[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 117 (Tuesday, September 19, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H6681-H6685]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   RECOGNIZING CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY OF IRANIAN CONSTITUTION OF 1906

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 942) recognizing the centennial 
anniversary on August 5, 2006, of the Iranian constitution of 1906.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 942

       Whereas in 1906, one hundred years ago, the people of Iran 
     rose in a peaceful democratic revolution against arbitrary, 
     despotic rulers;
       Whereas the people of Iran chose to confront these rulers 
     with peaceful assemblies of thousands of people in the public 
     spaces of Iran until these rulers received their demands;
       Whereas these rulers bowed to the wishes of the people on 
     August 5, 1906, and issued a decree for the convocation of a 
     freely elected assembly, the Majles, to write a democratic 
     constitution;
       Whereas the Iranian constitution, written pursuant to the 
     decree of 1906, was a democratic instrument providing for--
       (1) the establishment of an independent judiciary;
       (2) the establishment of an independent legislature with 
     members directly elected by the people;
       (3) socio-political progress, including the separation of 
     religion from the affairs of government; and
       (4) the commitment of the government to the territorial 
     integrity of Iran;

       Whereas the maneuvering of the imperial powers and a 
     fundamentalist clergy crushed the democratic aspirations 
     represented in the constitution of 1906;
       Whereas the Iranian constitution of 1906 has nevertheless 
     remained in the forefront of the aspirations of the Iranian 
     people throughout decades of a long struggle towards 
     progress, civil society, and democracy;
       Whereas those ideals were abolished by the clerical-led 
     dictatorship of the Ayatollahs in 1979; and
       Whereas August 5, 2006, would be an appropriate day to 
     recognize the centennial anniversary of the Iranian 
     constitution of 1906: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,  That the House of Representatives--
       (1) recognizes the centennial anniversary of the Iranian 
     constitution of 1906;
       (2) is mindful of the democratic revolution of 1906 that 
     lead to the drafting of the Iranian constitution; and
       (3) expresses its profound hope that the people of Iran 
     will once again enjoy a democratic government in the spirit 
     of the Iranian constitution of 1906.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from 
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida.


                             General Leave

  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend 
their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under 
consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  I rise in strong support of H. Res. 942 introduced by my friend, my 
colleague Mr. King from Iowa. H. Res. 942, Madam Speaker, recognizes 
the centennial anniversary on August 5 of the Iranian Constitution of 
1906.

                              {time}  1600

  The resolution acknowledges the democratic revolution of the Iranian 
people going back 100 years. It notes the democratic political system 
created from this movement, with clearly defined separation of powers. 
Finally, the resolution expresses the hope that the people of Iran will 
be inspired by their democratic history and once again enjoy democratic 
rule.
  You might be surprised to learn that Persia was the first country in 
the Middle East to introduce a constitution and create a constitutional 
monarchy with an elected parliament and popular sovereignty in 1906. 
The then-Shah signed the electoral law and the fundamental law of 
Persia that established an independent legislature and an independent 
judiciary.
  While the constitutionalist movement was temporarily undermined in 
1908 during the reign of Mohammed Ali Shah Qajar, it was later rescued 
by the reign of his son.
  The ideals of the constitutional revolution were abolished with the 
demise of the dynasty and the rise of an absolute monarchy in 1925, and 
then with the Iranian revolution in 1979.
  Madam Speaker, this resolution is an opportunity for the American 
people to send a positive message to the Iranian people about their 
indigenous democratic tradition. We hope that this tradition will be an 
inspiration for the Iranian people as they seek to increase their 
political freedoms.
  I strongly support the passage of this resolution. I thank Mr. King 
for introducing it.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution, and I yield myself such time as I might consume.
  I want to congratulate my friend and distinguished colleague from 
Iowa, Congressman King, for introducing this important resolution 
commemorating Iran's democratic revolution of 1906. I want equally to 
congratulate my friend and committee colleague, Mr. Blumenauer, who 
introduced the resolution on the very same topic at virtually the same 
time.
  The issues raised by the King and Blumenauer resolutions are both 
simple and complex. On the one hand, it is important simply that we 
commemorate the events of 1906, a popular uprising that led to the 
drafting of a constitution brimming with democratic guarantees.
  Indeed, this was a heady time for tens of thousands of Iranian 
liberals, as the writings of the esteemed contemporary British scholar 
Edward G. Browne make abundantly clear.
  Recalling these events reminds us that the yearning of the people of 
the Middle East for democracy has a long and storied history. In fact, 
there were other significant manifestations of democratic sentiment in 
the Middle East in the late 19th and early 20th centuries including 
both in Egypt and in the Ottoman Empire.
  At the same time, we cannot help but acknowledge that the high hopes 
of the 1906 Constitutional Revolution were quickly dashed on the shoals 
of reactionary resistance, foreign interference, and the lack of unity 
among the constitutionalists. Iran has gone through many permutations 
since 1906, but it has experienced very little democracy.
  Today's Iran is a far cry from that envisioned by the revolutionaries 
and constitution writers of a century ago. The Iran of today is an 
authoritarian, intolerant, theocratic regime in which ultimate 
authority rests with the clergy, and a minority of clergymen at that.
  There are elections and there is a parliament in Iran, but candidates 
must first be approved by an unelected clergy. The democratic promise 
that Iranians set out for themselves in 1906 remains unfulfilled, but 
it is not forgotten. It stands as a beacon of democratic hope for Iran 
and for others throughout the Middle East.
  At a time when we have committed our resources to supporting the 
emergence of a liberal, tolerant Middle East, it is very appropriate 
that we recall one of the earliest efforts in that region to establish 
a constitutional democratic regime. And we honor those Iranians who 
struggled for positive change. That is why I support this resolution 
and urge all of my colleagues to do likewise.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I am so pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman

