[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 95 (Wednesday, July 19, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H5451-H5480]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




       CONDEMNING THE RECENT ATTACKS AGAINST THE STATE OF ISRAEL

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
resolution (H. Res. 921) condemning the recent attacks against the 
State of Israel, holding terrorists and their state-sponsors 
accountable for such attacks, supporting Israel's right to defend 
itself, and for other purposes.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 921

       Whereas on September 12, 2005, Israel completed its 
     unilateral withdrawal from Gaza, demonstrating its 
     willingness to make sacrifices for the sake of peace;
       Whereas more than 1,000 rockets have been launched from 
     Gaza into Israel since Israel's disengagement;
       Whereas in a completely unprovoked attack that occurred in 
     undisputed Israeli territory on June 25, 2006, Israeli 
     Defense Forces Corporal Gilad Shalit was kidnapped and is 
     being held hostage in Gaza by a Palestinian terrorist group 
     which includes members of Hamas;
       Whereas Hamas political leader Khaled Meshaal, in Damascus, 
     Syria, has acknowledged the role of Hamas in holding Corporal 
     Shalit hostage;
       Whereas in a completely unprovoked attack that occurred in 
     undisputed Israeli territory on July 12, 2006, operatives of 
     the terrorist group Hezbollah operating out of southern 
     Lebanon killed three Israeli soldiers and took two others 
     hostage;
       Whereas Israel fully complied with United Nations Security 
     Council Resolution 425 (1978) by completely withdrawing its 
     forces from Lebanon, as certified by the United Nations 
     Security Council and affirmed by United Nations Secretary-
     General Kofi Annan on June 16, 2000, when he said, ``Israel 
     has withdrawn from [Lebanon] in full compliance with Security 
     Council Resolution 425.'';
       Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 
     (2004) calls for the complete withdrawal of all foreign 
     forces from Lebanon and the dismantlement of all independent 
     militias in Lebanon;
       Whereas despite the adoption of United Nations Security 
     Council Resolution 1559, the Government of Lebanon has failed 
     to disband and disarm Hezbollah, allowing Hezbollah instead 
     to amass 13,000 rockets, including rockets that are more 
     destructive, longer-range and more accurate than rockets 
     previously used by Hezbollah, and has integrated Hezbollah 
     into the Lebanese Government;
       Whereas the Government of Israel has previously shown great 
     restraint despite the fact that Hezbollah has launched at 
     least four separate attacks into Israel using rockets and 
     ground forces over the past year;
       Whereas the failure of the Government of Lebanon to 
     implement all aspects of United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 1559 and to extend its authority throughout its 
     territory has enabled Hezbollah to launch armed attacks 
     against Israel and recently to kidnap Israeli soldiers;
       Whereas Hezbollah's strength derives significantly from the 
     direct financial, military, and political support it receives 
     from Syria and Iran, and Hezbollah also receives important 
     support from sources within Lebanon;
       Whereas Iranian Revolutionary Guards continue to operate in 
     southern Lebanon, providing support to Hezbollah and 
     reportedly controlling its operational activities;
       Whereas the Government of the United States has enacted 
     several laws, including the Syria Accountability and Lebanese 
     Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 (Public Law 108-175) and 
     the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (Public Law 104-
     172), which call for the imposition of sanctions on Syria and 
     Iran for, among other things, their support for terrorism and 
     terrorist organizations;
       Whereas the House of Representatives has repeatedly called 
     for full implementation of United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 1559;
       Whereas section 1224 of the Foreign Relations Authorization 
     Act, Fiscal Year 2003 (Public Law 107-228) withholds certain 
     assistance to Lebanon contingent on the deployment of the 
     Lebanese armed forces to the internationally recognized 
     border between Lebanon and Israel and its effective assertion 
     of authority in the border area in order, among other 
     reasons, to prevent cross-border infiltration by terrorists, 
     precisely the criminal activity that has provoked the current 
     crisis;
       Whereas President George W. Bush stated on July 12, 2006, 
     ``Hezbollah's terrorist operations threaten Lebanon's 
     security and are an affront to the sovereignty of the 
     Lebanese Government. Hezbollah's actions are not in the 
     interest of the Lebanese people, whose welfare should not be 
     held hostage to the interests of the Syrian and Iranian 
     regimes.'', and has repeatedly affirmed that Syria and Iran 
     must be held to account for their shared responsibility in 
     the recent attacks;
       Whereas the United States recognizes that some members of 
     the democratically-elected Lebanese parliament are working to 
     build an autonomous and sovereign Lebanon and supports their 
     efforts; and
       Whereas both Hezbollah and Hamas refuse to recognize 
     Israel's right to exist and call for the destruction of 
     Israel: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved,  That the House of Representatives--
       (1) reaffirms its steadfast support for the State of 
     Israel;
       (2) condemns Hamas and Hezbollah for engaging in unprovoked 
     and reprehensible armed attacks against Israel on undisputed 
     Israeli territory, for taking hostages, for killing Israeli 
     soldiers, and for continuing to indiscriminately target 
     Israeli civilian populations with their rockets and missiles;
       (3) further condemns Hamas and Hezbollah for cynically 
     exploiting civilian populations as shields, locating their 
     equipment and bases of operation, including their rockets and 
     other armaments, amidst civilian populations, including in 
     homes and mosques;
       (4) recognizes Israel's longstanding commitment to 
     minimizing civilian loss and welcomes Israel's continued 
     efforts to prevent civilian casualties;
       (5) demands the Governments of Iran and Syria to direct 
     Hamas and Hezbollah to immediately and unconditionally 
     release Israeli soldiers which they hold captive;
       (6) affirms that all governments that have provided 
     continued support to Hamas or Hezbollah share responsibility 
     for the hostage-taking and attacks against Israel and, as 
     such, should be held accountable for their actions;
       (7) condemns the Governments of Iran and Syria for their 
     continued support for Hezbollah and Hamas in their armed 
     attacks against Israelis and their other terrorist 
     activities;
       (8) supports Israel's right to take appropriate action to 
     defend itself, including to conduct operations both in Israel 
     and in the territory of nations which pose a threat to it, 
     which is in accordance with international law, including 
     Article 51 of the United Nations Charter;

[[Page H5452]]

       (9) commends the President of the United States for fully 
     supporting Israel as it responds to these armed attacks by 
     terrorist organizations and their state sponsors;
       (10) urges the President of the United States to bring the 
     full force of political, diplomatic, and economic sanctions 
     available to the Government of the United States against the 
     Governments of Syria and Iran;
       (11) demands the Government of Lebanon to do everything in 
     its power to find and free the kidnapped Israeli soldiers 
     being held in the territory of Lebanon;
       (12) calls on the United Nations Security Council to 
     condemn these unprovoked acts and to take action to ensure 
     full and immediate implementation of United Nations Security 
     Council 1559 (2004), which requires Hezbollah to be 
     dismantled and the departure of all Syrian personnel and 
     Iranian Revolutionary Guards from Lebanon;
       (13) expresses its condolences to all families of innocent 
     victims of recent violence; and
       (14) declares its continued commitment to working with 
     Israel and other United States allies in combating terrorism 
     worldwide.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, if neither gentlemen is opposed to the bill, I 
request the time in opposition.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman from California opposed to 
the motion?
  Mr. LANTOS. I strongly support this legislation, Mr. Speaker.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman from Texas opposed to the 
motion?
  Mr. PAUL. I am opposed to it.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under clause 1 of rule XV, the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Paul) will control 20 minutes in opposition.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the time for 
debate on this measure be extended for 80 additional minutes to be 
equally divided.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Illinois?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 minutes of my time to the ranking 
member of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos), and I ask unanimous consent that he may be 
permitted to control that time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Illinois?
  There was no objection.


                             General Leave

  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Illinois?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the world is witnessing yet another violent episode in 
the global struggle between civilization and terror.
  The cowardly and deadly attacks on Israel by Hamas and Hezbollah have 
resulted in a vigorous response by Israel. We shouldn't be surprised. A 
history of precarious existence in a violent region has persuaded most 
Israelis that wishful thinking carries deadly costs and has convinced 
them that their survival depends upon their own willingness to act. And 
so Israel has acted.
  As a result, Israel is now the subject of criticism around the world. 
The standard condemnations will be uttered, the familiar demands 
expressed. Israel will once again be excoriated for self-defense by 
governments that cannot be bothered to assist others or which are even 
the sources of threats themselves.
  Instead of offering help to halt these terrorist attacks, too many of 
the world's governments will yet again demonstrate their irrelevance to 
the region's problems or to any possible solution by restricting their 
contributions to making disparaging comments from the sidelines. We can 
be certain that terrorism writ large is likely to be verbally 
assaulted. But were verbal disapprovals as deadly a weapon as are 
missiles and bombs, the violence and slaughter that are the chosen 
instruments of the terrorists would be quickly eliminated.
  At best, a moral equivalence between the terrorist attacks and 
Israel's response will be asserted. But it is profoundly immoral to 
equate assault with defense, to erase the bright line between the 
deliberate killing of innocents and a determination to protect those 
innocents.
  Were we in the position of the Israelis, how would we ourselves react 
if missiles were launched from Cuba and rained down on Miami? Any 
government that would allow terrorists to attack its citizens and do 
nothing in response but protest or beg for mercy would betray its most 
sacred trust.

                              {time}  1900

  Instead, we should take encouragement from Israel's courageous 
example and hope that others sleeping in their protective cocoons awake 
and finally see that this conflict holds enormous stakes for us all. 
Israel must win its battle against terrorism, or we all will lose.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I have taken the time in opposition to this resolution 
because I very sincerely believe that resolutions of this sort actually 
do more harm than good. I know that it is very good to condemn the 
violence, and I certainly do agree with that.
  But I am convinced that when we get involved and send strong 
messages, such as this resolution will, that it ends up expanding the 
war rather than diminishing the conflict, and that ultimately it comes 
back to haunt us.
  Generally speaking, I follow a policy in foreign affairs called 
noninterventionism. It is not generally acceptable in this current time 
that we do this, but I think there is every reason to consider it. It 
certainly was something that the founders talked about.
  The Constitution really doesn't authorize us to be the policemen of 
the world. And for this reason, we should talk about it. And that is 
why I take this opportunity to do so, with the sincere belief that we 
would be better off with less intervention overseas.
  The founders talked about that, about rejecting entangling alliances. 
And we have been involved in a lot of entangling alliances since World 
War I, especially after World War II, and we have been doing a lot of 
things, losing a lot of men and women and costing a lot of money; and 
too often, these events have come back to haunt us. There is blow-back 
from our policy.
  The policy of interventionism, which I object to, really doesn't 
work. It is well intended, and we have these grandiose plans and 
schemes to solve the problems of the world, but if you are really 
honest with yourself and you look at the success and failure, it 
doesn't have a good record. I mean, are you going to defend the great 
victory in Korea, the great victory in Vietnam? And on and on. The 
great victory in Iraq?
  And I see resolutions like this step in the wrong direction. 
Actually, I believe it is going to expand the war in the Middle East.
  The other reason why I strongly object to interventionism is it costs 
a lot of money. And someday we will have to deal with that. 
Supplemental bills come up now to the tune of tens of billions, and 
next year, already, they are planning to come up with another $100 
billion for our intervention overseas. But it is off the regular 
budgetary process, so it doesn't meet the budgetary restraints that we 
are supposed to follow. So it becomes emergency funding, although we 
have been in Iraq for 3 years, and with plans to stay endlessly. We are 
building permanent bases in Iraq. So there is a lot of cost, and 
eventually that will come home to haunt us, and it already has.
  And then there is the problem of unintended consequences. We went 
into Iraq for all kinds of reasons, some disproven, and all well 
intended, and who knows what the real motivations were. But one thing 
was that we would gain access to oil, and oil would be produced and 
would help pay the bills. Yet oil, when we went into Iraq was $28 a 
barrel. Now it is $75 a barrel. That is an unintended consequence.
  We have done more to fall into the trap of what Osama bin Laden 
wanted in Iraq than anything else. And actually we have helped Iran. 
Iran is stronger. They have probably already more influence with the 
grass roots, the democratic process in Iraq, than we do. Those are the 
kind of unintended consequences that, on principle, I strongly object 
to.

[[Page H5453]]

  I believe that the founders were correct in advocating avoiding 
entangling alliances, to have a strong national defense, to defend this 
country, I believe that is just plain common sense. Most Americans, if 
you just flat-out put it to them, think we should not be the policemen 
of the world. Do you think we should be involved in the internal 
affairs of other nations? People say no. We shouldn't do this. The 
Constitution doesn't give us the authority to do it.
  And we now are in the business of maintaining an empire. A 
noninterventionist foreign policy concedes up front that is not our 
goal. We are not supposed to be going overseas and building permanent 
bases and staying there endlessly. Even the election campaign of 2000 
was won partially on the foreign policy issue that, you know, it was 
said that we shouldn't be the policemen of the world and we shouldn't 
be in nation building.
  I think those are good ideas and the American people agree. They 
didn't object to it. But each step along the way we dig a deeper hole 
for ourselves. And that is the general philosophic reasons why I 
believe nonintervention is beneficial. Intervention is very, very 
dangerous. Later there will be a lot of specifics that I would like to 
mention.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. The 
conflict now raging in the Middle East is between a stable, pro-Western 
democracy and the terrorists who seek to destroy it. It is obviously in 
our country's interest and that of the civilized world as a whole to 
oppose and denounce the vicious war against Israel by Hezbollah and 
Hamas. We simply cannot accept a world in which terrorist bands can 
trigger cross-border conflicts in violation of international law. Even 
the 22 member states of the Arab League have recognized this fact. They 
unequivocally denounced Hezbollah for provoking the current crisis 
because they know that Hezbollah's nihilism threatens not just Lebanon 
but their own stability.
  Hezbollah's contempt for human suffering is total, as it showed once 
again this morning when its rockets murdered two Israeli Arab children 
in Nazareth.
  Mr. Speaker, Israel is doing all it can to limit the civilian 
suffering as any civilized, responsible, legitimate government would 
do. Its air bases, weapons and other military assets are located as far 
from population centers as they can be. But Hezbollah and Hamas have 
deliberately placed their weapons among the people, in their homes, in 
their schools, in their mosques. In a struggle between the two sides, 
the risk of civilian casualties is naturally disproportionate. The 
terrorists care nothing for human life, and care only to the extent 
that they can cynically leverage the damage in their favor in the court 
of public opinion.
  Of course, Mr. Speaker, Israel is not facing just the terrorists 
Hamas and Hezbollah. Those criminal groups are merely proxies for the 
real masters of terror, Syria and Iran. If there was ever any doubt as 
to whether Hezbollah is a wholly owned subsidiary of Iran, it has now 
been put to rest. The unprovoked murder and kidnapping of Israeli 
soldiers on undisputed Israeli territory clearly served Tehran's 
interests. It occurred just days before the G-8 summit in St. 
Petersburg, which was set to focus on Iran's nuclear projects and 
transgressions. And, Mr. Speaker, the plot worked. The G-8 was indeed 
preoccupied with events in the Arab-Israeli arena, rather than with 
Iran's unrelenting march to secure nuclear weapons. But it is a mark of 
how alarmed the G-8 members were at the current situation that even 
Russia joined in the final communique condemning Hezbollah's actions.
  Mr. Speaker, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559, passed in 2004, 
declared that all foreign forces should be removed from Lebanon, all 
militias dismantled, and the Lebanese Armed Forces be deployed to the 
entire border with Israel. In fact, none of this happened. Iranian 
Revolutionary Guard troops roam freely. And thanks to Hezbollah, Iran 
has established, effectively, a base in southern Lebanon right on 
Israel's border.
  This is the same Iran that has called for Israel to be wiped off the 
map, the same Iran that has armed Hezbollah with 13,000 deadly 
missiles.
  Meanwhile, Mr. Speaker, the Lebanese Government stands by, helplessly 
watching its sovereignty evaporate. Hezbollah and Iran are holding 
Lebanon hostage as surely as they are holding the two Israeli soldiers.
  Mr. Speaker, there will never be real Lebanese democracy or real 
Lebanese sovereignty as long as Hezbollah is armed and occupies 
southern Lebanon.
  We also know that Syria is the primary culprit behind the Hamas 
kidnapping of an Israeli soldier, which also took place, unprovoked, on 
undisputed Israeli territory. It strains credulity to believe that the 
Syrian regime is merely a passive host for the Damascus-based Hamas 
leader, Khaled Meshaal. Syria is his master.
  Mr. Speaker, how often have we heard the complaint that there would 
be peace in the Middle East if only the Israelis ended their 
occupation?
  The watchword of this school of thought was land for peace. But as 
events of the last week have shown, it should have been land for war. 
Israel ended its occupation of Lebanon and of Gaza. There was not one 
Israeli citizen in either Gaza or Lebanon when this murderous and 
cynical pair of attacks took place. And where did the murderers and 
kidnappers attack from when they invaded Israeli territory? The very 
places from which Israel withdrew.
  How are we ever to establish peace?
  How will decent people in the region ever believe in peace if Arab 
terrorists interpret every gesture of peace as a display of weakness 
and then act accordingly?

