[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 110 (Friday, September 8, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9227-S9229]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ANNIVERSARY OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001
Mr. BOND. I thank the Chair, I thank the majority leader.
Mr. President, 5 years ago Monday, we witnessed the murder of 3,000
Americans in the largest terrorist attack on American soil in the
Nation's history.
September 11 was a day of loss but also a day of lessons. On
September 11, 2001, the American people learned there exists a group of
killers, fueled by a twisted version of Islam, who want to destroy
America. But we also witnessed how a group of passengers in one
hijacked plane, United flight 93, banded together, fought back, and
saved countless lives in a simple, selfless act of heroism.
Today, we continue to fight the same group of killers not on an
airplane over America but in a country in their own neighborhood, Iraq,
and elsewhere in the Middle East and around the world.
It is the same enemy, the same determination, the same goal. But
today we are fighting the radical Islamists on their own turf because
we have a President who knows if America doesn't fight back, another
September 11 is inevitable.
Although the central front on the war in terror is Iraq, we have
taken the fight to every corner of the globe. We have improved our
intelligence capabilities. We have programs in place to help watch what
the bad guys are doing, gather intelligence and disrupt their plans.
We have made progress. We passed the PATRIOT Act, developed effective
terrorist surveillance programs, created the Department of Homeland
Security, established the Director of National Intelligence, and tore
down the wall built by previous administrations which blocked critical
communications between agencies.
That work has paid off. There has been no attack in the United States
since September 11. Afghanistan and Iraq are now free. They have held
elections. They are taking control of their own security forces.
Yet while the threat level remains high, some in this country, and
regrettably in this Senate, want to let our guard down. Some talk of
giving up the fight in Iraq. Let's not talk of ``troop redeployment''
and other such euphemisms. If America pulls out of Iraq now, it signals
to our enemies we have given up.
On that day, the United States and the world will embark on a future
of
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fear and violence unlike what we have ever seen. It will be a black day
for freedom and democracy. It would embolden and encourage every
religious extremist and other enemies of the United States.
Letting our guard down is not a choice. It is an invitation to
disaster. The alternative to naysayers is to continue our efforts.
America must support the democratic governments in Iraq and elsewhere
in their efforts to disarm militias and deter regional countries from
undermining security there. We can't allow a minority of criminal
extremists to intimidate Iraqi citizens.
While some talk of giving up the fight in the central front on the
war on terror, others leak sensitive details of legal classified
intelligence programs to the media to further their political agendas.
We have seen our most important intelligence-gathering methods splashed
across the front pages of our newspapers for the world, including our
enemies, to see. Leaks expose our methods of apprehending the enemy and
erode the confidence of our allies.
Over the past year, there has arisen an apparent absence of fear of
punishment in regard to the arbitrary divulging of highly classified
information. That needs to change. Each of these leaks gravely
threatens our national security and makes it easier for our enemies to
achieve their murderous and destructive plans.
The critics of this administration and our efforts to go after the
enemies fail to understand the nature of our enemies, but they
understand politics. I am afraid politics is what is driving some of
our friends on the other side.
In the Intelligence Committee, the Democrats decided in 2003 they
could prove that the administration misled the people of America,
misused intelligence, and pressured the intelligence-gathering
activities. We had 2 years of discussion and debate and thorough
review. We concluded, the Intelligence Committee, as did the Silverman-
Robb Commission and others that there was no pressure, that there was
no misuse of intelligence. In fact, the intelligence was bad. But some
continue to hold that view, even though the facts do not support those
conclusions.
This is a long, hard battle. The people are being challenged and
tested. Many are weary of war. My Democratic colleagues want to play on
the weary public, trying to convince them if the United States
withdraws from the rest of the world, our enemies will leave us alone.
They are tougher on our Secretary of Defense than they are on the
enemy. They spent a whole lot of time on Wednesday talking not about
how to defeat terrorists in Iraq and elsewhere, rather, how to bring
down the Secretary of Defense. Thankfully, the President and the
Secretary know the truth; that is, that our enemy will not stop, and
any sign of weakness on America's part will be exploited fully.
Throwing in the towel on the war on terror is not an option. But the
Democrats--some--would have us believe that. Iraq's Ambassador to the
United States said recently:
Plan B--abandoning the region to the religious fanatics and
Baathist terrorists--is nothing but a definition of defeat
dressed up to look like a vision for the future.
He continues:
A retreat on Iraq would encourage all the enemies of the
United States--and they are many--to be bolder and more ready
to challenge its interests everywhere. A radicalized,
totalitarian, fragmented Iraq, sitting on a lake of oil,
would become the center of a new and dangerous bloc
threatening the United States and world peace.
Not only would abandoning Iraq to its fate now be
irresponsible, it would almost certainly lead to
disintegration and dictatorship, with a high risk of a wide
regional conflict--a catastrophe for not just Iraq but also
for the United States and for world peace.
The Iraqis understand what is at stake. The administration
understands what is at stake. Those on this side of the aisle do, but,
unfortunately, some in the minority do not. For political reasons, they
will not acknowledge the reality.
So we may expect to see they will continue to play the war on terror
as a political game. This is not the first time, for sure. They have
long argued for a cut-and-run strategy and have blocked our efforts
time and again to fight this war. The minority voiced opposition to the
NSA surveillance program. They blocked reauthorization of the PATRIOT
Act for months, with the minority leader proudly boasting, ``We killed
the PATRIOT Act.''