[[Page H6682]]

from Iowa (Mr. King), the prime sponsor and author of the resolution.
  Mr. KING of Iowa. I thank the gentlewoman from Florida for yielding 
and for her leadership on this important issue. And I also thank the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for his support for this 
resolution and for his leadership on many of these foreign relation 
issues that we have.
  I am very pleased to be here on the floor today, Madam Speaker, to 
address this issue; and I rise in support of H. Res. 942 to recognize 
the 100th anniversary of the Iranian constitutional revolution.
  The current totalitarian regime of the ayatollahs presents a threat 
to world peace. It is important to recognize that Iranian history 
contains within itself the evidence of internal representative 
constitutional aspirations which would free the Iranian people of 
oppressive tyranny.
  In 1906, the people of Iran brought about a peaceful constitutional 
revolution to limit the autocratic power of a corrupt regime. As such, 
it was among the most significant turning points in Iranian history; it 
and resulted in the establishment of an elected parliament, the Majles, 
and the creation of a representative system of government, including 
checks and balances and the separation of powers.
  While the constitution that was ultimately drafted as a result of the 
revolution was never fully implemented in Iran, it presents the Iranian 
people with an important starting point in their present-day struggle 
to overcome the tyranny of the ayatollahs.
  Much like the situation that we currently see in Iran, before the 
revolution in 1906 Iran was ruled harshly by leaders who did not have 
to respond to the will of the people. As the people of Iran watched 
their leaders squander away their nation's land and resources, they 
were emboldened by the democratic revolutions that were at that time 
sweeping through Europe and Latin American. The people of Iran saw what 
was happening in other countries and demanded similar reforms. Just as 
today's Iranians see their needs overlooked in their leaders' attempts 
to hasten the coming of a worldwide radical Islamic state, the 
destruction of the assets of Iran before the 1906 revolution resulted 
in widespread poverty, food shortages and plague, though the rulers 
demonstrated no obligation to relieve the needs of the people.
  After years of agitation and a number of failed attempts to bring 
about representative constitutional reforms in cooperation with Iran's 
rulers, the reformists chose nonviolent means to establish their 
demands. Early in 1906, some 16,000 Iranians gathered in the mosques 
and the public places of Tehran, organized camps, commissaries, and 
sanitation facilities and established order; and they simply stayed 
there. In modern terms, it was a giant sit-in that lasted for weeks. 
And on August 5, 1906, Mozafareddin Shah signed a decree authorizing 
the creation of a freely elected Majles which was the first task of 
writing a permanent constitution. The constitution that was created was 
a modern representative document created upon the model of the Belgian 
Constitution that met all the requirements of the four demands of the 
revolutionary democratic movement.
  The establishment of an independent judiciary was one. The second was 
establishment of an independent legislature, with members directly 
elected by the people. The third was a socio-political progress, 
including the separation of religion from the affairs of government. I 
will repeat, the separation of religion. The fourth was a commitment of 
the government to the territorial integrity of Iran. And in 1907, in 
one of the most unfortunate events of the Iranian history, Mozafareddin 
Shah died, and with him died the full implementation of the 
representative constitution.
  Nevertheless, the 1906 constitution has always served as a beacon of 
liberty for those striving for freedom in Iran. All people on the face 
of the Earth ought to have the right to live under a constitutionally 
prescribed government that is representative and responsive to the will 
of the people. The 1906 Constitution of Iran provides the people of 
Iran with a blueprint for constitutional government that is a product 
of their culture and their needs. It has demonstrated that Iranians 
could come together, using their own resources and their own 
traditions, to create a liberal representative constitutional state. 
And even though a corrupt dictatorial reactionary regime has ruled in 
Iran since 1979, the 1906 Iranian Constitution inspires hope for a free 
Iran today.
  Madam Speaker, I hope the recognition contained in this bill can help 
inspire Iranians to rise up and expel their country's dictators. Given 
the current threat the Iranian regime poses to global security today, 
the whole world should join in supporting and encouraging the Iranian 
people's fight for freedom and constitutional representation.
  I ask my colleagues for support of this important legislation and 
pray for the day that all of God's children live in freedom and 
liberty.