                              {time}  1915

  Israel has withdrawn from Lebanon and Gaza. But where is the goodwill 
on the other side? Since Israel evacuated Gaza, more than 1,000 Hamas 
rockets have been fired at Israeli homes and Israeli schools. Since 
Israel evacuated Lebanon, the terrorist gang Hezbollah that occupies 
south Lebanon has stockpiled 13,000 rockets. As we have learned in 
recent days, these rockets travel farther and are far more deadly than 
had been previously believed. No wonder, Mr. Speaker, that Israeli 
support for Prime Minister Olmert's plan to withdraw from large areas 
of the West Bank has been plummeting even while Olmert himself enjoys 
wide support among his people.
  Given the stakes, I believe that the United States must support 
Israel in combating enemies who will not be mollified by anything less 
than Israel's total destruction. Any result of this fighting that 
leaves Hezbollah in occupation of southern Lebanon will be a victory 
for Iran and for Syria, for fanaticism and for terror, and the defeat 
for Lebanon and for Middle East peace.
  That, in my view, is the message of the resolution before us today, 
Mr. Speaker. And that is why I strongly support this resolution, and 
that is why I urge all of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to 
do likewise.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am proud to yield 3 
minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), our distinguished 
majority whip.
  Mr. BLUNT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for recognition. And 
I am grateful to Chairman Hyde and Mr. Lantos for the hard and 
thoughtful work they have done on this resolution, for the comments 
that they have already made, and many of those comments are not going 
to be better made this evening.
  Clearly, we stand here understanding that no country in the world 
knows more about the importance of a safe society than Israel, knows 
more the need to protect its borders and citizens than Israel.
  The conflict being waged is not one that Israel asked for. It is 
being fought out of necessity and out of self-defense. No country would 
tolerate the type of armed aggression that Israelis have witnessed in 
recent weeks. These deadly rocket attacks have been launched against 
civilians in Israel by Hamas and Hezbollah with the direct backing, as 
Mr. Lantos has said, of Syria and Iran.
  In fact, just last night word came out of the region that the 
Israelis had found and destroyed a truck convoy carrying new deadly 
rockets across the Syrian border into Lebanon. Those weapons, which 
reportedly were produced in Iran and transported through

[[Page H5454]]

Syria under the knowing eye of that country's government, are the 
instruments being used by Syria and Iran to wage a proxy war against 
Israel.
  All responsible members of the international community must demand 
that Syria and Iran immediately cease their financial and military 
support for these terrorist organizations or face the kind of global 
isolation and action by the Security Council that they deserve.
  Innocent citizens of Lebanon have also been the victims. The Lebanese 
Government has not been able to gain control over its own security and 
disarm Hezbollah, as demanded by the United Nations. I believe the 
Cedar Revolution was real, but democracy is still weak, and the 
Lebanese Government must resist terrorism or it does not govern.
  As Israel engages in a two-front conflict to defend its borders, I am 
confident that its government is doing all it can to minimize the loss 
of civilian life. Unfortunately, Lebanese and Palestinian civilians are 
being caught in the middle. I talked today to friends of mine in 
Nazareth who were witnesses to the attacks on Nazareth today where 
innocent Arabs living in Israel have been killed by these terrorist 
factions. We must put a stop to this. We must stand strong. This is 
exactly the kind of Islamic totalitarian view of the world that we 
resist today in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and elsewhere.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. LaHood).
  (Mr. LaHOOD asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding me this time.
  I would like to stipulate that in the 12 years I have been in the 
House, I have visited Lebanon on 10 occasions, and 2 years ago when I 
was there, I called upon the President of Lebanon, who has the same 
name as I do, although he is no relation, that he should not extend his 
term as President of the country, and that troops should be moved into 
the southern part of the country. I want to stipulate that now so 
people understand.
  I believe this resolution does not go far enough, and I believe the 
resolution should stipulate some humanitarian interest in the Lebanese 
people who are the ones that are being injured and killed by the 
attacks on the country. But I do not believe the current President 
should be in office. He has extended his term, and that should not have 
been. They should have moved troops into the southern part of the 
country and gone after Hezbollah, but that has not happened.
  But over the last 10 years, the country of Lebanon, in particular 
Beirut, has been rebuilt. It has been rebuilt primarily by the 
assassinated former Prime Minister, who did an extraordinary job and 
showed extraordinary leadership over the last several years in helping 
to rebuild the country and helping to rebuild, in particular, the city 
of Beirut.
  Late last week I decried the capture of two Israeli soldiers, and I 
decried the Hezbollah for doing that. But I also decry the idea that 
the attacks that are being made are well beyond the boundaries of where 
Hezbollah is at, well beyond the boundaries of the southern part of 
Lebanon, to completely shut down the airport, to bomb every road so 
there is no way for peace-loving people who have no fight in this 
battle at all to exit the country.
  Over 25,000 Americans are trapped in Lebanon, many students, many 
American students, who go to school at American University of Beirut. 
And also many peace-loving Americans who are there, many from my home 
community of Peoria, over 300, who traditionally go to the country in 
the summertime to visit their mothers and their fathers and their aunts 
and their uncles, are trapped there.
  Now, I give the administration credit for allowing these cruise ships 
now to come to the Mediterranean and help them exit. But the point that 
I want to make here is there is nothing in the resolution about the 
innocent people that are being killed. Over 300 people have been killed 
in the last 7 days who have no fight in this. They do not live in the 
southern part of the country. And there are many people that are 
trapped there. And I wish the resolution would have allowed for some 
idea that you can go into the southern part, you can go after 
Hezbollah, you can run them out of the country, and we are well within 
our right to do that, but not to shut down every way and every means of 
people to escape the country, not to kill innocent people, not to go 
into neighborhoods where there are absolutely no Hezbollah.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will my friend yield?
  Mr. LaHOOD. I yield to the gentleman.
  Mr. LANTOS. I thank my friend for yielding.
  First, let me react to your comment that the resolution does not deal 
with the loss of innocent life. The resolution expresses its 
condolences to all families of innocent victims of recent violence.
  Secondly, it is critical to prevent the resupply of deadly rockets 
from Iran and Syria. Unless the airport is closed down, unless the 
border with Syria is closed down, these deadly weapons will be 
resupplied in no time. That is why the airport was attacked. That is 
why the border crossings with Syria were attacked.
  Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I would say the 
resolution is not specific to the Lebanese innocent people. It mentions 
innocent people, but there is no specificity about those Lebanese 
people, particularly Lebanese Americans who are there visiting their 
families and the students that are there.
  The only road that was not bombed, the only road that was not closed, 
is the road that goes to Syria. And I know people and I have talked to 
them that have exited the country through Syria, and the Syrian 
Government is allowing them to go into Syria, go into Damascus, and 
take flights out to other parts in order to get back to the United 
States.
  I have served on the Intelligence Committee now for 8 years. There is 
something I think I know. Hezbollah is well armed. They have all the 
ammunition they need, and we need to shut them down. We need to 
eliminate them from the southern part of Lebanon.
  I do not buy this idea that they were going to be able to ship arms 
in through the airport. They have all they need. They have the kind of 
capability, and they have shown that.
  So I have heard that argument that the airport was bombed. I believe 
it was bombed so you could close off a way for people to get out of 
there. And I do not quite buy the argument that it was bombed so that 
they could be resupplied. They do not need to be resupplied. They have 
got all they need.
  Look, I have said pretty much what I wanted to. I know what the 
debate is going to be about. My obligation is to peace-loving people 
who live in Lebanon, who have made their homes there. My grandfather on 
my father's side came to this country in 1895 to Peoria, Illinois, from 
Lebanon. We have a large Lebanese population in Peoria. And I hope 
there are others, I think there will be, that will speak up for the 
common, ordinary, decent people of Lebanon who are suffering as a 
result.
  They want Hezbollah out of the country, and there is no argument with 
that, but they do not want to see their own neighborhoods, where there 
is no presence of Hezbollah, to be bombed and innocent people killed.
  If this were going on in Israel, which it is, the resolution 
stipulates that our hearts go out to those people. The innocent, peace-
loving people of Lebanon in neighborhoods where Hezbollah does not 
exist, they get no recognition in this resolution. With all due 
respect, Mr. Lantos, they simply do not. They did in a resolution that 
was prepared earlier on, but that language was taken out.
  So I think the resolution is inadequate, and I want to stick up for 
the people of Lebanon. I want to also compliment the administration for 
waiving the fees that they were going to charge innocent people for 
getting outside of the country. Obviously, that was a no-brainer. For 
getting the cruise ships to come in, to allow helicopters to transport 
people from the embassy over to Cyprus, all of these things are good 
things.
  I have talked to the administration. I have asked Secretary Rice and 
her team to talk more about restraint, particularly in the parts of 
Lebanon that do not deserve to be bombed, where innocent people do not 
deserve to be killed.

[[Page H5455]]

  I am just going to wrap up. It is going to take millions of dollars 
to rebuild areas of Lebanon that have been damaged. I mean, it is going 
to take millions of dollars to rebuild bridges and roads and 
infrastructure that have been built over the last 10 years. Beirut was 
so well positioned. This year in the city of Beirut, they had more 
tourism. The economy was booming. And now when you see what is 
happening, not only the innocent life, but so much of the 
infrastructure has been destroyed. I hope our government is going to be 
willing to step up and provide some of the dollars to help rebuild the 
country.
  So my objection is that I think the resolution is inadequate, and I 
want to speak up for the people of Lebanon.
  I thank the gentleman from Texas very much for yielding me this time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Before yielding to our distinguished whip, I would like to make a 
couple of observations. I first visited Lebanon in 1956, in the summer 
of 1956.

                              {time}  1930

  It was the jewel of the Middle East. And what has destroyed Lebanon 
during the course of the last half century were various terrorist 
groups, first Arafat's PLO and now Hezbollah.
  No one is in favor of hurting a single innocent human being. The fact 
is that with Hezbollah placing its weaponry in the midst of population 
centers, collateral damage is unavoidable. Israel has gone to every 
length to minimize collateral damage.
  As a matter of fact, the difference between the tragedies befalling 
the Lebanese people and the tragedies befalling the Israeli people is 
very simple: Hezbollah deliberately, deliberately, attacks civilians. 
Israel does its utmost not to attack innocent civilians.
  Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. LANTOS. I am glad to yield to my friend, the gentleman from 
Illinois.
  Mr. LaHOOD. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  I agree with everything you have said, Mr. Lantos. My only problem 
is, why not give the same kind of consideration in the resolution to 
the common, ordinary, decent people of Lebanon who are being hurt by 
these attacks? That is really all we were asking earlier on when we 
presented a resolution to the majority leader's office.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield such time as he may 
consume to the distinguished Democratic whip, my good friend, the 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California.
  Mr. Speaker, first let me say that, unfortunately, there wasn't as 
much bipartisan drafting of this resolution as I would have hoped.
  Hopefully there is no one in this Chamber who does not empathize with 
those who want peace, those who work for peace, those who are caught in 
the environment of hate, those who are caught in the environment of 
attacks on innocent people, those who are harboring in their midst 
those who attack a nation because of the religion and ethnicity of 
their population. All of us have empathy for innocent people caught in 
the grip of terror and terrorism.
  But all of us also ought to have the expectation that those people 
would exorcise from their societies those who undermine peace, security 
and safety, and the Lebanese people have not done that. They have 
either not done it because they are incapable of doing it, or they have 
not done it, as too often I hear verbalized, I tell my friend, because 
of their sympathy for Hezbollah.
  Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution condemning the recent 
terrorist attacks against our Nation's staunchest democratic ally in 
the Middle East and supporting Israel's inherent right for self-
defense, and I urge Members on both sides of the aisle to support this 
resolution as well.
  Israel is absolutely justified in undertaking the defense of its 
territory and its people. As the Israeli columnist Ari Shavit recently 
wrote, Israel's actions are ``not a war of occupation, but rather a war 
of defense. Not a settlements war, but rather a green line war. A war 
over the validity of an international border that was drawn, defined 
and recognized by the United Nations.''
  No one should be mistaken: The actions taken by Israel over the last 
8 days have been a direct response to the premeditated, unprovoked 
attacks of Hamas and Hezbollah, terrorist organizations which are 
underwritten and encouraged by their sponsors, Syria and Iran.
  Palestinian militants, including members of Hamas, dug a tunnel 300 
yards inside of Israel territory. And when, on June 25th, militants 
emerged from that tunnel, they killed two Israeli soldiers, wounded 
three and kidnapped one.
  Then last Wednesday, July 12, Hezbollah terrorists crossed Israel's 
internationally recognized northern border, and in a brazen daylight 
attack killed three Israeli soldiers and kidnapped two. Another five 
Israeli soldiers were killed by Hezbollah terrorists when they tried to 
retrieve the bodies of their fallen comrades.
  Mr. Speaker, these premeditated, unprovoked terrorist attacks on 
Israel are indefensible. One can only imagine the American response if 
a terrorist group attacked and killed American citizens from just 
across our border.
  It also must be noted that Israel has exercised great restraint over 
the last year, during which Palestinian militants, as has been 
referenced on this floor, have launched over 1,000 rockets from Gaza 
into Israel and Hezbollah has launched four separate attacks on Israel.
  While I am convinced that Israel is using every possible effort to 
avoid civilian casualties, it is clear that the terrorists in Hamas and 
Hezbollah purposely, purposely, staged their actions from within 
civilian communities, thereby putting civilians at grave risk.
  Furthermore, while Israel makes every effort to minimize civilian 
casualties, it is clear that the terrorists of Hamas and Hezbollah 
deliberately attempt to maximize such casualties by indiscriminately 
firing rockets upon Israeli population centers.
  Mr. Speaker, as a first step towards restoring calm, it is absolutely 
imperative that Israel's soldiers in Gaza and Lebanon be returned 
unconditionally and unharmed and that indiscriminate rocket attacks on 
Israeli civilians by Hamas and Hezbollah cease immediately.
  It is also long past the time for the international community to 
facilitate the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1559. If 
that U.N. resolution had been carried out, there would be no innocent 
citizens on either side being killed this day. The tragedy of our 
international community is the United Nations talks a much better game 
than it ever plays. That resolution, which was adopted in September of 
2004, calls for the Lebanese army to control southern Lebanon's border, 
and for all militias, including Hezbollah, to be disabled and 
disbanded.
  So long as the international community fails to ensure the 
implementation of Security Council Resolution 1559, I believe Israel as 
a sovereign nation with an inherent right of self-defense has every 
right to strike armed terrorists which seek her destruction. Disarming 
and disbanding terrorist organizations is essential to Middle East 
peace.
  We empathize, we sympathize, we have deep concern for those caught in 
this web of violence and terror, but that will not rationalize nor will 
it excuse the lack of action to exorcise those terrorists from the body 
politic of the Middle East. Until that happens, innocent civilians will 
ever be at risk.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am proud to yield 2 
minutes to my colleague the distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Shaw), who is a staunch supporter of Israel and who has been there many 
times.
  Mr. SHAW. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to associate myself 
with the previous speaker and his remarks.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my steadfast support for Israel 
during this time of crisis and escalating violence. In the strongest 
possible terms, I condemn Hezbollah's unprovoked attack on Israel.
  On July 12, 2006, Hezbollah assaulted northern Israel. This attack 
killed eight soldiers and took two others hostage. The kidnapping and 
killing of Israeli soldiers symbolizes a clear act of war by Hezbollah, 
which the government of Lebanon has failed to take apart and has even 
included in its cabinet.
  Hezbollah's continued violence against Israel is financed and 
supported by Syria and Iran. The United

