resting upon our shoulders
as a world leader. The people of Darfur can no longer afford to wait.
We must hold true to our promises and to our convictions. We must stand
up for humanity where human rights are being trampled, thousands are
facing death.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and
we yield back the balance of our time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our
time as well.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Feeney). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 992, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of
those present have voted in the affirmative.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this question will
be postponed.
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