                      Draft 1906 Iran Constitution

       In the Name of God the Merciful, the Forgiving.
       WHEREAS in accordance with the Imperial edict dated the 
     fourteenth of Jumada althani, A.H. 1324 (=August 5, 1906), a 
     decree was issued for the establishment of a National 
     Consultative Assembly, to promote the progress and happiness 
     of our Kingdom and people, strengthen the foundations of our 
     Government and give effect to the enactments of the Sacred 
     Law of His Holiness the Prophet,
       AND WHEREAS, by virtue of the fundamental principle 
     (therein laid down), we have conferred on each individual of 
     the people of our realm, for the amending and superintending 
     of the affairs of the common-wealth, according to their 
     degrees, the right to participate in choosing and appointing 
     the Members of this Assembly by popular election,
       THEREFORE the National Consultative Assembly is now opened, 
     in accordance with our Sacred Command; and we do define as 
     follows the principles and articles of the Constitutional Law 
     regulating the aforesaid National Consultative Assembly, 
     which Law comprises the duties and functions of the above-
     mentioned Assembly, its limitations, and its relations with 
     the various ministries of the country.
       On the Constitution of the Assembly.
       Article 1--The national consultative assembly is founded 
     and established in accordance with the Imperial edict of the 
     fourteenth of the Jumada al-thani, A.H. 1324 (August 5, 
     1906).
       Article 2--The National Consultative Assembly represents 
     the whole of the people of Iran, who (thus) participate in 
     the economic and political affairs of the country.
       Article 3--The National Consultative Assembly shall consist 
     of the members elected in Tehran and the provinces, and shall 
     be held in Tehran.
       Article 4--The number of elected members of the national 
     consultative assembly has been fixed, in accordance with the 
     electoral law, separately promulgated, at one hundred and 
     sixty-two, but in case of necessity the number of the members 
     may be increased to two hundred.
       Article 5--The members of the national consultative 
     assembly shall be elected for two whole years. This period 
     shall begin on the day when all the representatives from the 
     provinces have arrived in Tehran. On the conclusion of this 
     period or two years, new representatives shall be elected, 
     but the people shall have the option of re-electing any of 
     their former representatives whom they wish and with whom 
     they are satisfied.
       Article 6--The members of the national consultative 
     assembly who have been elected to represent Tehran shall, as 
     soon as they meet, have the right to convene the national 
     consultative assembly and to begin their discussions and 
     deliberations. During the period preceding the arrival of the 
     provincial delegates, their decisions shall depend for their 
     validity and due execution on the majority (by which they are 
     carried).
       Article 7--On the opening of the debates, at least two 
     thirds of the members of the national consultative assembly 
     shall be present, and, when the vote is taken at least three 
     quarters. A majority shall be obtained only when more than 
     half of those present in the Assembly record their votes.
       Article 8--The periods of session and recess of the 
     national consultative assembly shall be determined by the 
     assembly itself, in accordance with such internal regulations 
     as itself shall formulate. After the summer recess, the 
     national consultative assembly must continue open and remain 
     in session from the fourteenth day of the month of Mehr (Oct. 
     6th), which corresponds with the anniversary of the opening 
     day of the first assembly.
       Article 9--The national consultative assembly can sit on 
     occasions of extraordinary public holidays.
       Article 10--On the opening day of the national consultative 
     assembly, an address shall be presented by it to His Imperial 
     Majesty, and it shall afterwards have the honor of receiving 
     an answer from that Royal and August quarter.
       Article 11--Members of the national consultative assembly, 
     on taking their seats, shall take and subscribe to the 
     following form of oath:
       (Form of the Oath.)
       ``We the undersigned take God to witness, and swear on the 
     Qur'an, that, so long as the rights of the national 
     consultative assembly