[[Page H5456]]

States Department of State said that Iran supports Hezbollah with 
financial, political and organizational aid, while Syria provides 
diplomatic, political and logistic support. Syria and Iran should be 
held responsible for the violence that has ensued in the region as a 
result of their support of Hamas.
  Like the United States and other sovereign nations, Israel has the 
right to defend itself and its people from the attacks by these 
terrorists. Hezbollah fired at least 100 rockets at Israel just 
yesterday, with an estimated 720 Hezbollah rockets reported fired since 
the current crisis began. Israel air strikes continue and Israel 
defense forces conducted cross-border raids overnight. Over 230 
Lebanese and 25 Israelis have been reported killed since hostilities 
began. Estimates of Lebanese displaced by the violence vary widely, 
from tens of thousands to as many as 400,000.
  Mr. Speaker, it is clear that the United States must continue our 
efforts to support the State of Israel. These are the same killers who 
blew up our Marine barracks in Lebanon and killed 260 of our finest 
United States Marines.
  An Israeli win is a win for the United States. Our future, as well as 
Israel's future, is wrapped up in the future of this conflict. I urge 
my colleagues to support this resolution.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to comment just briefly on the comments 
made by the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood), because I think his 
point is well taken about the emphasis on this legislation, and to deny 
that would be just trying to fool one's self.
  It is very clear that if one were objective and read this resolution, 
all the terrorists are on one side and all the victims and the 
innocents are on the other side, which I, quite frankly, find unfair, 
especially coming from the position that I want to advocate, 
neutrality, rather than picking sides.
  But he also mentioned the fact about trying to change the resolution. 
I would like to emphasize also that being on the International 
Relations Committee, I was anxious to see the resolution, but 
characteristically it was very difficult to get. We didn't hold 
hearings and we didn't debate it and we didn't get a chance to have 
amendments to it, and even last night I couldn't receive it. There were 
some news articles very early this morning. Lo and behold, they had 
copies of it. It took me until about 9 o'clock this morning to get it.
  So I think it would be fairer within this Congress to allow us to 
have a chance to debate these in the committee, to bring them to the 
floor.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 8 minutes to the gentleman from West Virginia 
(Mr. Rahall).
  Mr. RAHALL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for 
yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, it was 24 years ago almost to this very day that I led 
an official congressional delegation to the Middle East, appointed by 
then Speaker Tip O'Neill. This six-nation tour included meetings with 
heads of state in every one of the countries we visited, including the 
Prime Minister of Israel, Menachem Began.
  We were in Beirut those first days of August 1982 when Israeli bombs 
were falling all over the country and all over the city, as they are 
this very day. The Israeli aim at that time was to rid Lebanon of the 
PLO.
  Then President Ronald Reagan got on the phone to then Prime Minister 
Menachem Began and said enough is enough. Stop the bombing. President 
Reagan had that courage, had that sense.
  There immediately ensued negotiations and a peaceful evacuation of 
Americans in the area, and we initially sent over marines, maybe a 
month later, at which point in time we were considered peacekeepers and 
all the Lebanese were welcoming the American presence. That later 
turned sour. That is part of history and I shall not go there.
  But I have written President Bush last Friday urging him to take this 
same action as President Ronald Reagan took 24 years ago.

                              {time}  1945

  I commend him for calling Arab leaders as he is and asking the Arab 
leaders to urge restraint upon Hezbollah and to urge the release of the 
hostages, which is a proper action. I also asked the President that 
should he not be calling the Israeli Prime Minister at the same time. 
What is wrong with this course of action?
  The point where we are today is a point that is unfortunate. It was 
stupid of Hezbollah, Hamas to take the actions they took. I condemn the 
hostage taking.
  Israel has a right to defend itself. It has the right to pursue to 
the nth degree those that abduct their soldiers. The Israeli action of 
current days, and as we speak in Lebanon, however, has other 
repercussions than just the stated agenda of destroying Hezbollah. That 
is not going to happen. We know that there is no military action that 
is going to wipe out every member of Hezbollah, that is going to wipe 
out every member of Hamas.
  That is not the way this problem is going to be resolved. It is time 
for cooler heads to prevail if peace is to have a prayer. It is time 
for a cease-fire. It is time for Secretary Rice to go to the region. It 
is time for Hezbollah to, as the first step, simultaneously with the 
calling of a cease-fire release the hostages. That must be done, step 
number 1, with the calling of a cease-fire, and then negotiations 
should continue.
  As to whether there will be future and sequential release of Lebanese 
and Palestinian prisoners held by the Israelis, many of whom have not 
even had the first charge read against them yet, but that is for later, 
Israel has done this in the past, to their credit. Yes, we do not 
negotiate with terrorists, but we do. We know the reality.
  So I say, Mr. Speaker, that the current actions of Israelis have gone 
beyond going after Hezbollah. This resolution that is before us seems 
to hint at that pretty strongly. The Government of Lebanon is targeted 
in many different points in the resolution before us. The Government of 
Lebanon is demanded in this resolution to disarm Hezbollah. That is 
something that 18 years of Israeli occupation of Lebanon could not 
achieve. The Israelis cannot do that. But we are demanding now that a 
year-and-a-half-old Lebanese Government, prodemocracy, pro-American, so 
much hope after the Cedar Revolution of a year and a half ago, we are 
now demanding that they disarm Hezbollah in this resolution. Not 
realistic.
  Who are the losers if a cease-fire is not immediately implemented? 
Who are the losers in this fighting and the loss of innocent lives and 
civilian infrastructure continues? The losers are the moderates. The 
losers are the Siniora government in Lebanon, a government that has not 
approved, has not condoned the taking of hostages, as a matter of fact 
has spoken against it; a government that cannot at this particular 
point in time control fully its borders, but was getting its act in 
order previous to the current invasion.
  In the Palestinian territories, who are the losers? The moderate 
Palestinian leader Abu Mazen is the loser, an individual who was 
negotiating with Prime Minister Olmert, very close to a deal on 
prisoner exchange, when all of a sudden this kidnapping occurred, and 
that almost deal went down the tubes. So the moderates are the losers 
the longer the fighting goes on, the longer we are without a cease-
fire.
  The likely scenario, of course, is that the Israelis will continue. 
They did a massive hit just as we speak against a Hezbollah bunker in 
south Beirut. It remains to be seen whether they got the head of 
Hezbollah or not, but there will be some mopping-up operations in the 
next week or so, and then Secretary Rice will go to the region and be 
the big peacemaker. I hope that is the scenario and that it is over 
that quick. I hope indeed that is what will occur.
  But we must request and we must demand that Hezbollah release the 
kidnapped soldiers as the first step with the simultaneous announcing 
of a cease-fire and let cooler heads prevail if we are going to give 
peace a chance.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a 
unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green).
  (Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and 
extend his remarks.)
  Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of 
House Resolution 921.
  Throughout its history, Israel has had to defend itself from groups 
that want to wipe it off

[[Page H5457]]

the map. Hamas and Hezbollah do not want to negotiate a two-state 
solution, they want to go back to before 1948. That is not going to 
happen. The United States first recognized Israel and will continue to 
help Israel defend herself.
  The recent attacks, murders and seizure of soldiers by Hezbollah and 
Hamas are no different, and this House must affirm its commitment to 
Israel and stand behind that nation's right to defend itself.
  Less than three weeks after the June 25 abduction of Corporal Gilad 
Shalit by Hamas in undisputed Israeli territory, Hezbollah opened a 
second front against Israel by attacking, killing and abducting more 
Israeli soldiers in northern Israel.
  Israel's response was no different than the U.S. response would have 
been if someone had attacked across our border.
  Israel completely withdrew from southern Lebanon in accordance with 
United Nations Security Council Resolution 425.
  Despite this move to facilitate the peace process in the region, and 
despite U.N. Security Council resolution 1559--which required Lebanon 
to take control of this region and to disarm and disband any militias 
in the country--Lebanon allowed Hezbollah to operate in southern 
Lebanon, and receive material and funding from Iran and Syria
  Hezbollah launched four separate attacks earlier this year against 
Israel.
  Israel has been forced to defend itself from these terrorist groups 
to protect its borders and its people which have been targeted by 
Hezbollah rockets.
  Unlike Israel, which has carefully targeted Hezbollah members who 
hide and operate among the civilian populations, Hezbollah has 
indiscriminately fired rockets at northern Israeli civilian populations 
in cities like Haifa, Nazareth, and Nahariya.
  Mr. Speaker, these attacks by the terrorist groups Hezbollah and 
Hamas on Israel's borders, military, and civilian population have 
forced Israel to respond.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this resolution 
reaffirming our support for Israel's right to defend itself.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, before yielding to my friend from 
Massachusetts, I yield myself such time as I may consume to make a 
comment about Mr. Paul's observation as he calls for neutrality.
  Calling for neutrality between a democratic ally of the United States 
and a gang of terrorists is not worthy of this body. There is no 
neutrality between a gang of terrorists who indiscriminately kill and 
the democratic state.
  May I also say that it was Hezbollah terrorists who killed the 
largest number of U.S. Marines in Beirut a quarter century ago. Some of 
us were there visiting with them just a couple of weeks before they 
were all killed. Lee Hamilton, a distinguished former Member of this 
body, and I visited with our marines just days before they were all 
killed by Hezbollah terrorist activity.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts 
(Mr. Frank), the distinguished ranking member of the Financial Services 
Committee.
  Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, first, this Israeli 
retaliation did not come in the abstract. Let's be clear what happened. 
I speak here as someone who has been critical in the past of Israeli 
Governments that were, in my judgment, sufficiently willing to take 
risks for peace. I have been an advocate of giving up land in the 
interests of a comprehensive settlement.
  What happened tragically in the last couple of weeks is that Israel 
was attacked by entities who do not think there should be any Israel at 
all. It was attacked by people dedicated to the abolition of the Jewish 
State in the Middle East from two territories from which it had 
withdrawn.
  What was attacked was not just individual Israelis, but those in 
Israel within that democratic nation who have pushed for peace. In 
April, after the withdrawal from Gaza, very controversial, the people 
willing in Israel to withdraw from territory in pursuit of peace won an 
election. Those in Israel who would reject that approach lost. Sadly, 
the rejectionists then won in the Palestinian Authority. So you have 
people who had risked themselves in a democratic nation for peace now 
being undercut by those who use those very territories from which they 
withdrew for attacking them. And again these were not disputes over 
specifics.
  Hamas and Hezbollah both agreed there should be no Israel. These are 
people who want to return not to the borders of 1967, but to the 
borders of 1947 when there was no Israel. Now, no democratic nation can 
be expected to not respond, and that is what we have, a response to 
attacks across the internationally recognized border of Israel by 
people committed to destroying its very existence from territories from 
which they withdrew. So the attacks were clearly justified.
  Then the question is, well, how have they conducted the war? I think 
there were things that they should not have done. I wish they had not 
bombed the power plant in Gaza. But, you know, I look at what Israel is 
doing in Lebanon, and I must tell you what it most resembles in my 
recent memory, the American action in Yugoslavia when we bombed and 
bombed and bombed Belgrade and much of Yugoslavia, much of Serbia, to 
get them to withdraw from Kosovo. That was not a conventional military 
action. Now, I must note that Israel has not at this point taken out 
any embassies. We in the Yugoslav war took out the Chinese Embassy. We 
bombed convoys.
  Sadly, when people go to war, innocent people die. That is why I am 
very reluctant to vote for war. But that happens. But what happened in 
Serbia was America punishing the Serbian territory to get them to 
withdraw from Kosovo, and it worked.
  Now, I understand the pride of the Lebanese Government, but let me 
say this, first of all, in response to my friend from West Virginia. 
The resolution does not demand that the Lebanese Government disarm 
Hezbollah. It demands that the Lebanese do everything within its power, 
within its power, to change things.
  In contrast, the resolution does make an unconditional demand of 
Syria and Iran that they do the right thing. So it does differentiate 
between Lebanon and Syria and Iran.
  Now, let me say, with regard to Lebanon, I am struck by the pride of 
the Lebanese people, but I have to say this. Many of those who are now 
critical of Israel and say, what do you want from poor Lebanon, where 
were they when poor Lebanon needed them? Where were they when the 
Lebanese were unable to get Hezbollah to move? Why did they not get 
involved then?
  In defense of the Israelis, what they are saying is this: Look, a 
U.N. resolution said get Hezbollah away from us, because if they keep 
this up, we will have to retaliate, and nothing happened until they 
started killing Israelis inside Israel, and then Israel retaliated.
  So those who now say, well, you know what, do not blame the poor 
Government of Lebanon, I do not. I blame those in the Arab world and 
elsewhere who could have gone into that situation and avoided this.
  So now the question is what do you do? A simple cease-fire that 
leaves Hezbollah on the Israeli border, in violation of a U.N. 
resolution, free to continue to kill across that international border 
in their pursuit of their effort to destroy the State is not good 
enough. I would like to see us be involved.
  What the resolution says is have Syria and Iran be pressured by the 
rest of the world, including those great humanitarian nations of Russia 
and China and elsewhere that have expressed opinions here; let them 
intervene not simply to stop the shooting, but to get Hezbollah away 
from that border. Then it will be reasonable to ask Israel to stop, and 
I believe they want to.
  So it is not simply release the soldiers today so four more can be 
captured and more people killed tomorrow. Let the international 
community show its real concern for the Government of Lebanon by 
providing them with the assistance they need to move Hezbollah away.
  Let Hamas honor the fact that Israel withdrew at great political 
internal cost from Gaza and not use that as a lunching pad for their 
efforts to destroy Israel.
  So I must say, I think it is justified in terms of the response, in 
terms of the way it is conducted. Yeah, it is messy and bloody, and 
innocent people die, and that is why you try to avoid those situations, 
and why Syria and Iran should be pressured to get Hezbollah to move 
back so we can put an end to it.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays).
  Mr. SHAYS. Mr. Speaker, Hamas and Hezbollah attacks against one of 
our closest friends and best allies, Israel,

