[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 98 (Monday, July 24, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8119-S8122]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
MOMENT OF SILENCE TO HONOR OFFICER CHESTNUT AND DETECTIVE GIBSON
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will
observe a moment of silence in recognition of the anniversary of the
fatal shootings of Officer Chestnut and Detective Gibson.
(Moment of silence.)
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Tennessee is recognized.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, it was 8 years ago today that these two
brave men gave their lives in defense of the United States Capitol. A
plaque in this building commemorates their bravery. Their names have
been etched indelibly upon the National Law Enforcement Officers
Memorial a mile from here, and the headquarters of the United States
Capitol Police now bears their names, all of which are fitting and
proper memorials but none of which can do these men the full justice
they deserve.
We must also remember them in our words, in our actions, and in, as
we just did, a moment of prayer. All Members of Congress today, all
congressional staff, and, indeed, all Americans owe a great debt of
gratitude to Officer Jacob Joseph Chestnut and Detective John Michael
Gibson.
These two brave men stood up for us all. They defended our democracy
itself, and although none of us will be called upon to display the same
sort of moral heroism, we can all learn from their example and all
reflect upon their bravery.
Today we mourn for them, we pray for them, we thank them and their
families, and we remember them.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, there may be other Members of the Senate who
have served as police officers during their careers, sitting Members of
the Senate. But I served as a Capitol police officer when I was going
to school back here. I worked the swing shift. I have a great affection
and feel very affiliated with the Capitol police.
Officer Gibson was killed along with Officer Chestnut on the House
side. Not long before this terrible act occurred, the Democratic Senate
had a retreat in Virginia. My wife got sick during the night. We had to
call the Capitol police who were standing by. I can remember Officer
Gibson running. He had to run from where the headquarters was, in a
different part of the hotel, to our room--it was spread out a long
way--carrying all this emergency equipment. When he came, he was
perspiring so hard. He was so gentle and nice with my wife. Every time
I hear this recounted, how he and Officer Chestnut were killed, I
remember this man so clearly. I can see his face very plainly.
I have expressed to his family my personal appreciation, as I tried
to do for Officer Chestnut, whom I did not know except in passing--but
I felt some affinity toward Officer Gibson. These two men were at one
of the entrances to this Capitol. The crazed man came in and killed
both of them. While we have this terrible event in the history of the
Capitol 8 years ago today--1998--if there could be a positive side, and
that is hard to find, the one place you would have to go is the
Visitors Center. That is because as a result of this tragic event the
decision was finally made, after years and years of treading water, to
go ahead and take care of a new visitors center for this Capitol
complex. That will be completed in less than 1 year.
It is going to be a wonderful addition to the Capitol for people who
are visiting the Capitol. Millions of people
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come to visit the Capitol every year. Right now they come through these
doors, just like the ones Officers Chestnut and Gibson were guarding.
There have been improvements made, but it is hard to do that because of
the doorways as you come into the Capitol itself. With the new Visitors
Center, there will be an entry over by the Supreme Court. People coming
in will be able to be screened for weapons and other dangerous
materials.
There will be two beautiful auditoriums where they can watch a 12-
minute film to acquaint them with what is in the Capitol. There will be
restrooms which are still lacking with the present situation. There
will be places for them to eat, get snacks, and buy food. It will be a
wonderful experience for them to come to the Capitol. It is a good
experience now, but the new situation will make the experience much
better.
After 8 years, we still remember these two fine men. We do so not
only because of their personal sacrifice, but the fact that every day
in this Capitol--as I look around, there are plain-clothes officers. A
lot of people do not know who they are, but they are here. And they
would give their lives protecting the Presiding Officer, the
distinguished majority leader, and the assistant leader, those in the
back rooms, or any other Senator. That is their job. They know it.
While we sometimes take them for granted--and I hope we don't--these
are some of the finest trained police officers in the world.
When we stand for Chestnut and Gibson in a moment of silence, our
thoughts are also with these valiant men and women who protect this
beautiful facility and the people who are in it--Senators, staff, and
visitors.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who seeks recognition?