[[Page H6683]]

     and its members are observed and respected, in conformity 
     with these regulations, we will, so far as possible, 
     discharge, with the utmost truth, uprightness, diligence and 
     endeavor, the duties confided to us; that we will act loyally 
     and truthfully towards our just and honored sovereign, commit 
     no treason in respect of either the foundations of the throne 
     or the rights of the people, and will consider only the 
     advantage and well-being of the people and the country of 
     Iran.''
       Article 12--No one, on any pretext or excuse, shall have 
     any right, without the knowledge and approval of the national 
     consultative assembly, to molest its members. Even in case of 
     the members committing some crime or misdemeanor, and being 
     arrested flagrante delicto, any punishment inflicted upon him 
     must be with the cognizance of the national consultative 
     assembly.
       Article 13--The deliberations of the national consultative 
     assembly, in order that effect may be given to their results, 
     must be public. According to the internal regulations of the 
     assembly, journalists and spectators have the right to be 
     present and listen, but not to speak. Newspapers may print 
     and publish all the debates of the assembly, provided they do 
     not change or pervert their meaning, so that the public may 
     be informed of the subjects of discussion and the detail of 
     what takes place. Everyone, subject to his playing due regard 
     to the public good, may discuss them in the public press, so 
     that no matter may be veiled or hidden from any person. 
     Therefore all newspapers, provided that their contents are 
     not injurious to any one of the fundamental principles of the 
     government or the nation, are authorized and allowed to print 
     and publish all matters advantageous to the public interest, 
     such as the debates of the assembly, and the opinions of the 
     people on these debates. But if anyone, actuated by 
     interested motives, shall print in the newspapers or in other 
     publications anything contrary to what has been mentioned, or 
     inspired by slander or calumny, he will render himself liable 
     to cross-examination, judgment and punishment, according to 
     law.
       Article 14--The national consultative assembly shall 
     organize and arrange, in accordance with separate and 
     distinct regulations called the Internal Code of Rules, its 
     own affairs, such as the election of a president, vice-
     presidents, secretaries, and other officers, the arrangements 
     of the debates and formation of committees, etc.
       Duties of the Assembly, its Rights and its Limitations.
       Article 15--The national consultative assembly has the 
     right in all matters and issues to propose any bill which it 
     regards as conducive to the well-being of the government and 
     the people, after due discussion and deliberation thereof in 
     all sincerity and truth; and, having due regard to the 
     majority of votes, to submit such bill, in complete 
     confidence of safety and security, after it has received the 
     approval of the senate, by means of the Prime Minister of the 
     country, so that it may receive the Royal Approval and be 
     duly carried out.
       Article 16--All laws necessary to strengthen the 
     foundations of the country and throne and to set in order the 
     affairs of the realm and the establishment of the ministries 
     must be ratified by the national consultative assembly.
       Article 17--The national consultative assembly shall, when 
     occasion arises, bring forward such bills as shall be 
     necessary for the creation, modification, completion or 
     abrogation of any law, and, subject to the ratification by 
     the senate, shall submit it for the royal sanction, so that 
     due effect may thereafter be given to it.
       Article 18--The regulation of all financial matters, the 
     construction and regulation of the budget, all changes in 
     fiscal arrangements, the acceptance or rejection of all 
     incidental and subordinate expenditure, as also the new 
     inspectorships (of finance) which will be founded by the 
     Government, shall be subject to the approval of the national 
     consultative assembly.
       Article 19--The national consultative assembly has the 
     right, after the senate has given its approval, to demand 
     from the ministers that effect shall be given to the bills 
     thus approved for the reform of the finances and the 
     facilitation of co-operation between the different 
     departments of the Government by division of the departments 
     and provinces of Iran and their respective offices.
       Article 20--The budget of each ministry shall be concluded 
     during the latter half of each year for the following year, 
     and shall be ready fifteen days before the festivities of 
     Norooz. (March 21, the Iranian new year)
       Article 21--Should it at any time be necessary to 
     introduce, modify or abrogate any bylaws regulating the 
     (functions of the) ministries, such change shall be made only 
     with the approval of the national consultative assembly, 
     irrespective of whether the necessity for such action has 
     been declared by the assembly or enunciated by the 
     responsible ministers.
       Article 22--Any proposal to transfer or sell any portion of 
     the national resources, or of the control exercised by the 
     government or the throne, or to effect any change in the 
     boundaries and frontiers of the kingdom, shall be subject to 
     the approval of the national consultative assembly.
       Article 23--Without the approval of the national 
     consultative assembly no concession for the formation of any 
     public company of any sort shall, under any plea whatsoever 
     be granted by the government.
       Article 24--The conclusion of treaties and covenants, the 
     granting of commercial, industrial, agricultural and other 