[[Page H5458]]

are acts of war, and they have Iran and Syria's fingerprints all over 
them.
  As chairman of the National Security Subcommittee with direct focus 
on the Middle East and the Islamist terrorists that breed there, I am 
grateful we are promptly considering this bipartisan resolution to say 
to Israel, to the international community, and, most importantly, to 
the terrorists and the nations who support them that this Congress 
unequivocally stands by Israel.
  We condemn the terror attacks against it, and we pray for the 
peaceful resolution of this crisis and to the end to the loss of 
innocent lives on both sides.
  The prisoner exchange called for by some must be put off the table. 
Doing so legitimizes Hamas and Hezbollah's actions and will only 
embolden them and the Syrian and Iranian Governments that back them to 
launch similar attacks in the future. The resolution of this crisis 
must include the nonnegotiable safe return of the kidnapped Israeli 
soldiers, and the guarantee of the security of Israel's borders, 
including the full implementation of the U.N. Security Council 
Resolution 1559.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) derogatorily 
said there is no room to talk about neutrality, as if it were a crime. 
I would suggest there is room for an open mind to another type of 
policy that may save American lives.
  I was in the Congress in the early 1980s, and then I left Congress, 
and I just come back recently. But I was here when the Marines were 
sent in to Lebanon, and I strenuously came to the floor before they 
went, when they went, and before they were killed, arguing my case. And 
then they were killed. Ronald Reagan, when he sent the troops in, said 
he would never turn tail and run.

                              {time}  2000

  Then, after the marines were killed, he had a reassessment of the 
policy. When he wrote his autobiography a few years later after leaving 
the Presidency, he wrote this.
  He says, ``Perhaps we didn't appreciate fully enough the depth of the 
hatred and the complexity of the problems that made the Middle East 
such a jungle. Perhaps the idea of a suicide car bomber committing mass 
murder to gain instant entry to Paradise was so foreign to our own 
values and consciousness that it did not create in us the concern for 
the marines' safety that it should have.''
  In the weeks immediately after the bombing, I believe the last thing 
that we should do was turn tail and leave. Yet the irrationality of 
Middle Eastern politics forced us to rethink our policy there. If there 
would be some rethinking of policy before our men die, we would be a 
lot better off. If that policy had changed towards more of a neutral 
position and neutrality, those 241 marines would be alive today.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. 
Boustany).
  Mr. BOUSTANY. Mr. Speaker, let me start by commending the esteemed 
chairman of the International Relations Committee and the distinguished 
gentleman, the ranking member, for bringing this very powerful 
resolution to the floor.
  I agree with this resolution. I vehemently, vehemently condemn the 
violence and terrorist activity of Hamas and Hezbollah. I also 
vigorously support the right of Israel to defend itself against these 
terrorist acts and to do what is necessary under these dire 
circumstances.
  But let me also say that this resolution is incomplete, and I don't 
think it is fully reflective of what U.S. policy should be. Much has 
been said about Resolution 1559. Much has been said about Lebanon, that 
poor small country that has been victimized time and time again.
  What of Lebanon? There is a nascent democracy there, despite the 
challenges, despite the years of conflict, a nascent democracy that is 
budding. I think this resolution should give lip service to those 
Lebanese patriots who are trying to build this democracy. The Siniora 
government, we should not do anything that would undermine this nascent 
democracy and Prime Minister Siniora's attempt to build an economic 
country, a country that is going to have opportunity.
  Security Council Resolution 1559, whose fault is it? We know that 
this nascent democracy in Lebanon doesn't have the capability to defend 
itself. It doesn't have a very well-formed armed services. We know that 
Israel could not drive Hezbollah out.
  How can the small force that Lebanon has do such? Whose fault is it? 
The international community, the U.S.? This has been a failure of 
policy. One thing that is clear is that this Security Council 
Resolution 1559 has to be enforced unequivocally, and Hezbollah must be 
disarmed in any way that is possible. This is going to take an 
international effort. Once there is international consensus that this 
resolution will be enforced, then we need to put together the coalition 
to enforce it.
  I am going to conclude. I am not going to take the full time, but I 
am going to say that America should not turn its back on any of its 
allies, and that certainly includes Israel. But it should also include 
that vulnerable State of Lebanon.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my good friend from 
Louisiana for his very thoughtful statement, and let me just add that 
if Hezbollah is, in fact, defanged, the primary beneficiary will be the 
people and the State of Lebanon.
  Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3\1/3\ minutes to my 
distinguished friend from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).
  Mr. EMANUEL. I thank my colleague from California, and I strongly 
support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, on June 25, Palestinian militants 
from Hamas kidnapped and later executed an Israeli soldier. On July 12, 
Hezbollah kidnapped two Israeli soldiers.
  In both cases, terrorist militias affiliated with democratically 
elected governments, violated internationally recognized borders and 
seized three soldiers. In both cases, they were acts of wars. These 
acts turned on its head 25 years of agreement that if Israel would 
leave territories to internationally recognized borders, there would be 
peace.
  It is this turning on its head the reason for the reaction by both 
Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan because it has violated what happened in 
1978 with the giving of the Sinai. It violated what happened in 1993 
with the Oslo Agreement, and it violated what happened in 1994 with 
Jordan.
  What happened here, and nobody should underestimate the consequences, 
is it totally violates not only the internationally recognized border 
but the bipartisan effort, internationalized effort, to bring peace to 
the Middle East, and specifically to the Arab and Israeli conflict. 
That is, Israel would move to internationally recognized borders. Those 
borders would be recognized and peace would happen.
  That effort, if it doesn't end here, and this doesn't get upturned 
with the return of soldiers, that effort of giving up peace by giving 
up real estate, recognizing internationally recognized borders, will 
come to an end. That is why three Arab governments, allies of the 
United States, have acted the way they have acted and recognized the 
consequences and the deep meaning of what happened here.
  That being said, nobody should lose sight for one moment also of what 
has happened here. The so-called democratically elected governments on 
the West Bank and in Lebanon have militias affiliated with those 
governments. So those are democracies. They are not truly democracies, 
they are totalitarian entities with militias and terrorists acting as 
democracies.
  As we talk about bringing democracy to the Mideast, understand that 
that button should be paused for a second and understand the 
consequences here. That what has happened is Saudi Arabia, most 
importantly, Egypt and Jordan, have brought peace and have come to a 
peace agreement with Israel. Those who have violated that peace are, 
quote-unquote, democracies, as we spread democracy in the Mideast.
  Understand what that means here, and the consequences of what has 
happened here, is that you cannot allow this violation of 
internationally recognized borders, three soldiers to be seized, and 
think there will be no act of war. That is what has broadened, and yes, 
many of its citizens will be hurt.
  I want to see an end to the violence that is engulfing Israel and 
Lebanon,

[[Page H5459]]

but it will not end this violence at the ballot box. It will only end 
with the emergence of true partners who recognize the importance of 
peace and the end of terrorist regimes founded on hate.
  I strongly support this resolution, its spirit, as well as its 
letter.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight in strong support of the resolution 
before us, introduced by our distinguished majority leader and two 
foreign policy giants, our International Relations chairman, Henry Hyde 
and our ranking member, Tom Lantos. We wish that circumstances were 
different in the Middle East, and we regret the loss of innocent human 
life.
  However, silence on our part in the face of these outrageous attacks 
against Israel would only serve to embolden these Islamic terrorists 
and their neighbors. Our stance, therefore, must be clear, Mr. Speaker; 
we condemned these armed attacks against Israel.
  We fully support Israel's right to take appropriate action to defend 
itself in the face of these existential threats, and we must hold not 
just Hamas and Hezbollah but also Iran and Syria accountable.
  Mr. Speaker, the current conflict in the Middle East is not simply 
the result of these most recent developments. Rather, it results from 
the efforts of the chain of interrelated extremist entities and their 
state sponsors who threaten not just Israel but our own security 
interests as well.
  It stems from a deep-seated desire to destroy the State of Israel, 
or, as the Iranian leader has said, to wipe Israel off the map. It 
stems from Iran's desire to export its revolution and to exert regional 
domination. It is based on a world view that led to the taking of 
American hostages in 1979, who were held for 444 days, and that hatred 
against the U.S. as not gone unabated.
  The events of the recent weeks find their roots in an alliance 
between Iran and Syria and their terrorist proxies, which, throughout 
the years, have caused the deaths and injuries of countless Israelis 
and Americans alike. Current developments are also linked to the 
failure of the United Nations to ensure full implementation of Security 
Council Resolution 1559 requiring Hezbollah to dismantle and disarm.
  Over the past year, Israel has shown tremendous restraint in the face 
of continued assault from Islamic extremists. Despite Israel's 
withdrawal from Gaza last year, terror attacks targeting innocent 
Israeli civilians continued and, in fact, have increased.
  In the last year extremists in Gaza have launched over 1,000 rockets 
at Israelis. Weapons, money and manpower were smuggled to Gaza through 
tunnels, enabling continued terrorism and transforming the areas 
controlled by the Palestinian Authority into havens for international 
terror groups like al Qaeda.
  Hamas and other jihadist groups use such underground tunnels to sneak 
into Israel, to kill two soldiers and kidnap Corporal Shalit in order 
to exchange him for imprisoned, condemned, Palestinian terrorists. The 
situation intensified on July 12 when members of Hezbollah, without a 
hint of provocation, went into Israel and killed three Israeli soldiers 
and took two others hostages.
  Again, this was not an isolated incident by Hezbollah. In the past 
year these extremists launched at least four attacks into Israel. One 
of these took place on November 2005 when Hezbollah launched rockets 
into Israel while a large number of its jihadists infiltrated and 
attacked an Israeli village.
  The enemy should not and must not be underestimated. Iran and Syria 
and other terrorist enablers are engaged in a never-ending struggle to 
improve their relative power position. They have declared war on 
freedom and democracy, and will use any means available to them to 
achieve their ends.
  They not only present a threat to Israel and to the U.S., but also to 
moderate reforming Arab governments in the region. In turn, we must 
resolve, as this resolution clearly states, to work with Israel and 
other U.S. allies to fight these extremists worldwide.
  As Robert Satloff of the Washington Institute for Near East Policies 
recently said, defeat for Israel is a defeat for U.S. interests. It 
will inspire radicals of every stripe. It will release Iran and Syria 
to spread more mayhem inside Iraq, and make more likely our own 
eventual confrontation with this emboldened alliance of extremists.
  By contrast, Satloff adds, victory in the form of Hezbollah 
disarmament, the expulsion of Iran's military presence from Lebanon, 
the eviction of Meshal and friends from Damascus, and the demise of the 
Hamas government in Gaza is, by the same token, also a victory for the 
U.S. and for Western interests.
  Mr. Speaker, this says it all. I urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution.

                              {time}  2015

  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time, and I also ask 
unanimous consent that the time for debate on this measure be extended 
for 40 minutes, to be equally divided between the proponent and 
opponent.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Campbell of California). Is there 
objection to the request of the gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, further, I yield 10 minutes of my time 
to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the ranking member of 
the Committee on International Relations, and ask unanimous consent 
that he be permitted to control that time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I just want to make a couple of comments before yielding. It has been 
well advertised about the three prisoners that have been taken, the 
three Israeli prisoners. Everybody in the country knows about it. What 
I find a bit interesting is that some people estimate between 8,000 and 
10,000 Palestinians and Lebanese are in prisons and under the authority 
of the Israeli police and government.
  It is also known that one-third of the Cabinet of Palestine have been 
arrested and held hostage by the Israeli Government, and once again, I 
think this is a distortion of what is going on. It is hard to get the 
information out to find out exactly what is happening in this area.
  Also, I would like to make one additional point that it is very easy 
to criticize the Government of Lebanon for not doing more about 
Hezbollah. I object to everything Hezbollah does because I am a strong 
opponent to all violence on both sides. So I object, too, but I also 
object to the unreasonable accusations that the Government of Lebanon 
has not done enough, when we realize that Israel was there for 18 
years, and Hezbollah did not get any weaker, and they are stronger than 
ever. So I think, again, a little bit of balance is worth considering.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Issa).
  (Mr. ISSA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman from Texas 
for yielding, and yielding, I note, time in opposition.
  I will be voting for this important resolution, not because it is 
perfect. As a matter of fact, I think the one consistent thing that, 
Mr. Speaker, you are going to see tonight is not one, not two, not 
three, but all four of the Members of Congress on both sides of the 
aisle whose families emigrated from Lebanon basically 100 years ago or 
more are finding that this resolution does not say enough.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to bring to the attention and will be including 
in my remarks H. Res. 926, which was submitted as a draft to the 
Committee on International Relations and to the Subcommittee on the 
Middle East on which I serve on both.
  For those who think that Members of Congress who come from Lebanese 
ancestry would somehow think differently than many of the rest, I would 
like to share just a few short portions.
  First of all, the opening of the resolution: ``Condemning the 
kidnapping of Israeli soldiers by Hamas and Hezbollah, affirming the 
right of Israel to conduct operations to secure the kidnapped soldiers, 
urging all parties to protect innocent life and civilian 
infrastructure, and for other purposes.''
  Many of the passages are similar, but some notably are different than 
the