Sadly, the political games will continue at least until November. But
the war on terror against radical Islam will last for generations. The
choices we make today will shape the world we live in, the world our
children live in.
Republicans have worked to make America safer. Action by the
President and the Republican Congress, through the use of military
intelligence and law enforcement resources, has led to the capture of
many of al-Qaida's top leaders and degraded the capabilities of a
terror network.
More needs to be done, both here at home and abroad. Accomplishment
will take resolve and determination and a long-term commitment, not
abandoning our efforts at the first sign of hardship.
As I said at the beginning, the passengers of United Flight 93 banded
together, fought back, and died to save countless lives in a simple,
selfless act of determination. It is that kind of determination that
will serve us well as we confront the challenges ahead.
I ask unanimous consent that the statement of Iraqi Ambassador Samir
Sumaidaie be printed in the Record after my remarks.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
What Iraq Needs
(By Samir Sumaidaie)
August 28, 2006.--As the debate on Iraq rages on, more and
more American voices call for throwing in the towel and
leaving the mess to the Iraqis to sort out.
The controversy over the decision by the United States to
remove the Saddam Hussein regime should not prevent an honest
assessment of the situation in Iraq today. That the post-
Hussein period was not well managed is now widely
acknowledged. But we are where we are, and there is a future
for all our children to secure. Plan B--abandoning the region
to religious fanatics and Baathist terrorists--is nothing but
a declaration of defeat dressed up to look like a vision for
the future.
Our enemies' strategy has never changed: creating mayhem
and making Iraq ungovernable, thereby driving the Americans
and their allies out, and installing a Saddam Hussein look-
alike to ``make peace.'' In pursuing this strategy, they have
forged many alliances and changed course and tactics many
times.
Just as they have kept to their strategy and adapted, we
should do the same. In this context, staying the course must
mean adapting our approach while still standing firm for
democracy and for a new vision for the country and the
region. If we abandon our effort, our enemies win by default.
Those in the new government and leaders of civil society in
Iraq are putting their lives on the line every day to advance
a democratic society. And it is this that our enemies are
most afraid of--not U.S. forces but a real democracy in the
Middle East that would showcase human rights, women in
politics and the rule of law. And they fear that this worst-
case scenario could prove to be contagious.
What has made the last three years hugely more difficult
and complicated is the fact that we all underestimated the
determination of our opponents--and some of our neighbors--to
undermine this new project. In the context of a global
confrontation, this has pitched our fledgling democracy onto
the front line of a monumental struggle. It is these outside
forces, allied with Saddamists, other terrorists and regular
criminals, that threaten to overwhelm us.
A retreat on Iraq would encourage all the enemies of the
United States--and they are many--to be bolder and readier to
challenge its interests everywhere. A radicalized,
totalitarian, fragmented Iraq, sitting on a lake of oil,
would become the center of a new and dangerous bloc
threatening the United States and world peace.
Some argue that the very presence of the foreign forces is
a source of tension and that their departure would remove a
prime source of violence. This claim is without merit.
Consider precisely who is ready to fight to drive foreign
forces out: It is only the Saddamists and the religious
extremists (al Qaeda and the like). If U.S. forces are in
fact withdrawn, these people will consider it a victory and
go on fighting even harder to achieve control over the
country.
The majority of Iraqis may be irritated by the presence of
foreign forces, but most realize that a premature withdrawal
would create hideous problems for the country. This majority
includes Sunnis as well as Shiites and Kurds.
The real question is: What to do now in the face of the
combined onslaught of insurgents, terrorists, criminal gangs
and sectarian militias.
A policy for success should include:
* Developing, with the Iraqi government, workable measures
for reforming the security forces and making available the
necessary resources to implement them.
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* Supporting the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-
Maliki in its efforts to disarm the militias. What is needed
is a detailed, multifaceted approach that encompasses
political, economic and public-information considerations as
well as conventional force.
* Applying maximum pressure on regional powers to stop
undermining security in Iraq and start helping to stabilize
it.
* Mobilizing the Iraqi people to oppose the extremists in
their midst.
Those who say that Iraqis are at each other's throats and
should be left to fight it out are wrong. A minority of
sectarian extremists and Saddamists is causing and promoting
sectarian violence. These resisters have been successful in
intimidating the rest of the population, which abhors them.
When they are challenged, as they should be, the great
majority of Iraqi men and women will be very supportive.
* Taking the initiative from our enemies by acting boldly
and aggressively. Our posture should not be defensive. That
is a recipe for defeat.
* Working out a bipartisan U.S. domestic consensus in favor
of winning this war for America, Iraq and democracy. (This
item is for American leaders to achieve; the others are
collaborative U.S.-Iraqi endeavors.)
All this is achievable. Iraqis are resilient. They thirst
for normality and a chance to build a future in freedom and
dignity. They are fighting and dying for it every day.
Witness the numbers enlisting in the security forces despite
horrific losses. Witness the support Iraqi women are
providing for the political process and the potential of
their emancipation.
The United States cannot escape responsibility for the
current situation in Iraq. Not only would abandoning Iraq to
its fate now be irresponsible, it would almost certainly lead
to disintegration and dictatorship, with a high risk of a
wide regional conflict--a catastrophe for not just Iraq but
also for the United States and for world peace and stability
for decades to come. On the other hand, winning this war
would be one of the best gifts the United States could make
to the world and to its own people.
Mr. BOND. I yield the floor.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader is recognized.
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