     concessions, irrespective of whether they are granted to 
     Iranian or foreign nationals, shall be subject to the 
     approval of the national consultative assembly, with the 
     exception of treaties which, for reasons of state and the 
     public advantage, must be kept secret.
       Article 25--All government and national loans, under 
     whatever title, whether internal or external, must be 
     contracted only with the cognizance and approval of the 
     national consultative assembly.
       Article 26--The construction of railroads or chausses, at 
     the expense of the government, or of any company, whether 
     Iranian or foreign, depends on the approval of the assembly.
       Article 27--Wherever the assembly observes any defect in 
     the laws, or any neglect in giving effect to them, it shall 
     notify the same to the minister responsible for that 
     department, who shall furnish all necessary explanations.
       Article 28--Should any minister, acting under 
     misapprehension, issue on the royal authority, whether in 
     writing or verbal, orders conflicting with one of the laws 
     which have been enacted and have received the royal sanction, 
     he shall admit his negligence and lack of attention, and 
     shall, according to the law, be personally responsible to His 
     Majesty.
       Article 29--Should a minister fail to give a satisfactory 
     account of any affair conformable to the laws which have 
     received the royal sanction, and should it appear in his case 
     that a violation of such law has been committed, or that he 
     has transgressed the limits imposed (on him), the assembly 
     shall demand his dismissal from His Majesty, and should his 
     treason be clearly established in a Court of Law, he shall 
     not again be employed in the service of the State.
       Article 30--The Assembly shall, at any time when it 
     considers it necessary, have the right to make direct 
     representations to His Majesty by means of a committee 
     consisting of the president of the national consultative 
     assembly and six of its members chosen by the six ranks. This 
     committee must ask permission, and make an appointment for an 
     audience with His Majesty through the Chief of Protocol. 
     (Wazir-i-Darbar).
       Article 31--Ministers have the right to be present at the 
     sessions of the national consultative assembly, to sit in the 
     places appointed for them, and to listen to the debates of 
     the assembly. If they consider it necessary, they may ask the 
     President of the assembly for permission to speak, and may 
     give such explanations as may be necessary for purposes of 
     discussion and investigation.
       On the Presentation of Issues to the National Consultative 
     Assembly.
       Article 32--Any individual may submit in writing to the 
     Petition Department of the Archives of the assembly a 
     statement of his own case, or of any criticisms or complains. 
     If the matter concerns the assembly itself, it will give him 
     a satisfactory answer; but if it concerns one of the 
     ministries, it will refer it to that ministry, which will 
     enquire into the matter and return a sufficient answer.
       Article 33--New laws which are needed shall be drafted and 
     revised in the ministries which are respectively responsible, 
     and shall then be laid before the national consultative 
     assembly by the responsible ministers, or by the Prime 
     Minister. After being ratified by the assembly, and signed by 
     His Majesty, they shall be duly put into force.
       Article 34--The President of the national consultative 
     assembly can, in case of necessity, either personally, or on 
     the demand often members of the assembly, hold a private 
     conference, consisting of a selected number of members of the 
     national consultative assembly, with any minister, from which 
     private meeting newspaper correspondents and spectators shall 
     be excluded, and at which other members of the assembly shall 
     not have the right to be present. The result of the 
     deliberations of such secret conference shall, however, only 
     be confirmed when it has been deliberated in the said 
     conference in presence of three quarter those selected (to 
     serve on it), and carried by a majority of votes. Should the 
     proposition (in question) not be accepted in the private 
     conference, it shall not be brought forward in the national 
     consultative assembly, but shall be passed over in silence.
       Article 35--If such private conference shall have been held 
     at the demand of the president of the national consultative 
     assembly, he has the right to inform the public of so much of 
     the deliberations as he shall deem expedient; but if the 
     private conference has been held at the demand of a minister, 
     the disclosure of the deliberations depends on the permission 
     of that minister.
       Article 36--Any minister can withdraw any matter which he 
     has proposed to the assembly at any point in the discussion, 
     unless his statement has been made at the instance of the 
     assembly, in which case statement has been made at the 
     instance of the assembly, in which case the withdrawal of the 
     matter depends on the consent of the assembly.
       Article 37--If a bill introduced by any minister is not 
     accepted by the national consultative assembly, it shall be 
     returned, supplemented by the observations of the assembly; 
     and the responsible minister, after rejecting or accepting 
     the criticisms of the assembly, can propose the aforesaid 
     bill a second time to the assembly.
       Article 38--The  members of the national consultative 
     assembly must clearly and plainly signify their rejection 
     or acceptance of bills, and no one has the right to 
     persuade or threaten them in recording their votes. The 
     signification by the members of the assembly of such 
     rejection or acceptance