[[Page H5460]]

resolution being considered tonight. It goes on to blame directly 
Nasrallah, the Secretary General of Hezbollah, responsible for these 
attacks and responsible for taking hostages.
  It further, in its whereases: ``Whereas Iran, Syria, and elements of 
the Government of Lebanon have a well-documented history of supporting 
the terrorist groups responsible for these kidnappings.''
  And, Mr. Speaker, it is important to note that the Lebanese Americans 
were the first to come out and say in no uncertain terms that the 
elements in Lebanese society, including those who were elected from the 
occupied south, not occupied by Israel any longer, but occupied by 
Hezbollah, did send representatives sympathetic to Hezbollah.
  But I think what is not said in this resolution and has not been said 
well enough here tonight, in my opinion, is that the Cedar Revolution 
clearly denounced that direction. It went against the illegally 
reelected or illegally extended Presidency of Emile Lahoud, and it made 
very clear by backing the so-called Saad Hariri bloc, the bloc of the 
assassinated former Prime Minister in securing a multidenominational, 
across-the-board, including Shi'a, government that wants a sovereign, 
independent and peaceful Lebanon.
  Unfortunately, the resolution we are considering tonight does talk 
about the failure of the Lebanese Government. I think that is fair, but 
it is only fair if we also include the failure of the United States 
Government.
  We have provided nothing to the Lebanese since they bravely stood up 
to Syria, demanded their withdrawal, rioted in the street, were bombed 
and killed for their attempt to give themselves that freedom and 
liberty. We have not provided them any kind of capability of going to 
the south and enforcing. We have talked about it. We have planned to do 
it. The administration has prepared to do it. Our committees have 
explored it, but today, as of yet, we have not yet done what we must 
do.
  Mr. Speaker, I call on this committee that is here today on this 
floor to dedicate itself to immediately upon us coming back to work in 
the morning begin the process of providing the lawful Government of 
Lebanon the ability to, in fact, send those troops to the south to, in 
fact, displace Hezbollah. It is going to take time, energy, money and 
training.
  We are spending billions of dollars every month arming the Iraqi 
people so, in fact, they can replace a government that we had to 
topple. The Lebanese already toppled a government that had been a 
puppet of Syria and Iran for a long time, and they, in fact, were the 
movement that led to Syria being forced out after decades of 
occupation.
  The Lebanese have earned the right, and this resolution in part says 
that, they have earned the right to have that ability, and we have to 
give them that ability.
  So I go further than simply say I hope we will. I demand that if we 
care enough about the words we say in our resolution tonight and in H. 
Res. 926, which is the underlying document submitted by four Lebanese 
Americans, if we care enough to denounce Hezbollah for what they have, 
and Iran and Syria for what they have done, then we have to be willing 
to confront them in Lebanon, something we have not been willing to do.
  So, tonight I stand with Israel's right to get its kidnapped soldiers 
back. I stand with Israel's right to reduce the ability of Hezbollah to 
rain rockets down on Israel, but I also stand with the people of 
Lebanon who have been traded like pawns again and again and say, yes, 
let us pass this resolution, but let us also start in the morning to do 
the job so that the next resolution, when it says the Lebanese 
Government has failed to do something, it will not also have the right 
to say the Lebanese Government did not have a snowball's chance in a 
summer in Hades of actually doing it.
  A government with armored personnel carriers donated by the U.S. 
Government in the 1970s made of aluminum is not going to take on 
Hezbollah, not if tanks from Israel could not do it in 18 years.
  So, yes, I am voting for this resolution. I appreciate the gentleman 
giving me time from the opposition, but I want to include H. Res. 926 
in this debate, and I want to include the statement by the four 
Lebanese Americans that, yes, we will support Israel, but we want to 
support Lebanon's ability to be free and independent, and that will 
take a commitment starting tomorrow morning.

                              H. Res. 926

       Whereas on June 25, 2006, Israeli Defense Forces Corporal 
     Gilad Shalit was kidnapped and taken hostage by a Palestinian 
     militant group that included members of the military wing of 
     Hamas;
       Whereas Hamas political leader Khaled Meshaal, in Damascus, 
     Syria, has acknowledged the role of Hamas in holding Corporal 
     Shalit hostage;
       Whereas on July 12, 2006, operatives of the terrorist group 
     Hezbollah carried out an attack in Israel, killing three 
     Israeli soldiers and taking two others hostage;
       Whereas Hezbollah Secretary General Hasan Nasrallah has 
     acknowledged Hezbollah's responsibility for the attack and 
     taking hostages;
       Whereas Iran, Syria, and elements of the Government of 
     Lebanon have a well-documented history of supporting the 
     terrorist groups responsible for these kidnappings;
       Whereas President George W. Bush stated on July 13, 2006, 
     ``[t]he democracy of Lebanon is an important part of laying a 
     foundation of peace'', that the government of Lebanese Prime 
     Minister Faoud Sinoria must not be undermined during the 
     current crisis, and that Syria and Iran must be held to 
     account for their shared responsibility in the recent hostage 
     taking; and
       Whereas Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stated on July 
     12, 2006, ``All sides must act with restraint to resolve this 
     incident peacefully and to protect innocent life and civilian 
     infrastructure.'': Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) condemns Hamas and Hezbollah for engaging in the 
     reprehensible terrorist act of taking hostages;
       (2) affirms the right of Israel to conduct operations, both 
     inside and outside its own borders and in the territory of 
     countries supporting the hostage takers, in pursuit of the 
     release of hostages;
       (3) notes that all governments that have provided continued 
     support to Hamas or Hezbollah share responsibility for the 
     hostage taking and urges these countries to use all efforts 
     to secure the unconditional release of the hostages;
       (4) urges all parties to protect innocent life and civilian 
     infrastructure;
       (5) declares its continued commitment to aiding Israel and 
     the administration of President George W. Bush in battling 
     terrorism and securing the unconditional release of hostages; 
     and
       (6) expresses its condolences to all innocent victims of 
     recent violence in Israel, Lebanon, and the Palestinian 
     territories and their families, including those of the three 
     Israeli hostages.

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my friend from California 
for his very thoughtful observations, and I am pleased to yield 3 
minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the distinguished 
ranking member of the Ways and Means Committee, my very good friend.
  Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for this opportunity.
  I stand in strong support of this resolution. Some may say, well, how 
could you be against the war and supporting this? Well, I think it is 
good historic sense, it is good moral sense, that any sovereign nation 
that gets attacked should have the opportunity and be given support for 
defending herself.
  Clearly, when we went into Iraq, we had no clue as to who the 
terrorists were. They certainly were not in Iraq. There were no weapons 
of mass destruction, no connection between Saddam Hussein and 9/11.
  But here we have a nation that has been invaded. People have come 
into their country, killed their soldiers, kidnapped their soldiers, 
and rain rockets on them, and the surprising thing that we find here is 
that we find something to that. As an American, I cannot imagine the 
hostility I would feel and the support I would give in retaliation if 
something like that happened to our country.
  What amazes me, however, is that for the first time people have 
recognized that the terrorists are not just after the United States and 
Israel. The terrorists are after every decent thing that we believe in, 
and at long last the Governments of Jordan and Egypt and Saudi Arabia 
has seen that these terrorists, that somehow we found out that they 
believe that not being at war with Israel is the same as being at peace 
with Israel, but recognize in that area some of the Arab countries that 
we give support to, economic and trade support, still held hostile the 
people in Israel and resented the right for Israel to exist.
  I think this is a great opportunity to bring those Arab nations 
together, to

[[Page H5461]]

let them know that they are just as vulnerable for the people that they 
have supported, and even though the animosity seems to be going toward 
Israel, is toward them, is toward the United States, is toward 
everything that we believe.
  So, if we do have crown princes and kings and Presidents unable to go 
to the ranch and discuss whatever they do, and if Israel does not come 
up as a place where they teach hatred and anti-Semitism, why not take 
advantage of this opportunity to tell the Arab countries in the region 
that this is the time for all of us to come together not just in a 
willing coalition, but in a coalition for peace, and to make certain 
that we cut this cancer out not just because of Israel, but because of 
the free world?
  The Hamas and the Hezbollah have to really cut this cancer out of our 
society now, and it gives us an excellent opportunity to bring the 
friends of the United States and the so-called friends of Israel 
together to see whether or not we can make certain that these people 
are not a threat to Israel and not a threat to the neighboring 
countries and not a threat to the great United States of America.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Florida 
(Mr. Foley) for a unanimous consent request.
  (Mr. FOLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. FOLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman. I rise in support of 
H. Res. 921, condemning the recent attacks against the State of Israel.
  On June 25th, Israeli soldier Corporal Gilad Shalit was kidnapped and 
is still being held hostage in Gaza by Hamas.
  On July 12th, Hezbollah in southern Lebanon killed three Israeli 
soldiers and took two others hostage and began bombarding Israel with 
rockets.
  In the past week, over 700 rockets and mortars from Gaza and Southern 
Lebanon have hit Haifa (Israel's 3rd largest city) and numerous other 
cities and towns.
  These unprovoked attacks appear to be coordinated by Iran and Syria--
probably to take the issue of Iran's nuclear development off the front 
burner.
  When Israel withdrew from Southern Lebanon several years ago, it did 
so with the understanding that the Lebanese Army would secure the area 
from Hezbollah. To this date, the Army has yet to move into the area 
and take control.
  Some have suggested that the U.S. urge Israel to restrain itself--
that it should negotiate and stop their attacks. The problem is, as 
Amb. Bolton said today, there isn't anyone to talk to. The Palestinians 
are being governed by Hamas and Lebanon is still being controlled by 
Syria--both terrorist regimes.
  Israel must take any action it sees fit to defend themselves and 
prevent the abducted soldiers from being taken to Damascus or Tehran.
  Iran needs to be put on notice. We know what you are doing and it is 
not going to work.
  I know that the Palestinian and Israeli people are committed to 
peace. The Hezbollah and Hamas scourge, who are the only ones 
undermining a long-term peace, must be wiped off this earth.
  I pray that this situation resolves itself quickly and that we can 
continue to move forward with the Middle East peace process.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Subcommittee on 
Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, the events in Lebanon during the past week are yet 
another wake-up call to those who have perhaps complacently thought or 
believed that the global war on terrorism has somehow abated. It has 
not. Israel is, in fact, on the front lines of this war as we meet.
  Mr. Speaker, we all know there is nothing whatsoever benign or noble 
or praiseworthy about the terrorist groups such as Hamas or Hezbollah 
and their state sponsors Syria and Iran. They not only refuse to 
recognize Israel's right to exist, they want Israel wiped off the face 
of the map.
  They actively seek Israel's demise, its destruction, by both their 
words and their deeds. Their hate-filled, fanatic, perhaps even 
psychotic, suicide bombers bomb, shoot and wreak havoc on the lives of 
countless unarmed innocent men, women and children through the 
terrorist intifada campaign.
  It is abundantly clear that Hezbollah has violated the sovereign 
territory of Israel by launching unprovoked rocket attacks and ground 
forces incursions into undisputed Israeli territory, resulting in the 
death and hostage-taking of Israeli soldiers.

                              {time}  2030

  While Israel has withdrawn from Lebanon, in full compliance with U.N. 
Security Resolution 425 in June of 2000, and unilaterally withdrawn 
from Gaza in September of last year, the Government of Lebanon has been 
unable or unwilling to disband and disarm Hezbollah in implementation 
of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559.
  I want to thank Dr. Boustany for his comments earlier. And I think it 
was important that he injected it into the debate that there is this 
inability, perhaps, on the part of the government. And I think we need 
to do more ourselves to help them to rid themselves of this cancer 
called Hezbollah. Hezbollah clearly is not only a grave threat to 
Israel, as we all know, but it is a grave threat to the freedom-loving 
people of Lebanon as well.
  This resolution puts us clearly on the record stating where we stand, 
and I am so glad that I think there will be great support for it.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, there has been a lot of accusations made about who 
precipitated the crisis, the charges made that it all occurred because 
three prisoners were taken, and that Hezbollah and Hamas deliberately 
provoked the situation. And it may well be true. I have no idea exactly 
what is true.
  But there are others who have indicated that they believe that it was 
precipitated mainly with the intent of our foreign policy, along with 
Israel's foreign policy, as an initial step to go into Iran. We have 
talked about Iran around the House and around Washington, and there are 
a lot of people very, very concerned. Our administration talks about it 
all the time; taking out Iran, taking out the nuclear sites. But to do 
that, the theory is that these missiles had to be removed and, in a 
practical military sense, that seems very reasonable. So there could be 
the deliberateness of Hamas and Hezbollah precipitating the crisis for 
whatever gain they think, or deliberately precipitated by both the 
United States and Israel with the intent to follow up with bombing in 
Iran. And I am frightened about that. I think that may well occur.
  I have talked to a lot of military people, a lot of CIA people, who 
actually believe this is a possibility within months. And this is the 
reason I have such great concern about what is happening in this area 
of the country, because if us going into Iraq didn't go so well, can 
anybody imagine what is going to happen when the bombs start to fall on 
Iran? I think it is going to be catastrophic. And there has been talk 
on television this past weekend, the beginning of World War III. And 
this war is about to spread, and this is the reason that I oppose this 
resolution, because, deep down in my heart, I believe that what we do 
here helps to provoke things and agitate things and bring us closer to 
a greater conflict. And I am just arguing that there is an alternative 
other than violence to settle some of these problems.
  Now, a lot of bombs have fallen on both sides, and of course, if they 
are coming from Lebanon, Syria and Iran are blamed, and they may well 
deserve the blame. But we haven't talked about who gets the blame for 
the other side. More people are getting killed on the other side. And 
as we mentioned before, innocent people are killed, and a lot of 
nonmilitary targets have been hit, farms and buildings and electrical 
plants and airports that have nothing to do with the military.
  And yet the reason I believe this is going to be worse is because we 
see it in this country the way we want to see it. And we have no 
willingness to think about how it might be seen elsewhere, like how is 
it going to be seen by 1 billion Muslims around the world? And you 
know, quite frankly, every single bomb that is dropped by Israel, by 
their calculation, and they have reason to believe so, those are U.S. 
bombs. Those are our airplanes. We paid for them. And they get the 
money to buy these weapons. So whether it is deliberate or whatever, it 
doesn't matter. It is the perception by the Muslims who are radicalized 
by this.

