[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 98 (Monday, July 24, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8114-S8116]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE WAR IN IRAQ
Mr. REID. Madam President, 1 month ago on June 22, the Senate held a
debate about the raging and intractable war in Iraq. That debate,
Democrats--led by Senators Levin and Jack Reed--gave voice to the
concerns of the American people and advocated that the Bush
administration change course in Iraq.
We argued that the administration follow the law of the land. The law
of the land is that the year 2006 will be a year of significant
transition. That is the law. We argued that this year should be a year
of transition, that we should follow the law with Iraqis taking charge
of their own security and their own government so that American forces
could be redeployed by the end of this year.
Our plan would have given the Iraqi people their best chance for
success, while also giving America the best chance to confront the
growing threats of North Korea, Iraq, and terrorism around the world.
Our plan would have engaged regional powers to help bring stability
to Iraq and would have reminded the countries of the world of their
commitment to invest in Iraq's long-term economic prosperity which
seems to have been lost.
Our plan would have refocused America's military, diplomatic, and
economic might on terrorist threats that face us in Iraq and globally,
including Osama bin Laden, who remains free after 5 years.
Our plan would have tracked closely with the plan of our commanders
on the ground in Iraq today, led namely by General Casey, who on their
own have developed a similar strategy for success.
Despite that fact, the majority of the Republicans chose not to join
the Democrats in serious debate about Iraq. I think they put their
political needs ahead of America's security.
As they have in nearly every Iraq war debate, Republicans have
blindly rubberstamped the President's mismanagement of this war and
fell in line with his failed policy.
One month later, after the debate on Levin-Reid, the consequence of
``staying the course'' in Iraq is evident in every place.
In the last month in Iraq, more than 3,000 Iraqis have been killed--
an average of 100 a day. And more than 100 were killed just yesterday.
Pick up any newspaper. Here is today's. ``Bombings Kill at Least 66
in Iraq.''
If you read the article, it is a lot more than 66. The intense
violence made last week one of the deadliest in Iraq.
Read the article: 348 people killed, 6 of them police officers. Read
the article: 34 dead. Read the article: 60 killed. Read the article: 24
civilians killed.
It doesn't talk about the hundreds and hundreds who have been wounded
and injured, many of them for life.
This is a civil war. As I said last week, I tepidly talked about
civil war. But I decided that there was no reason to be tepid about
it--that there is a civil war going on in Iraq.
Take the New York Times from yesterday. There are lots of other
places you could go to find the same thing. ``It's Official: There Is
Now a Civil War in Iraq.''
This wasn't written by somebody who is just passing by deciding to
write an op-ed piece and they stick the headline on. He is Nicholas
Sambanis, a professor of political science at Yale, author of ``Making
War and Building Peace.'' He says, among other things:
The question of whether a country has fallen into civil war
is often deliberately muddled for political reasons.
We have had some muddling here.
He goes on to say:
But if the term ``civil war'' seeks to convey the condition
of a divided society engaged in destructive armed conflict,
then Iraq sadly fits the bill.
The consequences of staying the course in Iraq is a full-blown civil
war.
In the last month, nearly 3,000 additional Iraqis have been killed,
50 American soldiers have been killed, 250 have been wounded, $13
billion of taxpayer money has been spent since that debate. The price
of gasoline is now, as reported in this morning's news, the highest
ever, averaging more than $3 a gallon.
Staying the course, North Korea, on July 4, tested new long-range
missiles.
In the last month, Hezbollah has terrorized Israel.
In the last month, al-Qaida found a new sanctuary, it appears, in
large swaths of Somalia.
These are the costs of ``staying the course'' in Iraq and of a Senate
which rubberstamps what the President does.
My question today is, how long will America be forced to pay these
costs? The longer it takes for this Republican Congress to hold
President Bush accountable for his mistakes, the less safe America
becomes.
Democrats have asked for another Iraq debate before the August
recess. I hope we have that opportunity because
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the Republican leader said today that we are going to take up the
Defense appropriations bill. I hope we would have an opportunity to do
it there.