[[Page H6684]]

     must be effected in such manner that newspaper 
     correspondents and spectators also may perceive it, that 
     is to say their intention must be signified by some 
     outward sign such as (the employment of) blue and white 
     voting-papers, or the like.
       On the Introduction of Bills and Other Proposals by the 
     Assembly.
       Article 39--Whenever any bill is proposed by one of the 
     members of the assembly, it can only be discussed when at 
     least fifteen members of the assembly shall approve the 
     discussion on that bill. In such case the proposal in 
     question shall be forwarded in writing to the President of 
     the assembly, who has the right to arrange that it shall be 
     subjected to a preliminary investigation in a Committee of 
     Enquiry.
       Article 40--On the occasion of the discussion and 
     investigation of such bill as is mentioned in Article 39, 
     whether in the assembly or in the Committee of Enquiry, 
     notice shall be given by the assembly to the responsible 
     minister, if any, concerning that bill, that if possible he 
     himself, or, if not, his deputy, shall be present in the 
     assembly, so that the debate may take place in the presence 
     of one or other of them. The draft of the (proposed) bill, 
     with its additions, must be sent from ten days to a month 
     before the time (with the exception of matters added at the 
     last moment) to the responsible minister; and so likewise the 
     day of its discussion must be determined beforehand. After 
     the bill has been discussed in the presence of the 
     responsible minister, and in case it should, by a majority of 
     votes, receive the approval of the assembly, it shall be 
     officially transmitted in writing to the responsible 
     minister, so that he may take the necessary actions to 
     implement it.
       Article 41--If the responsible minister cannot, for any 
     reason, agree with the national consultative assembly about 
     the said bill, he must offer his excuses to it and give it 
     satisfaction.
       Article 42--Should the national consultative assembly 
     demand explanations on any matter from the responsible 
     minister, the minister in question must give an answer, which 
     answer must not be postponed unnecessarily or without 
     plausible reason, save in the case of secret matters, the 
     secrecy of which for some definite period is to the advantage 
     of the country and the people. In such cases, on the lapse of 
     the definite period the responsible minister is bound to 
     disclose that matter in the assembly.
       On the Conditions Regulating the Formation of the Senate.
       Article 43--There shall be constituted another assembly, 
     entitled the Senate, consisting of sixty members, the 
     sessions of which, after its constitution, shall be 
     contemporaneous to the sessions of the national consultative 
     assembly.
       Article 44--The regulations of the Senate must be approved 
     by the national consultative assembly.
       Article 45--The members of this assembly shall be chosen 
     from amongst the well-informed, discerning, pious and 
     respected persons of the realm. Thirty of them shall be 
     nominated by His Imperial Majesty (fifteen of the people of 
     Tehran, and fifteen of the people of the provinces), and 
     thirty shall be elected by the people (fifteen elected by the 
     people of Tehran, and fifteen elected by the people of the 
     provinces).
       Article 46--After the convocation of the Senate, all 
     proposals must be approved by both assemblies. If those 
     proposals shall have been originated in the Senate, or by the 
     cabinet of ministers, they must first be amended and 
     corrected in the Senate and accepted by a majority of votes, 
     and must then be approved by the national consultative 
     assembly. But proposals brought forward by the national 
     consultative assembly must, on the contrary, go from this 
     assembly to the Senate, except in the case of financial 
     matters, which belong exclusively to the national 
     consultative assembly. The decision of the assembly, in 
     respect to the above-mentioned proposals, shall be made known 
     to the Senate, so that it in turn may communicate its 
     observations to the national consultative assembly, but the 
     latter, after due discussion, is free to accept or reject 
     these observations of the Senate.
       Article 47--So long as the Senate has not been convoked, 
     proposals shall, after being approved by the national 
     consultative assembly, receive the Royal assent, shall then 
     have the force of law.
       Article 48--If any proposal, after undergoing debate and 
     revision in the Senate, be referred by a minister to the 
     national consultative assembly, and be not accepted, such 
     disputed proposal shall, in case of its being of importance, 
     be reconsidered by a third assembly composed of members of 
     the Senate and members of the national consultative assembly 
     elected in equal moieties by members of the two assemblies. 
     The decision of this (third) assembly shall be read out in 
     the national consultative assembly. If it be then accepted, 
     well. If not, a full account of the matter shall be submitted 
     to His Majesty and should the Royal judgment support the view 
     of the national consultative assembly, it shall become 
     effective; but if not, orders will be issued for a fresh 
     discussion and investigation. If again no agreement of 
     opinion results, and the Senate, by a majority of two thirds, 
     approves the dissolution of the national consultative 
     assembly, this approval being separately affirmed by the 
     cabinet of ministers, then the Imperial decree will be issued 
     for the dissolution of the national consultative assembly, 
     and at the same time orders shall be given for the holding of 
     fresh elections, the people, however, have the right to 
     re-elect their former representatives.
       Article 49--The new representatives of Tehran must present 
     themselves within the space of one month, and the 
     representatives of the provinces within the space of three 
     months. When the representatives of the Capital are present, 
     the Assembly shall be opened, and shall begin its labors, but 
     they shall not discuss disputed proposals until the 
     provincial representatives shall arrive. If, after the 
     arrival of all its members, the new assembly shall by a clear 
     majority confirm the first decision, His Most Sacred and 
     Imperial Majesty shall approve that decision of the national 
     consultative assembly, and shall order it to be carried into 
     effect.
       Article 50--In each electoral period, which consists of two 
     years, orders for the renewal of representatives shall not be 
     given more than once.
       Article 51--It is agreed that the kings of our successors 
     and posterity shall regard as a duty of their sovereign state 
     and an obligation incumbent upon them the maintenance of 
     these laws and principles, which we have established and put 
     into force for the strengthening of the edifice of the 
     country, the consolidation of the foundations of the Throne, 
     the superintendence of the machinery of Justice, and the 
     tranquility of the nation.
       14 of the month of Dhu'l-Qa'da, in the year of 1324 A.H.
       (=December 30, 1906).
       ``These constitutional laws of the national consultative 
     assembly and the senate, containing fifty-one articles, are 
     correct.
       (Dhu al-Qi'dah 14, A.H. 1324''
       (=December 30, 1906).
       (Underneath the concluding words is the signature of the 
     Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, and on the back of the page are the 
     seals of the then Crown Prince or Wali-'ahd (the deposed 
     Shah, Muhammad'Ali), and of the late Mushiru'd-Dawla.)