[[Page H5462]]

  You can't deny it. There are more radicals today than there were 2 or 
3 years ago. And the reason why I am worried about this is we are now 
getting the information about the reaction to 9/11. 9/11 occurred, and 
the immediate response by many of our leaders and the administration 
said, let's go to Iraq. People would say, well, why Iraq? Well, we have 
been planning on it all along. This is the opportunity.
  As soon as this crisis built, we heard very similar comments. Let's 
go to Iran, you know, to go forward.
  There are others who suggest that this crisis has come about not out 
of our strength, but out of our weakness. If Hezbollah and Hamas has 
deliberately done this, they might have calculated we have been 
stretched fairly thin around the world and with Iraq, and know that a 
lot of the American people and the taxpayers are getting tired of the 
war, so they may have seen this as a sign of weakness on our part. But 
then the ``neocons'' say, yeah, that may well be true, that is why we 
have to be tougher than ever. We have got to unleash the bombs. We have 
got to consider nuclear weapons, and back and forth and back and forth, 
until one day we are going to get ourselves in such a fix that World 
War III will be here and it will be irrevocable.
  And there are some people who sort of like this idea. There are some 
``neocons'' who thrive on chaos, because their theory is they want 
regime change. They want regime change in Syria, and they want regime 
change in Iran. They wanted it in Iraq. And we are, by gosh, we are 
going to have regime change, and they are going to be our friends and 
they are going to be democrats. We are going to have democratic 
elections.
  So we go to war and our men and women die. We spend all this money, 
and we have elections. And then sometimes we don't like the results of 
the elections, so we ignore them.
  What if we had elections in Saudi Arabia? What if we had elections in 
Egypt? And then what if their radicals were elected?
  So we are fighting and dying to spread democracy. And it is probably 
one of the most dangerous things for us with our current foreign 
policy, is that when they do vote and elect Hezbollah and Hamas, then 
we have to reject the principle of democracy.
  Self-determination is a great principle, and we should permit it and 
encourage self-determination. But encouraging elections under these 
circumstances, and by force, in hopes that we get our man in charge 
just doesn't work.
  I think we are going to have regime changes, a lot more regime 
changes than most people want around here. I think the regime changes 
are coming in Saudi Arabia, and I think there will be a regime change 
maybe in Egypt. Who knows? In Libya. And you are going to be very 
unhappy with those regime changes.
  So, yes, it was well intended to have regime change in Iraq. But what 
has it gotten us?
  And now we want to spread that philosophy and have more regime 
changes, and who knows what the results are going to be? They are not 
going to be good. They are going to backfire on us.
  You know, when Osama bin Laden responded to why, he had a list of 
reasons on why he encouraged or directed the attack on 9/11. And the 
one thing that he listed we shouldn't ignore, because as bad as that 
individual is, and as violent as he is, nobody has ever proven he tells 
lies. Nobody has ever proven this. Nobody says he is a liar. So we 
ought to listen to what he says.
  And one of the reasons that he listed for this was back in 1982, back 
to the problems we had in Lebanon, there were 18,000 Lebanese and 
Palestinians killed. And who knows whose bombs and who was doing it? 
But you know, we were in there, although our troops weren't fighting 
and we left, but Israel was involved, 18,000. But regardless of whether 
or not we directed it or wanted it is irrelevant. The conclusion was 
that we were participants, and it rallied his troops and helped him 
organize to get people so hateful that they were willing to commit 
suicide terrorism and come here.
  Now, we can ignore it and say, well, he is a liar. That is not the 
reason they did it. But we do that at our own peril.
  Now, one of the reasons why I believe that it wouldn't be difficult 
to put the label USA on these weapons, obviously the airplanes have 
been built here. But what about the money? How much money have we given 
for weapons?
  Between 1997 and 2004, and that doesn't even count the last 2 years, 
we gave over $7 billion in weapons grants. It wasn't a loan. It was a 
weapons grant.
  Now, the neat thing about this, this was an economic deal because it 
was beneficial because under the foreign military financing program 
that we have, Israel is required to spend 74 percent of that back here. 
So you are talking about a military-industrial complex, a pretty good 
deal. You know, we subsidize them, send the money over here, it comes 
over here, and our arms manufacturers make even more money and then dig 
a bigger hole for us in foreign policy and contribute to the many 
problems that we have. And that amount of money, they get $2.3 billion 
of these military grants, and they automatically increase it $60 
million per year. So it is locked in place.
  Now, you say, well, that is money for our ally. And fine, if it was 
used for defense, maybe. But if it is used to antagonize 1 billion 
Muslims and there is no willingness to even consider the fact that we 
should look at it in a balanced way, and instead it is ridiculed and 
said, oh, this is ridiculous to think of neutrality or balance and 
think about both sides, and the innocent people dying on both sides 
should be considered.
  So we are moving toward a major crisis, a major crisis financially 
and a major crisis in our foreign policy. I don't believe we can 
maintain this.
  So even if you totally disagree with our aggressive empire building 
and policing the world, let me tell you, I am going to win the 
argument, because we are running out of money. We are in big debt, and 
we are borrowing it. We borrowed $3 billion a day from countries like 
China and Japan and Saudi Arabia to finance this horrendous debt. And 
it won't be, it can't be continued. The dollar will eventually weaken. 
You are going to have horrendous inflation. Interest rates are going to 
go up, and it is going to be worse than the stagflation of the 1970s.
  And domestic spending is never curtailed. We have been in charge of 
the Congress and the Presidency for several years now, and the 
government gets bigger, probably faster than it was getting before.
  So we are facing a crisis that is liable to escalate and get out of 
control in the Middle East. At the same time, it has a bearing on our 
finances, because when it contributes to the deficit, there is a limit 
to how much foreigners will loan to us. We have to print the money. We 
have to go to the Fed, create new money. That is the inflation.
  And what does it do to the cost of oil? Inflation pushes the cost of 
oil up. That should be a concern to everybody. And at the same time, 
the production of the oil didn't work. I mean, the oil production went 
down in Iraq.
  What happens if this happens to be true? I actually pray that I am 
completely wrong about this. And you can say, well, you are, so don't 
sweat it. But what if I am right? It is frightening, because if this 
leads to bombing in Iran, look for oil at $150 a barrel. Then the 
American people will wake up. They will say, hey, what's going on here? 
Why is gasoline so expensive? It is expensive because we have less 
production out of Iraq, and it is expensive because the value of the 
dollar is going down. And it is expensive because they are anticipating 
that this crisis is not going away, and what we do are antagonizing the 
world.
  So, once again, I come to this from a slightly different viewpoint 
than those who like to pick sides. There is nothing wrong with 
considering the fact that we don't have to be involved in every single 
fight. That was the conclusion that Ronald Reagan came to, and he was 
not an enemy of Israel. He was a friend of Israel. But he concluded 
that that is a mess over there. Let me just repeat those words that he 
used. He said, he came to the conclusion, ``The irrationality of Middle 
Eastern politics forced us to rethink our policy there.''
  I would like you to rethink our policy, not only there, but the kind 
of policy that led to 60,000 people dying in Vietnam and then walking 
away. And what happened after we walked away? We are better off than 
ever. We had a naval ship going into Vietnam just recently. We trade 
with them. We do

[[Page H5463]]

deals with them. Yet it was a total fiasco and a total loss because of 
the way we went to war.
  And this is also the reason that I am determined to persist that if 
we take our country to war, that we ought to be responsible. We should 
never send these kids and young people to war without a declaration, 
win the war, and get it over with. When we don't declare it, it goes on 
and on and on. We don't win them.
  And literally, this Persian Gulf War, and this Iraqi war, it has been 
going on since 1990. We never stopped bombing Iraq, never stopped 
bugging them, and antagonizing them and inciting them.
  So it is not a sign of weakness to talk about neutrality. It is a 
sign of strength that you have a little bit of courage and you believe 
in your own system. If we want to spread our values, it is a good way 
to do it. Set a good example. Put our financial house in order. Treat 
people evenly, and trade with people, and talk to people and travel.
  But don't think that we can force our values at the point of a gun, 
and think they are all going to be democratic elected governments that 
we are going to be pleased with. It is not going to happen.
  So there is reason to reconsider the total policy that has been 
followed in this country essentially for 100 years. And it hasn't been 
productive for us. Essentially, Woodrow Wilson started it. We are going 
to make the world safe for democracy. And look how safe the world has 
been since Woodrow Wilson introduced that. We are less safe than ever. 
And our financial condition is worse than ever.
  And we are running our program, whether it is our domestic welfare 
program or our foreign policy, it is being run on borrowed money. It is 
borrowed money from overseas, and it is also from inflated currency. 
And we can get away with it for a while longer, but let me tell you, 
there is a crisis coming, and it is going to be dealing with the dollar 
and it is going to involve our foreign policy. And then we will, as a 
sign of weakness, we will have to come home. We will have to come home 
because we can't afford the empire. It is not wise to have it, and we 
should have more confidence and more belief that what we have in this 
country, and what America used to stand for, that we should spread that 
message more by setting an example and through a voluntary approach. 
And when that time comes, I think that maybe more people will 
reconsider it.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), ranking member of 
the International Relations Committee.
  Mr. BERMAN. Mr. Speaker, imagine for a moment that there was a gang, 
an organization of Mexican nationals who believed zealously and 
fanatically that the Southwest of the United States had been stolen 
from them; and that this group of people committed to murdering in 
order to right that wrong, was funded and controlled by countries that 
were dedicated to the destruction of the United States; that this group 
had stockpiled thousands of offensive weapons that could be unleashed 
on our citizens with little or no warning; that it launched an 
unprovoked, cross-border attack from Baja, California, kidnapped two of 
our border patrol agents and killed several others. And it then 
unleashed a massive barrage of missiles on San Diego with the sole 
intent of killing innocent civilians. The American people would demand 
immediate and decisive action. The Congress would overwhelmingly 
approve a resolution authorizing the President to use force, just as we 
did after 9/11. And none of us would be satisfied with a cease-fire 
that allowed the terrorists to regroup and rebuild their weapons 
stockpile. For America at this point, this is just a fantasy. But for 
Israel, this is daily reality.
  For years Israel has lived with Hezbollah's sword of Damocles hanging 
over its head, and it has shown extraordinary restraint in the face of 
repeated attacks. But this latest attack and the kidnapping of its two 
soldiers is a naked act of aggression. Israel did not seek this 
conflict, but it is compelled to take forceful action to defend itself, 
just as the United States or any other sovereign nation would do in 
this situation.
  The loss of innocent lives on both sides is tragic. When I hear Mr. 
Rahall and Mr. LaHood and I watch the images on television, one cannot 
help but want to cry for the damage and the death and the carnage that 
that conflict brings. But there can't be any moral equivalence between 
Israel and Hezbollah. Israel goes to extraordinary lengths to minimize 
civilian loss, while Hezbollah deliberately targets the innocent.
  When we talk of disproportionate response, I would like for someone 
to tell me what the proportionate response is in this particular 
situation.
  Once again, what this does is highlight the central role played by 
Iran and Syria in promoting terrorism throughout the Middle East.
  As Dennis Ross recently observed when Lebanon was withdrawn from, 
when Gaza was withdrawn from, what did Israel get? It wasn't land for 
peace, it was land for war.

                              {time}  2045

  I urge this body to speak strongly in support of expressing its 
solidarity with Israel in these difficult times, and I urge my 
colleagues to support this resolution.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am proud to yield 2 
minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), the chief deputy 
whip.
  Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, and I 
recognize her leadership and her staff as well as that of the gentleman 
from California in bringing this resolution forward, and congratulate 
them on that.
  Very briefly in response to my good friend from Texas and his view 
and addressing so many different issues, I would just like to say this 
clearly is not a conflict, I think, that Israel finds itself in by its 
own making or its asking.
  As the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) indicated, Israel was 
once again attacked. It was forced by its enemies, who wished to see it 
wiped off the map, to respond. The actions taken by Hezbollah and Hamas 
are tantamount to nothing less than an act of war against a sovereign 
country. Israel has the right to use every military tool in its arsenal 
to protect its citizens from this invasion and to incapacitate its 
enemy to prevent future attacks.
  This latest conflict of the waging war against the terrorists in the 
Middle East is evidence again that we cannot hope to win that war 
against the Islamic fascists if we ignore their state sponsors. Make no 
mistake about it, Syria and Iran are to blame for the outbreak of war 
in the region, and they must be held accountable. They support 
Hezbollah and Hamas both financially and militarily. The line of terror 
and violence occurring in Israel today and in Lebanon today runs 
straight back to Damascus and Tehran. These state sponsors of terror 
must know that their actions are unacceptable and that the free world 
will no longer ignore or tolerate their actions.
  Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution and stand beside our ally 
Israel as it fights the terrorists. This is a battle the free world 
cannot afford to lose.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I am going to yield 3 minutes to Mr. Rahall, 
but first I would ask how much time I have left after I yield the 3 
minutes.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Campbell of California). The gentleman 
from Texas has 25\1/2\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 25\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and ask unanimous consent that she be 
allowed to control that time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Texas?
  There was no objection.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Dr. Paul for yielding 
me that time, and I yield 12\3/4\ minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) and ask unanimous consent that he be allowed to 
control that time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from West 
Virginia (Mr. Rahall).
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from West Virginia.

[[Page H5464]]

  Mr. RAHALL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas and the 
gentlewoman from Florida for yielding me the time, and I commend him. 
The plethora of scenarios that he has just taken this body through, 
some of which are scary, are certainly scenarios of which we need to 
bring to the American people's attention.
  We have seen the neocons have their way much too often in this 
administration. They got us into the war in Iraq, with some prodding 
from our allies in the region. And now those same individuals would 
have us strike at Iran. Yes, Iran, Syria are culprits in this recent 
kidnapping. There is no doubt in my mind, although there probably is 
not proof out there. Earlier I condemned Hezbollah and Hamas for these 
kidnappings. Were they taking their directions directly from Damascus, 
directly from Tehran? Probably, or at least some wink along the way. Or 
was Nasrallah going off on a tangent on his own? I am sure he did not 
expect the Israeli response that he got.
  I am sure the Israelis have learned something from this latest 
fighting, just what is in the Hezbollah arsenal, missiles that perhaps 
both Israeli Army intelligence and our own did not forecast.
  So perhaps this current scenario that will play out hopefully over 
another week or 2 is a learning experience, a feeling-out experience on 
both sides to determine just what other surprises are up one's sleeve.
  But regardless of that, the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) 
just accused, and it is a reality, that Hezbollah rockets have hit 
civilians in Israel. Unfortunate. Were they targeted? I hardly think 
the Hezbollah missiles are of the same guidance technology as Israel 
missiles. For the most part, these Hezbollah missiles have been landing 
in barren deserts. That does not seem to be a targeting of civilians. 
And when they do find a target, yes, unfortunately there have been 
civilians that have been hit. Israeli technology and Israeli IDF are 
certainly much more advanced, much more advanced in their guidance 
procedures and in their ability to target their targets.
  The response is Hezbollah has their weapons, their missiles in 
civilian populations, in mosques, in innocent civilian homes. I have no 
doubt that that is accurate. And where that is proven to be, those 
targets are fair game and should be hit. But the Beirut airport, hardly 
a hideout for Hezbollah missiles, hardly a place that Hezbollah would 
use to receive arms, hardly a place that they would take their hostages 
for transportation elsewhere.
  Let me say, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate this debate, the tenor of the 
debate. The quality of the debate has been superb. The time that all 
sides have agreed for an extension is great. This is an important 
issue, and it should be debated as much as this body wishes to.
  But the fact is that the country of Lebanon has never taken any 
hostages. Lebanon has never attacked anybody. Lebanon has been used as 
a chessboard upon which all other countries in the region play their 
games and seek their own motives, whatever those motives may be. The 
Iranians have their motives. The Syrians have their motives. The 
Israelis have their motives.