Mr. REID. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cornyn). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. COBURN. Mr. President, I yield 15 minutes to the Senator from
Alabama.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 5 minutes remaining under his
control.
I recognize the Senator from Alabama.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be
permitted to speak as in morning business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I am baffled that there would be any
opposition to Jerome Holmes to be appointed a U.S. circuit court judge
to the Tenth Circuit. I congratulate my colleague from Oklahoma for his
leadership in promoting such a fabulous nominee. I believe that he
would be just the kind of person we need on the bench. It's really,
really baffling to hear any objection to him.
I want to talk about his background and record, and we'll begin to
have a better understanding of the demand for ideological purity on the
part of Democratic and liberal Members of the Senate when it comes to
judges. It is unbelievable that there would be objection a man who
articulates a view consistent with the Supreme Court majority in the
Adarand case, an African American himself, who believes in Martin
Luther King, Jr.'s dream that people would be judged by the content of
their character and not the color of their skin.
He is a fabulous nominee. I would just like to mention a few things
about him. He was voted out of committee a few weeks ago, July 13, on a
voice vote. If confirmed, he will be the first African American to
serve on the Tenth Circuit. He has stellar academic credentials and
legal credentials. He graduated from Wake Forest University--one of
America's great universities--cum laude with honors in 1983. Then he
attended Georgetown University Law Center, one of the Nation's great
law schools. At Georgetown, he was editor-in-chief of the Georgetown
Immigration Law Journal. That's a great honor, to be part of a law
journal at any law school, much less a great law school such as
Georgetown. It's very competitive and difficult to get in Georgetown.
Recently, in 2000, he earned a master's of public administration from
Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Between college and
law school, he worked briefly as a social services assistant with the
D.C. Department of Corrections, dealing with criminals and the problems
they have.
Following law school, he clerked for the Honorable Wayne Alley on the
U.S. District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma and the
Honorable William J. Holloway on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
Tenth Circuit. In other words, he clerked for a trial court judge in
the Tenth Circuit. By the way, it is a competitive process to be
selected to be a clerk for a trial court judge. It takes a good law
student to be selected for that. Everyone who applies is not selected.
It is a very great honor. People compete for those few positions.
He worked at the trial bench, where he participated at the right hand
of a U.S. Federal judge trying cases and participating in the trial of
cases. Following that, he went to the Tenth Circuit, the very court he
is now nominated to. If it is difficult to be a law clerk for a Federal
district trial judge, it is far more difficult to be selected as a law
clerk for a court of appeals judge. They have a stack of applications.
They look at all competitors from around the country, and they select
the best. He was an honors graduate from Wake Forest and a top graduate
at Georgetown and editor of the Law Review, and he clerked for a
Federal judge. He clerked and help Judge Holloway write opinions on the
Tenth Circuit--the very thing he will be doing if he is confirmed to
this position, which I trust he will be.
Following these clerkships, he spent 3 years in private practice as
an associate with the well-regarded law firm of Steptoe & Johnson, one
of the best law firms in America. They do not hire just anybody.
In 1994, Mr. Holmes began a distinguished career as a Federal
prosecutor, serving as an assistant U.S. attorney in the Western
District of Oklahoma, the circuit area where he will be a circuit judge
when confirmed.
I have served as an assistant U.S. attorney and as a U.S. attorney
supervising assistant U.S. attorneys for almost 15 years. That is a
great, great position because the assistant U.S. attorneys prosecute
cases full time in Federal court before Federal judges. They learn
everything there is to know about criminal law, which will be an
important part of his duties as a Federal circuit judge. It is very
good experience. Assistant U.S. attorneys get experience practicing
before Federal judges, being involved in writing appeals to Federal
judges, and understanding how the Federal system works. He did that for
quite a number of years.
During that time, he prosecuted public corruption cases. Now that's a
challenge. I have been there and done that. That is not easy.