  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield to my good friend 
and distinguished colleague from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich) as much time as he 
might consume.
  Mr. KUCINICH. I want to thank the gentleman from California, and I 
appreciate your commitment to constitutional democracies. My statement 
here today, while I can certainly agree with the sentiment that was 
expressed and the spirit of this resolution with respect to hoping for 
constitutional democracies, I think we need to look at the letter of 
the resolution and put it in the context of the administration's 
policies.
  First of all, this particular resolution expresses its profound hope 
that the people of Iran will once again enjoy a democratic government 
in the spirit of the Iranian Constitution of 1906. I would like to read 
from some research that is available on the Web, Recent Iranian History 
from Wikipedia. It says that: with the rise of modernization in the 
late 19th century, desire for change led to the Persian Constitutional 
Revolution of 1905 to 1911. In 1921, Reza Shah Pahlavi staged a coup 
against the weakened Qajar dynasty.
  During World War II, Britain and the USSR invaded Iran from August 25 
to September 17, 1941, to stop an axis-supported coup and secure Iran's 
petroleum infrastructure. The allies of World War II forced the Shah to 
abdicate, in favor of his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whom they hoped 
would be more supportive.
  In 1951, a pro-democratic nationalist, Dr. Mohammed Mossadegh, rose 
to prominence in Iran. Now, Mossadegh was elected its first Prime 
Minister. As Prime Minister, Mossadegh alarmed the West by his 
nationalization of an Anglo-Iranian oil company that was later named 
BP, which controlled all the country's oil reserves.
  Britain immediately put an embargo on Iran. Members of British 
Intelligence Service approached the United States under President 
Eisenhower in 1953 to join them in Operation Ajax, a coup against 
Mossadegh. President Eisenhower agreed and authorized the CIA to assist 
the BIS in overthrowing Mossadegh. The Shah at first attempted to 
formally dismiss Mossadegh, but this backfired and Mossadegh convinced 
the Shah to flee to Baghdad.
  Regardless of this setback, the covert operation soon went into full 
swing conducted from the U.S. embassy in Tehran under the leadership of 
Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. Agents were hired to facilitate violence, and as 
a result protests broke out across the nation, anti- and pro-monarchy. 
Protesters violently clashed in the streets leaving almost 300 dead. 
The operation was successful in triggering a coup, and within days pro-
Shah tanks stormed the capital and bombarded the Prime Minister's

[[Page H6685]]

residence. Mossadegh surrendered and was arrested on the 19th of August 
1953, tried for treason, and sentenced to 3 years in prison.