                              {time}  2100

  The other Arab countries in the region certainly have their motives. 
But Lebanon, the innocent bystander, is the one suffering the damage 
here. They have suffered an unmeasured response.
  The gentleman from California, Mr. Berman, again asked what should a 
response be then if Israel, as I have said, does have the right to go 
after their kidnapped soldiers, and how do you measure what is 
appropriate and what is inappropriate?
  I happen to believe that the Israeli intelligence, as I have said, 
and their technologies, are far superior to Hezbollah, are far superior 
to any country in the region, far superior, and they can use that 
ability, that superiority, to better track where their soldiers may be 
and where they are unlikely to be.
  It is that type of response that they have the right to pursue to the 
fullest extent to go after their soldiers. Not in Christian suburbs of 
Beirut that were hit today. I hardly think that is a hiding point for 
Hezbollah rockets and missiles. I hardly think you are going to find 
Hezbollah there. There were none found there. Yet a very pro-Christian, 
previously thought safe section of Beirut was hit just this afternoon 
by Israeli missiles. So there can be a better consideration of the 
innocent civilians.
  The resolution to which Mr. Issa referred, which we Lebanese-
Americans support, H.R. 926, mentions that protection of innocent life 
and civilian infrastructure in the very beginning up in the first 
paragraph, not the next to the last paragraph, as the current 
resolution before us does.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 7 minutes to the 
distinguished member of the International Relations Committee, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman).
  (Mr. ACKERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, it is an old photograph, tattered and 
torn. Its color is sepia, indicating that it is over 90 years old, and 
it hung on the wall in my mom's apartment. She would point it out to me 
when I was a little boy and say, ``This was your grandmother, who you 
never knew. It is a picture of their wedding.'' And the little children 
who sat in front of this wedding portrait were 5, 6, 7, 8 years old, a 
lot of little kids, and she said, pointing to one of them, ``This is my 
Aunt Rachel,'' and to another she said, ``This is my Uncle Joseph.''
  I was tiny. I didn't understand. I said, ``Mom, how can that be your 
aunt and uncle? They are only children.'' And she said, ``They will 
always be children.'' I didn't understand quite what she was getting at 
until I was quite a bit older.
  When World War II broke out, there were 1.6 million Jewish children 
throughout Europe. At the end of the Holocaust, that number became 
under 100,000. The Jewish people were almost eradicated from the face 
of the Earth by the people of the National Socialist Party of Germany, 
the Nazis, who were intent on wiping the Jews from the face of the 
Earth, claiming they had no right to live, no right to exist, in their 
country or anyplace else, and set out on a pogrom. They were nearly 
successful.
  Nobody came to the aid of the Jewish people. People were put in gas 
chambers, their bodies burnt in ovens by the millions throughout the 
world. Nobody came to their aid. Nobody cared. The annihilation of an 
entire people by people who were pure evil.
  It wasn't until the end of the war when the Jewish people and others 
who were in these concentration camps saw their first Americans and 
America's allies when they were liberated from those camps, alive 
because of happenstance and circumstance.
  Our good friend, Tom Lantos, and his wife, Annette, a distinguished 
moral force in our Congress, is alive today along with his wife as the 
beneficiary of a noble act of Christian charity by somebody who was a 
stranger. The luck of the draw.
  The Jewish people weren't even organized enough to fight. They 
weren't fighters. They didn't know any better. They had no country. 
They were scattered.
  The world looked at them at the end of the war and said we have to do 
something about this, and they took the area of Transjordan and they 
divided it and created the country of Jordan and the country of Israel, 
a Jewish state, so Jews could have a place to be where they could live 
safely within secure borders. And I know many things have happened and 
part of those borders are disputed today, but that is beside the point.
  Suddenly in this very day and age, what seems to be eons from the 
Nazis and that era, another people rise up and make claim to the world 
out loud, clearly and unambiguously, that the Jewish people have no 
right to be anywhere; that they will wipe them from the region, kill 
them, eradicate them, and drive them from the planet. No different than 
the Nazis.
  Now, those of my friends with such good intentions, and there are 
some here and I have spoken to them and I have listened to them, who 
talk about proportionality, who talk treating everybody equal, who talk 
about measured response, who talk about a cease-fire and going back to 
the status quo, they are well-intentioned, but I want them to look me 
in the eye and tell me what a proportional response means.

[[Page H5465]]

  How do you negotiate with somebody whose goal is your eradication? 
Take half my family? Kill every other one of us? What is there to 
negotiate? Do we tell the victim of a violent crime that they have no 
right to fight back as forcefully as they can? Do we tell the rape 
victim that she has no right to fight with all her strength against the 
accused rapist? Nonsense.
  We don't tell that to any other country. And there is only one Jewish 
state on the planet. Don't tell that to Israel. People of the Jewish 
faith and everybody else living in Israel have the right to exist, the 
same right as anybody else, and they have that right to respond. How 
can you deny that?
  Thank God Israel doesn't stand alone anymore. It has one good friend 
in this whole world, and that is this United States. And we are so 
thankful for that. I am very pleased with this resolution. It does have 
the right balance.
  Innocent people die in wars. Not every German was a Nazi, and yet we 
had to fight them because they represented the Nazis. They put them in 
power. They elected them in a democratic election. Elections have 
consequences. Just because you participate in an electoral process 
doesn't absolve of you of your crimes or your sins, especially if you 
rededicate yourself to them. That is what we are facing right now.
  I urge your serious consideration of this resolution and all that it 
implies. Justice demands no less.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), the chairman of the 
Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. 
And let me note to my friend, Mr. Ackerman, that we understand that 
quite often throughout history, an accurate description of history and 
a look at history will show that there have been many sins committed 
against the Jewish people, and perhaps we can say the most recent one 
is the one that we are just now discussing with these rocket attacks.
  But let us also realize that there have been sins committed against 
the Palestinian people as well. They are people, and they were there. 
And this is a dispute, this is a dispute between the Palestinians and 
the Israeli people that is being exploited by outsiders.
  Let me say that in the past when Israel has been in the wrong I have 
not hesitated to criticize Israel. This is not one of those occasions. 
Israel is not in the wrong. And while we recognize there are people who 
have done good things and bad things, that there are heroes and sinners 
on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, tonight we are 
talking about a situation that was created intentionally by those 
people who launched rockets on Israel and left the people of Israel 
with no other choice but to respond militarily.
  Those people who launched those rockets on Israel knew exactly what 
they were doing. In fact, about a month ago the word was spread that 
Hamas was on the verge of cutting a deal with Israel. Then elements in 
Hamas and Hezbollah ratcheted up the violence specifically to undermine 
any opportunity for peace in the region.
  Peace will not be achieved in the Middle East unless we are bold 
enough not just to condemn terrorism, the terrorism specifically that 
leads to the type of violence and bloodshed and chaos that is now 
evident in the Middle East, but we must also back those who act when 
confronted with this type of violence, and in this case it behooves us 
to back Israel in what they are doing today as a result of those 
rockets and those attacks that were made upon Israeli citizens.
  Our sights, however, should not just be set on Hamas and Hezbollah. 
The rockets that slammed into Israel were made in China. They were 
provided to the terrorists who launched them by the mullah regime in 
Iran.
  Long ago, we should have been supporting those pro-democratic 
elements in Iran which totally reject the corruption, repression, 
incompetence, and, yes, terrorist aggression of the feudalistic mullahs 
who rule over them. Now is the time for us to back those democratic 
elements in Iran and put the Iranians on the defensive, rather than 
letting them supply missiles to undermine peace in the Middle East.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).
  Mr. SHERMAN. Madam Speaker, for 10 years I have come to this floor to 
explain Israel's peril and justify its action. I owe a special debt of 
gratitude to Hezbollah and Hamas for doing a far better job than I ever 
could, for they have announced that their policy is the destruction of 
Israel, the ethnic cleansing of the Middle East of all Jews. Ultimately 
it is a pogrom of genocide. And they are now using the very territory 
from which Israel has withdrawn to kill as many Israeli civilians as 
possible.
  If their efforts have not yet risen to the level of genocide, it is 
only because their rockets often fail to hit their targets. And let's 
not mince words, their targets are always Israeli civilians.

                              {time}  2115

  Israel withdrew from Gaza; kidnappers and missiles come from Gaza 
into Israel. Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon, and now kidnappers 
and missiles come into Israel from southern Lebanon, not just recently, 
but continuously over the last 6 years.
  Five kidnapping raids, thousands of missiles, 6 years of attacks. If 
anyone is going to say that Israel's reaction is disproportionate, let 
them say that Israel is doing too little.
  Let me speak to those who may be skeptical of this resolution. We all 
want peace, and peace can only come if Israel withdraws from certain 
territories. Yet the Israelis must know that when they vacate a 
territory, that territory will not be used as a rocket-launching pad 
against Israel, and that if it ever is, that Israel will have the full 
support of the United States and of this Congress. We cannot have 
peace, we cannot have any Israeli territorial concessions unless we 
show Israel that we will support them when they have made those 
concessions.
  There are those who urge a cease-fire. I hope we get there soon. But 
this all started with rockets and kidnapping, and it would be a phony 
cease-fire unless the soldiers are returned, and unless Hezbollah is 
disarmed as required by U.N. Resolution 1559.
  There are those who talk of prisoner exchanges, but we should not 
tell Israel to exchange the guilty for the innocent, nor should we tell 
them to release those who would resume their terror.
  We in Congress should call every major ambassador from Europe and 
demand that Europe list Hezbollah as a terrorist entity and stop 
Europeans from sending money to Hezbollah.
  And, finally, we all need to call the World Bank and say that it is 
time for the World Bank to stop making loans and giving aid to Iran, 
which, after all, is the source of the money and the missiles that 
Hezbollah is using. It is time for the World Bank to stop its loans to 
Iran, and to not disburse funds that have already been approved until 
that government changes its policy.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Royce), the chairman of the Subcommittee on 
International Terrorism and Nonproliferation.
  Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, as the chairman of the Subcommittee on 
International Terrorism and Nonproliferation, I rise in support of this 
vital resolution in support of democratic Israel, who is facing 
terrorist attacks on two fronts, from Hamas and Hezbollah.
  It is important to have a clear focus on the threat posed by 
Hezbollah. Former Deputy Secretary of State Armitage testified 
Hezbollah may be the A team of terrorists, and maybe al Qaeda is 
actually the B team.
  The former Director of Center Intelligence called Hezbollah a notch 
above al Qaeda organizationally, in part because of its deadly ties to 
Iran.
  Hezbollah receives $100 million annually from Iran, including 13,000 
rockets. These rockets, which have rained down on Israeli citizens, are 
hidden in homes of supporters and in small factories scattered across 
Lebanon. Hezbollah launches unmanned aerial vehicles.
  Hezbollah's TV station, a vehicle for hate which the U.S. has placed 
on its terrorists exclusion list, has 10 million viewers around the 
world.
  Hezbollah is no ordinary terrorist group. Indeed, Israel is 
confronting Islamist terrorism's A Team. Before

[[Page H5466]]

9/11, Hezbollah was the terrorist group that had killed more Americans 
than any other. It has support cells in Europe, Africa, South America, 
Asia and here in North America. Dismantling Hezbollah is critical for 
U.S. and Israel's security.
  Iran no doubt hopes that the current crisis will distract the world's 
attention away from its pursuit of nuclear weapons. Yet today's crisis 
shows exactly why Iran's ambition must be thwarted, because an Iran 
with nuclear weapons will be even more aggressive in supporting 
terrorism in the Middle East and beyond.
  Mr. Speaker, Israelis are suffering. Lebanese, some of whom, as this 
resolution points out, are being used as human shields, are suffering. 
Too many are suffering at the hands of the Hezbollah terrorists. 
Hezbollah must be disarmed.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
Democratic leader (Ms. Pelosi).
  Ms. PELOSI. Madam Speaker, Mr. Lantos, it is very hard to capture the 
words to express the difficulty that Israel is facing now for all of 
us. But for you, it must be particularly difficult. I know that you are 
an idealist, I know that you are a realist. I thank you for your 
leadership. We could not be better served than by having you here at 
this very difficult time for the world really, especially difficult 
time for Israel. Thank you for your leadership.
  And at this very difficult time for the State of Israel, this 
resolution reaffirms our unwavering support and commitment to Israel, 
and condemns the attacks by Hezbollah.
  I support this resolution because I believe that the seizure of 
Israeli soldiers by Hezbollah terrorists was an unprovoked attack, and 
Israel has the right, indeed the obligation, to respond.
  Hamas and Hezbollah are committed to the destruction of Israel. What 
more do you need to know? It is clear that Iran and Syria aid have 
helped the effort to achieve that goal.
  The United Nations Security Council has already spoken on the issue 
of dismantling Hezbollah. The Security Council's resolution must be 
enforced by the international community. Syria has repeatedly 
demonstrated it is a rogue state, which is why we passed Mr. Rangel's 
Syria Accountability Act more than 2 years ago. However, we must now 
fully implement all sanctions spelled out in that legislation.
  In order to address the Iranian support of the terrorists, I urge the 
passage of the Iran Freedom Support Act.
  We must ensure that Iran and Syria understand the depth of commitment 
of the United States to the State of Israel by using every diplomatic 
tool at our disposal. For a time in recent years, there was a hope that 
a corner had been turned in the Middle East. The Israeli withdrawal 
from Lebanon, the emergence of a democratic process in Lebanon, and the 
Israeli withdrawal from Gaza were hopeful signs that the future could 
be different from the past.
  Those indications of progress, however, were seen as threats by 
Hezbollah and Hamas, organizations that have a greater interest in 
maintaining a state of hostility with Israel than improving the lives 
of the people they claim to represent. Now, the lives of those people 
and tens of thousands of others in the Middle East, including thousands 
of American citizens in Israel and Lebanon, have been put at risk by 
the aggression of Hamas and Hezbollah.
  As the fighting rages, it is imperative that the combatants take 
whatever steps they can to lessen the risk to innocent civilians. The 
world knows too well the horrors of war. It also knows that there are 
ways to offer some degree of protection to civilians, and it is right 
to insist that those ways be chosen. Using civilians as shields by 
concealing weapons in civilian areas, as done by Hezbollah, is 
inconsistent with affording those protections. The resolution we are 
considering properly condemns that action.
  Protecting civilians also means getting our citizens out of harm's 
way as quickly as possible. I urge the administration to expedite its 
efforts to bring to safety those Americans who want to leave Lebanon.
  When the fighting ends, and I hope that that will be soon, the United 
States must engage in a concerted, sustained effort with other nations 
seeking a joint resolution of the differences between Israel and its 
neighbors. Israel's right to exist is the nonnegotiable starting point 
for that effort.
  I thank again those who were responsible for bringing the resolution 
to the floor, and again commend Mr. Lantos for his leadership, for his 
compassion, and for his wisdom.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to 
the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling).
  Mr. HENSARLING. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding 
me time.
  Madam Speaker, tonight I rise in strong support of this resolution 
and to condemn the recent attacks upon Israel by Hezbollah. All of us 
tonight have the earnest prayer that the current wave of violence can 
end quickly.
  Innocent civilians are being lost in Lebanon and Israel, and the word 
``tragic'' never does the situation justice. But peace can never be 
achieved by asking Israel to put at risk its security and the safety of 
its people. Let there be no doubt, this latest conflict began with 
Hezbollah. Rockets have now rained down upon Israel. Israel has been 
forced to defend her citizens and sovereign territory, and I believe 
that Israel has the moral, historical and legal right to do so.
  Holding the keys to peace in this situation are Hezbollah's state 
sponsors in Damascus and Tehran. They can and must use their influence 
to convince Hezbollah to return the kidnapped Israeli soldiers. By 
doing so, Syria and Iran will finally demonstrate that they are 
prepared to join the world community. Should they not, however, the 
world community must hold them fully accountable for being state 
sponsors of a terrorist organization.
  Also critical to achieving a lasting peace in the region is 
international support for the full implementation of United Nations 
Security Council Resolution 1559. Passed by the United Nations Security 
Council in 2004, the resolution calls on all foreign forces to withdraw 
from Lebanon, and for all militias within Lebanon to be disbanded. Its 
full implementation, Madam Speaker, will promote greater independence 
for Lebanon and greater security for Israel, not to mention the rest of 
the world.
  Since 1948, the United States has stood with and supported the State 
of Israel, as it has defended herself from these who seek her 
destruction and deny her very right to exist. In return, Israel has 
been our staunchest ally in the region as well as a full partner in the 
global war on terror. Let us pass this resolution and assure Israel 
that we will continue to stand by her side in the face of terror.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to my good friend from 
Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).
  Mr. KUCINICH. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me 
time.
  While I share a commitment to the survival of Israel and the right to 
security, I am not going to assert that I know more than my good friend 
Mr. Lantos or my good friend Mr. Ackerman, that I know more about the 
suffering of the people of Israel.
  But I can have compassion for those who have suffered and for not 
just Israelis, but the Lebanese and the Palestinians as well. And it is 
in that spirit that I share with the House my concerns that the 
situation in the Middle East is spiraling out of control, and this 
resolution may not diffuse this crisis.
  I deplore the fact that in the past 8 days, 13 Israeli civilians have 
been killed, 2 Israelis soldiers have been captured, and many more 
killed in raids. I also deplore the fact that in the past 8 days, 300 
Lebanese people have been killed, 1,000 have been wounded, and a half 
million have been displaced from their homes.
  In the past 8 days, democracy in Lebanon has been attacked, perhaps 
grievously. The Prime Minister hinted today in a speech to foreign 
ambassadors that his government may not be able to survive. No 
government can survive in the ruins of a nation, he said.
  The past 8 days of crisis in Lebanon and north Israel follow months 
of escalating violence in Gaza. Numerous innocent Palestinians have 
been killed. Between June 4 and June 13, 14 Palestinian civilians, 
including 5 children, were killed in Gaza.