Politicians do not take lightly to being indicted. They do not
appreciate it, and it is tough litigation. He prosecuted Federal
criminal civil rights violations. Somehow, I guess they are saying this
African American who has achieved so much is insensitive to civil
rights because he does not agree with everything the left thinks about
affirmative action or quotas. He was the U.S. attorney's office's
antiterrorism coordinator, and he worked on the prosecution team that
built the case against the perpetrators of the Oklahoma City bombing.
That is a good background that shows a breadth of experience.
Since 2005, he has been the director of the prominent Oklahoma law
firm of Crowe & Dunlevy, where he focused on white-collar criminal
defense and complex litigation--another good background for the Federal
bench.
Not only has he been a prosecutor, but he has defended criminal
cases, giving him a perspective on both sides. I am a big fan of
prosecutors, but I understand my colleagues on the other side of that
debate, who defend cases, as I have on occasion, appreciate the fact
that prosecutors have some defense work. He has had both.
Also, he chaired the firm's diversity committee, the committee
committed to making sure that his law firm, Crowe & Dunlevy, did the
things necessary to be a diverse law firm. He has
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given back to the people of Oklahoma through taking leadership roles in
a wide variety of important organizations. These include service as the
director of the Oklahoma Medical Research Foundation. That is an
important committee outside the normal realm of what a lot of people do
with their lives, volunteering and giving time to a group like that. He
also has served as trustee of the Oklahoma City National Memorial
Foundation, director of the Oklahoma Academy for State Goals, chairman
of the City Rescue Mission, helping people in trouble, down and out,
people who need a hand to lift them up. I guess on occasion they
minister to those people who are hurting, they minister to their souls.
I think it is something to be proud of. He also served as vice
president of the Oklahoma Bar Association.
He enjoys strong bipartisan support in Oklahoma. Gov. Brad Henry, a
Democrat in Oklahoma, recently wrote that the nominee ``is a highly
qualified candidate, a superb lawyer, with a reputation for fairness,
ethics, and integrity.''
He summed up his letter by writing:
In short, I do not think you could have a candidate more
highly qualified and regarded than Jerome Holmes.
That is the Democratic Governor of Oklahoma.
Daniel Webber, a Democrat whom President Clinton made the U.S.
attorney in Oklahoma, wrote:
I have known Jerome Holmes for over ten years. . . . I
believe his intellect, experience, and character make him an
excellent choice for a position on the appellate court.
The American Bar Association has unanimously found him qualified for
the position.
Why would we have an objection to someone who spent this many years
of his life practicing in Federal court as an assistant U.S. attorney,
who spent 3 years as a law clerk to Federal judges, practicing in one
of the country's biggest law firms, and being not a partner--they use a
different phrase there, something like a partner--with the Dunlevy law
firm in Oklahoma, a firm with a great reputation in the State? What is
it that causes the Senate to have a debate on this fine nominee?
Again, I congratulate Senator Coburn for offering this kind of
nominee. He has been willing to express his personal views on matters
that some on the left do not like. I guess that is it. Let's just be
frank about it. I suggest that what he said is consistent with the
opinions of the U.S. Supreme Court. But even if he had a slightly
different view than the Supreme Court, what is wrong with having him
express that view? Why would anyone object to that?
This is what he said about the University of Michigan affirmative
action case that many felt--and at least four Supreme Court Justices
felt--was essentially a quota system. What is affirmative action?
Everyone has a different view. What I think we in America tend to agree
is that affirmative action, affirmative outreach, affirmative efforts
to bring minorities into institutions and give them a chance to succeed
is all right, but setting up quotas by which people, by the color of
their skin, are given preference over someone else, therefore enhancing
their ability and their rights over the rights of someone else simply
because of the color of their skin, violates the equal protection and
due process clauses of the U.S. Constitution. So that is all that
tension in there.
I guess we come down to it in what I say, this is not a perfect
analysis, but we say affirmative outreach is good; quotas are bad. I
guess when you have a case such as University of Michigan, you ask, was
this a quota or was it affirmative outreach? They had a big case on it.