                              {time}  1615

  Now, keep in mind that on March 8 of 1951, Mossadegh submitted to the 
Iranian mullahs his proposal to nationalize Iran's oil. According to 
the Cornell University library, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, most of 
whose stock was owned by the British Government, had been paying Iran 
much less than the British Government took from the company in taxes. 
Mossadegh's nationalization bill scared the company into concessions 
that were made too late. The Premier was committed to nationalization. 
Much to the surprise of the British, he went through with it right down 
to the expulsion of British technicians without whom the Iranians could 
not run the Abadan refinery. Results? The West lost the Iranian oil 
supply, and the Iranian Government lost the oil payments.
  When we are talking about democracy in Iran, Iran had a democratic 
government which was overthrown because of oil. So let's celebrate 
democracy and not try to at the same time praise a process that 
resulted in an overthrow of democracy.
  I think when we look at this particular resolution, you have to read 
these resolutions to the letter to get an idea of what is going on 
here.
  Here we are expressing the profound hope that the people of Iran will 
once again enjoy a democratic government in the spirit of the Iranian 
Constitution of 1906. They had a democratic government. The U.S. helped 
overthrow it.
  One of the last resolutions, we talked about initiating an active and 
consistent dialogue with other governments in the European Union in 
order to persuade the Government of Iran to rectify its human rights 
practices. We should be talking to the Government of Iran if we object 
to their human rights practices.
  Resolution 415 says human rights will be considered a significant 
factor in the foreign policy of the United States with regard to Iran, 
but we are not stating that with the other countries that have violated 
the human rights of their citizens.
  My concern is that while these resolutions in and of themselves may 
have elements that are salutary, at the same time you have to put them 
in the context of the administration's policy, which is a buildup to 
war against Iran. That is why I am raising a note of caution here. You 
have to see why we have three resolutions on the floor of the House 
dealing with Iran on the same day our President is before the United 
Nations making a statement which characterizes Iran in much the same 
way that Iraq was characterized before the United Nations in another 
visit by the President. I think we have to be very cautious about the 
path this country is taking.
  We can stand for democracy and human rights in Iran. We can do all of 
those things without taking steps and letting our efforts, which might 
be in good faith, by the way, without letting those efforts be used as 
a buildup towards war. I am saying look at all of this in the context 
in which it is occurring.
  Look at Time magazine this week and look at the stories that have 
been published in The New Yorker. Watch the development of this 
administration with respect to covert activities in Iran.
  Madam Speaker, you might be interested to know that our House 
Subcommittee on Government Operations, which has jurisdiction over 
national security and international relations, we were supposed to have 
a classified briefing by the State Department and by the Department of 
Defense on this issue on what is going on in Iran. They refused to 
appear. They still refuse to appear. They are not accountable to 
Congress. I am raising this issue so my colleagues know that you have 
to look at the context in which these resolutions are being offered.
  Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for the 
opportunity to present these observations.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 942, 
recognizing the centennial anniversary on August 5, 2006, of the 
Iranian constitution of 1906. I, too, introduced are solution 
recognizing the 100th anniversary of the Iranian Constitutional 
Revolution at the same time as Mr. King, H. Res. 967.
  The Iranian Constitutional Revolution was a pivotal event in Persian 
and Middle Eastern history. In the face of a corrupt and authoritarian 
Qajar monarchy, and in order to defend Persian interests against 
British and Russian imperialism, the Persian people rose up and forced 
the creation of a parliament and the adoption of a constitution 
containing basic democratic rights for the first time in Iranian 
history.
  In this time that the United States faces very serious and difficult 
issues with regards to Iran, this historic event demonstrates that the 
Iranian people's long-standing desire for democratic self-government, 
free from authoritarian rule or foreign interference. I believe that 
understanding these values common to the Iranian and American peoples, 
as well as Iran's political history, will help us develop a 
constructive policy towards Iran. It is also an important sign of 
support for the Iranian people and our Iranian-American constituents.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, 
and I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I also have no further requests for 
time, and I yield back the balance of our time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the 
rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 942.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of 
those present have voted in the affirmative.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this question will 
be postponed.

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