We want to give rubberstamping Republicans another chance to demand
that President Bush change course in Iraq--not because of any political
point scoring but because national security clearly demands it.
We live in a dangerous world, but nearly everywhere you look, from
the Middle East to Asia, America's enemies have been emboldened by this
administration's mismanagement of this conflict in Iraq. They are
taking advantage of our damaged reputation in the world and the fact
that Iraq has tied our hands to redouble their efforts and threaten us
and our allies.
The Middle East has faced problems, as we know, for decades. Every
American President since World War II has struggled to bring freedom,
stability, and prosperity to this region. The President washed his
hands of what was going on with the Palestinians and the Israelis until
the Intifada became so complex, with so much conflict, that he had to
step in. But that took years into his first term of office.
The war in Iraq has destabilized the Middle East and taken our
attention and our resources away from other threats. That is without
question. So far, the result of the Iraq war has been instability and
no security. One of the biggest winners so far has been Iran. They
continue to thumb their nose at our country. The war in Iraq has given
it exactly what it wants: greater influence in Iraq and throughout the
Middle East. The longer we go without a strategy for success in Iraq
the stronger Iran gets and the more confident it is in supporting
terrorist organizations like Hezbollah, which is now terrorizing
Lebanon and Israel.
I believe Israel has every right to defend itself from these
terrorist acts. While it defends itself, the United States should be
standing by its side.
Unfortunately, because Iraq has tied our hands and exhausted our
resources and our reputation, the Bush administration has had to sit on
the sidelines. The President was ineffective in finding any solution
during the G8 Summit, and he went nearly 2 weeks without dispatching
his Secretary of State to the region. Finally, yesterday, Secretary of
State Rice left for the Middle East. Hopefully her surprise visit to
Lebanon is not a continuation of the Bush photo-op foreign policy.
``Mission Accomplished,'' ``Bring `em On.'' I hope it is not a photo-op
again but a serious effort to follow the call for American leadership.
The Bush administration's--as reported on the face of a major weekly
magazine last week--cowboy diplomacy cannot be replaced by couch potato
diplomacy where we sit and do nothing.
Democrats have called for a special envoy to emphasize the need for
full-time leadership. We need to do the hard work to put Iran back in
the box and bring stability back to the Middle East. That job can be
started but can't be finished by the Secretary of State during a brief
visit there this week. What we need is a full-time special envoy--
someone who can work around the clock with Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia,
the Europeans, and, yes, Russia and Israel.
Together, we can bring some good out of this terrible situation by
finding ways to support the Lebanese Government, continue our support
for Israel, and disarm Hezbollah and ultimately contain the Iranian
power. The challenge will be for this administration and its Republican
rubberstamp allies in Congress to step up and do the job. We need a new
direction.
This week, the Iraqi Prime Minister will meet with President Bush and
address a Joint Session of Congress here in Washington. When he is
here, we need President Bush to communicate that our commitment in Iraq
is not unlimited. He needs to announce a change of course in his
failing policy.
If we hope to live in a world that is safe and secure, we must end
the open-ended commitment in Iraq that is costing this Nation $3
billion each week and requires the deployment as we speak of at least
125,000 of America's finest troops.
We must transition the mission in Iraq so that we can marshal our
resources to the other threats America faces such as Bin Laden, who, as
I said, remains free after 5 years, Iran, North Korea, and many other
troubled spots in the world.
We must insure that the Senate is more than a rubberstamp for the
executive branch. There are only 2 weeks before the August recess--
really just 6 voting days left. There are a number of important
subjects that deserve our attention but none more important than the
intractable war in Iraq.
The Senate can no longer turn a blind eye to what is happening in
Iraq. It is costing too many American lives, too many Iraqi lives, too
many dollars, and too much of our national security.
Mr. DURBIN. Madam President, will the Democratic leader yield for a
question?
Mr. REID. I would be happy to yield to my friend.