He had expressed some concern about that case. Remember, it was 5 to 4.
It was not as if the Supreme Court had taken a case that they all felt
one way about. So he wrote an op-ed, an article in the Daily Oklahoman.
The title is ``A Step Closer to King's Dream.'' He started off this
way:
Perhaps the dream of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. will be
realized: Children seeking educational opportunities no
longer will be judged by the color of their skin.
Is that something that is radical? I don't think so. We have Members
of this Senate who believe that anybody who deviates the slightest
millimeter, or centimeter beyond the ideological views of the left is
somehow unqualified to be a Federal judge. From what I have seen, they
tend to be more critical if that person happens to be an African
American that criticizes leftist orthodoxy.
So he wrote an article. It was, I thought, a very thoughtful article.
There was nothing extreme about this. He said:
There are other ways to get minority students on college
campuses besides handing out benefits based solely on skin
color--an accident of birth.
I think that is a thoughtful statement--a matter of real importance.
He then goes on to talk about what you can do to help minority students
succeed and have a better chance to enter universities, noting:
. . . a poverty-reduction approach that primarily focuses
on implementing race-neutral macroeconomic and labor-market
policies, even though its central goal is bettering the life
chances of the truly disadvantaged black and brown urban
poor.
He goes on to say:
Diversity proponents need to come up with race-neutral
policies that have the desired effect of boosting the number
of minority students. Politicians and educators in Florida,
Texas and California have attempted to do just that by
mandating that the top percentage of students (for example,
the top 10 percent) at every public school in the state be
guaranteed a place in a state university.
So what he is saying is that is a race-neutral way to have a more
diverse student body. But what is dangerous and violates the
Constitution is to say that every law school or every university must
accept so many people, each based on race, regardless of their
qualifications for the position.
He goes on to say that this high school proposal that Florida, Texas,
and California have done is ``race neutral, yet their acknowledged goal
is to increase the number of minority students on college campuses. Top
students from predominantly minority schools will invariably be
represented there.''
So, Mr. President, I would just say that I don't see anything extreme
about those views. I don't believe my colleague from Oklahoma does. I
see the Presiding Officer, a former justice on the Texas Supreme Court.
I don't think he would believe those are extreme views. In fact, they
are consistent with the U.S. Supreme Court opinion in Adarand. I think
they are consistent with the Supreme Court opinion in the University of
Michigan cases, very consistent with those cases, and respectful and
understanding, as an African American himself, that we have to be
careful that we are not moving to a situation in which people receive
benefits as a result of the color of their skin only, unless there is a
showing of a prior history of discrimination, which can be shown in a
number of cases. Unless you have that, you should not create a legal
system in America that advances someone simply because of the color of
their skin and, therefore, puts at a disadvantage someone because of
the color of their skin.
So he has made some thoughtful comments about it. I believe they are
wise. I think he is correct. I am amazed that someone in this Senate
would object to his confirmation based on these comments. But we
apparently have that. I am sure we will have a good vote for Mr. Holmes
tomorrow. I hope we will, and he will be confirmed. But it is rather
odd to me that we have this objection, and he doesn't go straight
through without any of this kind of debate.
I thank the Chair and the Senators from Oklahoma, Mr. Coburn and Mr.
Inhofe, for their commitment to this sterling nominee, a minority, with
an outstanding record--went to Georgetown, clerked for the Tenth
Circuit, clerked for a Federal district judge, an assistant U.S.
attorney, worked for one of America's great law firms. He has every
right to be rated qualified by the American Bar Association, as he was
unanimously. He should be confirmed for this position.
I yield the floor.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I am proud to join Senators Inhofe and
Coburn--my friends and neighbors from the State of Oklahoma--in support
of this fine nominee to the Federal bench.
Jerome Holmes is a leader in Oklahoma's legal community--and a leader
in the broader community in which he lives. Mr. Holmes has demonstrated
the qualifications, character, and temperament that will make him an
outstanding judge.
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As a testament to his ability and promise, the Judiciary Committee
unanimously voted to move Mr. Holmes's nomination to this floor for
confirmation. Jerome Holmes enjoys bipartisan support not only here in
Washington, but, perhaps more telling, he enjoys bipartisan support
back home in Oklahoma--where people know best this accomplished man and
his good work.
In fact, Oklahoma's Democrat Governor, Brad Henry, said of Mr.
Holmes: ``Jerome is a highly qualified candidate, a superb lawyer with
a reputation for fairness, ethics, and integrity . . . In short, I do
not think you could have a candidate more highly qualified and regarded
than Jerome Holmes.'' Again, Mr. President, that high praise comes from
Oklahoma's Democrat Governor. Other prominent Democrats in Oklahoma
praise Jerome Holmes as ``a person of unwavering integrity,'' a
``principled leader,'' and someone with a ``willingness to listen and
respect differing views.'' In short, the people who know this man
best--Oklahomans of competing political stripes and policy views--think
Jerome Holmes will make a great judge.
Those who know Jerome Holmes best know that he served with
distinction as a Federal prosecutor for over a decade. They know that
as an Assistant U.S. Attorney he vigorously--but fairly--prosecuted
public corruption and civil rights violations--and that he served as
his office's antiterrorism coordinator. In fact, Jerome Holmes worked
on the prosecution team that built a case against the perpetrators of
the Oklahoma City bombing.
I recall vividly that dark day in 1995, the day the Alfred P. Murrah
Federal Building was bombed, the day that the people of Oklahoma City
were terrorized. The Tenth Circuit's Chief Judge Deanell Reece Tacha
pointed out that ``[i]n some ways,'' her circuit and the people of
Oklahoma ``knew ahead of the rest of the nation of the horrors of
terrorism.''
Those who know Jerome Holmes best know that, he--like so many others
in his office--took on this difficult assignment with fairness and care
and dedication to see justice done.
President Bush nominated this fine man to the appellate bench for his
strong qualifications but also for his demonstrated understanding of
the proper, limited role of the Federal judiciary under the U.S.
Constitution.
Jerome Holmes himself said it best:
I recognize very clearly the distinction between the role
of a writer on social policy issues in their personal
capacity and the role of a judge in adjudicating the rights
and liberties of individual litigants.
And Mr. Holmes pointed out that as a judge ``it is inappropriate for
me to import my personal views on policy issues into the decision
making process.''
I would submit that this statement by Mr. Holmes is exactly correct.
Judges should not be seen as politicians in robes. Unfortunately, too
many people still view the Federal courts as a vehicle for enacting
policy choices that are too extreme to prevail at the ballot box. And,
as a corollary, these same people view activist judges as a means to
their policy ends.
I am confident that Jerome Holmes understands the proper, limited
role that this Nation's Founders assigned to the Federal judiciary. I
say that because I am confident that this President understands the
judicial role and continues to nominate like-minded men and women to
the bench.
The court to which Mr. Holmes is nominated--the Tenth Circuit Court
of Appeals--covers a large part of the middle and western United
States. The territorial jurisdiction of the Tenth Circuit includes six
States: Oklahoma, Kansas, New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming, and Utah. And
the circuit also has jurisdiction over those parts of Yellowstone
National Park extending into Montana and Idaho.
Last week, the Senate confirmed another outstanding nominee to the
Tenth Circuit, Neil Gorsuch. And when the Senate votes to confirm
Jerome Holmes, as I am confident it will, he will join Judge Gorsuch
and four other fine Bush nominees on the Tenth Circuit.
So, in closing, I commend President Bush for submitting another fine
nominee to the Senate for confirmation, and congratulate my friends
from Oklahoma, their constituents, and the entire Tenth Circuit. I
believe Jerome Holmes will make a fine appellate judge and will serve
this Nation with honor and distinction.
I yield the floor.
Mr. COBURN. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Warner). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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