Mr. DURBIN. Last year, we had bipartisan agreement on the Senate
floor, and the agreement was that this year, the year 2006, would be a
year of significant transition in Iraq. We spelled out what we had in
mind, that the Iraqis would take on more responsibility for their own
fate and their own future, that the United States troops would be able
to start withdrawing and coming home in this year of 2006. I ask the
Democratic leader, as he joins with me each morning reading about how
Iraq is descending into a civil war, the number of innocent civilians
who are being killed in Iraq, and the number of American troops who
continue to lose their lives in Iraq, when we voted for significant
transition in Iraq, is this what we had in mind?
Mr. REID. I say to my friend, this was on a bipartisan vote. On a
bill cosponsored by the two people who take care of our armed services,
Senators Levin and Warner, 79 Senators voted for that, and the law of
the country as we speak is that the year 2006 is to be a year of
significant transition in Iraq, and the President, I believe, should
follow that law and he is not doing that. I agree with my friend.
Mr. DURBIN. I ask the Senator from Nevada if he would yield for this
question. Then this year when the Defense authorization bill came
forward, is it not true that the Democratic side offered another
amendment in an attempt to strike a bipartisan position on foreign
policy in Iraq, an amendment which was sponsored by Senator Levin of
Michigan, Senator Reed of Rhode Island, who is a graduate of West
Point, served in the United States Army, and that this amendment which
we offered to our friends on the Republican side to join us this year
said we would start a transition this year before the end of the
calendar year by redeploying American troops outside of Iraq? This
amendment we offered had 39 of 45 Democratic Senators supporting it and
no Republican support.
I would ask the Senator from Nevada, at the end of that Defense
authorization bill, just a few weeks ago, was any position taken by the
Republican side of the aisle that suggested any change in policy in
Iraq?
Mr. REID. I say to my friend, that is what is so concerning to me,
that they are following--they, the Republican Senators, are following
President Bush, stay the course, stay the course in Iraq. It breaks my
heart, frankly. Every day I get up. This is just one page of the paper.
I went through the deaths--hundreds of them. I didn't read here, but in
the past week 1,000 people in Iraq have moved out; they are afraid.
They move out of their neighborhoods. We have probably now estimated
200,000 people in Iraq since the first of the year have had to move
their homes. They have no place to go. They want to try to stay alive.
The turmoil, the civil strife in that country, is unbelievable, and to
think that this country's policy is to stay the course is not sensible.
Mr. DURBIN. Again, if the Senator from Nevada will yield, as you
watch the disintegration of the foreign policy under this
administration, we find ourselves relying on the Chinese to try to
negotiate some peaceful resolution in North Korea, we are relying on
the Russians to try to find some way to approach the Iranians on their
nuclear power, but we have no one to turn to when it comes to Iraq.
This was our own creation, with British help and some other countries,
but primarily American soldiers and American resources. I would ask the
Senator from Nevada, is his point on the floor today
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that the bipartisan Senate should not go home for the August recess
without taking up this issue? We have spent weeks, the Republican
leadership has spent weeks in the Senate on meaningless constitutional
amendments and issues that bear little relevance to the daily lives of
Americans, but the Senator from Nevada has to feel, as do I, we have an
obligation to these soldiers and their families before we leave in
August to have a meaningful debate on this floor about how to make
certain that we end up in Iraq with our mission truly accomplished. I
ask the Senator from Nevada, is that the purpose of his coming to the
floor?
Mr. REID. First, my coming here is just as the Senator indicated. How
can we, the Senate of our country, leave here with the raging civil war
going on and our troops are right in the middle of it? How can we leave
here without changing the course in Iraq? That is why I am here. It is
a cry for help. We need our Republican colleagues to speak out. This
blind allegiance to the President is not good for our country.
Mr. DURBIN. I thank the Senator from Nevada for yielding for the
questions.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from New Mexico.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Madam President, I ask permission to speak as if in
morning business.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senate is in morning business.
Mr. BINGAMAN. I thank the Chair.
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