[[Page H5467]]

  On June 9 at a Gaza beach, a blast killed eight Palestinians, 
including an entire family of 7-year-old Huda Ghaliya. Numerous 
innocent Israelis have also been killed.
  On Sunday, July 25, a group of Palestinian fighters, including 
members of Hamas's armed wing, attacked an Israeli post near the Kerem 
Shalom border, which resulted in four Israeli casualties and the 
kidnapping of the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit.

                              {time}  2130

  Israel began an offensive in Gaza on June 28. Since then, Palestinian 
militants have fired 17 homemade rockets towards Israel. The Israeli 
Army has carried out 168 far strikes and fired more than 600 shells 
into Gaza.
  The Government of the Palestinian Authority is breaking, as 
lawmakers, ministers and members of the police force have been 
arrested. In today's Washington Post, Harold Meyerson published an op-
ed called, ``The Guns of July,'' comparing the past week's escalation 
of violence in the Middle East to the escalation of violence over the 
course of a month in Europe, that began with the assassination of 
Austrian Archduke Ferdinand by a Serbian nationalist terrorist and led 
to World War I.
  He said we are in the midst of what ``may be the brink of a 
cataclysmic regional war with ghastly global implications.'' He wrote, 
``While the two crises and sets of conflicting forces are by no means 
parallel, in each the power of nationalism, the sense of national 
victimization, the need for revenge, the opportunity for 
miscalculation, the illusion of obtainable victory and all-around fear 
and rage loom large. More inexplicably, so does the American absence.''
  The resolution before us today does not rein in the chaos in the 
Middle East. This resolution, it could be said, is limited in its 
ability to rein in war and destruction, which unfortunately may 
continue. Furthermore, by condemning Syria and Iran, this resolution 
threatens to bring the U.S. into a regional war in which everyone would 
lose, including Israel, a longtime friend and ally.
  Moreover, condemning Syria and Iran closes the door for possible 
diplomacy that would be needed to end this conflict. President Bush 
himself acknowledged the value of Syria just yesterday, when he said 
that Syria has the potential to stop the ongoing crisis.
  If the United States wants to help stabilize the region, as we 
should, we must act as an honest broker to all parties involved, the 
Israelis, the Palestinians and the Lebanese. We can do this without 
abandoning our affection and our commitment to the survival of Israel.
  Moreover, the United States should bring in equipment, and Jordan to 
help to mediate this escalating conflict. Recently, Egypt's President 
Mubarak dispatched his intelligence chief to help calm the situation 
between the Israelis and the Palestinians. The intelligence chief 
demanded that a doctor be allowed to see the captive Israeli soldier 
and is trying to mediate between the factions. The U.S. is in a good 
position to mediate as well between the Israelis, Palestinians, and 
Lebanese.
  The U.S. has a history of trying to mediate between the Israelis, our 
longtime ally, and the Palestinians.
  Regarding the Lebanese, it was just over a year ago that this House 
passed multiple bills supporting the people of Lebanon. One bill, House 
Resolution 91, condemned the attacks that killed former Prime Minister 
Hariri and killed and wounded other Lebanese victims.
  The United States stood with the Lebanese people then. Today, nearly 
300 Lebanese people have been killed. The government is on the verge of 
collapse. The Lebanese people need the support of the United States 
now, just as the Israelis need our support.
  What they need and all parties need, what the region needs and what 
the world needs, is for the U.S. to call upon all sides to quickly stop 
the violence. But today's resolution fails to support the Lebanese 
people in their hour of need.
  Today, I introduced a bill, H. Con. Res. 450, calling upon the 
President to appeal to all sides in the current crisis in the Middle 
East for an immediate cessation of violence and to commit U.S. 
diplomats to multiparty negotiations. Only by acting as an honest 
broker can the United States have any authority and success in bringing 
peace to the region, which is crucial at this critical time.
  Remembering the lessons of World War I, if everyone has taken a side 
in a conflict and can't see the need for even-handedness, then 
cataclysm can follow. It is important to be a strong ally. It is fine 
to be a strong ally, but it is not fine to get pulled into a conflict 
because we lacked the vision to be more than one-sided.
  This latest conflict in the Middle East will not be solved 
militarily. The solution will have to come back to diplomacy. The 
current violence makes a diplomatic solution even harder to achieve. 
Yet the resolution before the floor doesn't commit the United States to 
any diplomatic action that could quell the violence and resolve the 
conflict. This is a grave missed opportunity.
  I urge my colleagues to cosponsor my bill, H. Con. Res. 450 to bring 
about peace in the Middle East before the crisis spirals further out of 
control, further damaging the hopes of all people in the region and the 
world.
  I again want to thank Mr. Lantos for his unstinting and unwavering 
commitment to the survival and hopes and dreams of people of Israel, 
because I think that, Mr. Lantos, you and everyone who has spoken in 
defense of Israel, I think all of us want the same thing. We want 
peace, and we want the survival of Israel and all the people.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Hayworth).
  (Mr. HAYWORTH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. HAYWORTH. Madam Speaker, just a few short weeks ago, the Prime 
Minister of Israel addressed a joint session of Congress. He said, in 
part, and I quote, ``There has not been 1 year, 1 week, or even 1 day 
of peace in our tortured land.'' He went on to say, Madam Speaker, 
``Over the past 6 years, more than 20,000 attempted terrorist attacks 
have been initiated against the people of Israel.''
  Madam Speaker, less than 2 weeks ago, the war which has gone on for 
more than a half century was rekindled with the kidnapping of Israeli 
soldiers, with the strategy manipulated by Iran and Syria, by a 
cynical, sick, cycle of violence that diplomacy has not cured.
  I listened with great interest to my friend from Ohio who preceded 
me, who again said that diplomacy was the solution.
  Madam Speaker, Israel was told by the international community, you 
must give up land for peace, land for peace. Israel gave up land, and 
there is no peace.
  Madam Speaker, my colleagues, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution, not to embrace war or violence for its own sake, but 
instead to pursue a true peace and to reaffirm.
  Madam Speaker, I stand in this well at this hour to reaffirm the 
basic truth of this resolution and the right of the sovereignty and 
existence of the State of Israel from a historical, from a legal and, 
yes, from a scriptural perspective. Let it be clear from this, the last 
best hope of mankind on Earth, that we stand foursquare with our allies 
in Israel, and we understand the nefarious misbegotten schemes of those 
who seek to spread Islamofascism and terror around the globe, and we 
categorically reject that behavior and those actions as we stand in 
solidarity with our ally, a democracy, an oasis of democracy in a 
desert of desolation.
  Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join us in strong support of 
this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, how much time do we have?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Miss McMorris). The gentleman has 1\1/2\ 
minutes.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, in view of the fact that this is one of 
the most substantive debates of the year, that colleagues have been 
waiting for a long time, I respectfully ask unanimous consent that we 
extend the debate by 40 minutes, equally divided between Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen and myself.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. LANTOS. I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the 
distinguished member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. 
Engel.

[[Page H5468]]

  Mr. ENGEL. I thank the gentleman for yielding to me, and I rise in 
strong support of his bipartisan resolution and strong support of the 
people of Israel in their fight against terrorism. It makes no 
difference where terrorism rears its ugly head, whether its planes 
going into the World Trade Center or the Pentagon, or innocent people 
being blown up on trains in India, England or Spain, or the bombs 
falling on Haifa or the innocent children being blown up on a bus in 
Tel Aviv. The fight against terrorism is our fight. Israel's fight is 
our fight.
  Iran and Syria are fighting a proxy war against Israel using 
Hezbollah and Hamas. It has been pointed out that Israel withdrew from 
Lebanon 6 years ago, so the myth of any kind of occupation is not 
there. Simply speaking, Hezbollah and Hamas, as well as Iran and Syria, 
want to, as Iran's President has said, wipe Israel off the face of the 
Earth.
  We should let Israel finish the job. There should be no precipitous 
calls to a cease-fire before Israel could rid itself of a terrorist 
threat. We should fully implement my bill, and I was happy that our 
Democratic leader mentioned it, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese 
Sovereignty Restoration Act, and President Bush should implement those 
sanctions which are available to him against Syria.
  I care very much about Lebanon. Our bill was called Syria 
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act. The people of 
Lebanon are suffering. When this is over, we should do everything we 
can to help them rebuild their country.
  But the people of Lebanon have suffered by having this terrorist 
group, this poison, in its midst, this poison, this militia that is a 
lawless militia, and that Security Council Resolution 1559, which 
called for the Syrians to leave Lebanon.
  I thank my colleague who is my partner in the Syria Accountability 
and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act. She knows that when the 
Syrians finally left Lebanon, the world community failed to implement 
the other part of Resolution 1559, which called for all militias to 
give up their arms. Hezbollah continued and, shamefully, even won some 
seats in the Government of Lebanon.
  My friend and colleague, Mr. Ackerman, spoke before and reminded us 
that Israel was born out of the ashes of the Holocaust. The leader of 
Iran, while denying the Holocaust, threatens to unleash a new one on 
Israel. There is only one country that constantly stands with Israel, 
and that is the United States of America.
  We ought to be proud of the bipartisan support that we have shown for 
Israel through the years. Israel's fight against terrorism is our 
fight. We need to support the brave people of Israel in their struggle. 
Terrorism over there and terrorism over here is the same thing. Support 
the resolution.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman 
from Texas (Mr. Brady).
  Mr. BRADY of Texas. Madam Speaker, I appreciate, first, the 
leadership of Ms. Ros-Lehtinen and Mr. Lantos on this important issue 
of leadership, not just this critical time, but throughout the years.
  Yes, I strongly support the resolution, but listening tonight I think 
there has been some odd debate. To suggest, as some did, that Israel 
and America have somehow conspired to encourage this attack on Israel 
as an excuse to invade or attack Iran, to me, is absurd.

                              {time}  2145

  It is a dangerous claim, and at this important and critical time in 
history has no real place in this important debate on this floor in 
this Chamber in this democracy.
  We reaffirm America's support for the State of Israel. We support 
Israel's right to take appropriate action to defend itself not only in 
Israel, but in the territories of those who would threaten it in 
accordance with the international law.
  We condemn Hamas and Hezbollah for cynically exploiting civilian 
populations as shields, then locating their equipment and bases of 
operations in civilian areas.
  We recognize Israel's long-standing commitment to minimizing civilian 
loss.
  We demand the Governments of Iran and Syria to direct Hamas and 
Hezbollah to immediately and unconditionally release the Israeli 
soldiers which they hold captive.
  And we condemn the Governments of Iran and Syria for their continued 
support of Hezbollah and Hamas in these armed attacks against Israel.
  Make no mistake, an attack against Israel is an attack against the 
peace and security of America. Israel's fight is America's fight. 
America will stand with Israel.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3\1/2\ minutes 
to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), my good friend.
  Ms. LEE. Madam Speaker, let me first thank Mr. Lantos for yielding; 
also just to say to him that I appreciate the respect and the space 
that you provide for all of us who may have a different point of view, 
but who all support peace and security and Israel's right to defend 
itself. I also have tremendous respect for Mr. Lantos just in terms of 
your work and your long history as a champion of human rights not only 
on behalf of the State of Israel, but throughout the world, and so I 
thank Mr. Lantos for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I join with those who condemn the recent kidnapping of 
Israeli soldiers and the rocket attacks into Israel, and also, I rise 
in support of Israel's right to protect and defend itself from attacks 
in accordance with international law, including Article 51 of the 
United Nations Charter.
  However, this resolution goes much further than that, and it also 
omits any mention, and I think this is so critical at this stage, it 
omits any mention of how and why the United States should exert its 
leadership in stopping the violence. Too many people, Israelis Lebanese 
and Palestinians, have been killed, and there is no end in sight. Very 
seldom do I cast a ``present'' vote, but in this instance I will, and 
let me explain why.
  This resolution reaffirms our support for Israel, demands that the 
Government of Lebanon do everything in its power to find and free the 
kidnapped Israeli soldiers and to gain control of its borders in order 
to prevent future attacks. It also condemns Hamas and Hezbollah for 
killing Israeli soldiers and for indiscriminately targeting Israeli 
civilians, and it recognizes the plight of the families of the innocent 
victims. These provisions warrant our strong support and certainly 
sends a strong message in support of Israel, in behalf of Israel and on 
behalf of Israel.
  But on the other hand, there are provisions in this resolution that 
are totally unfinished or missing and leave this resolution very much 
incomplete.
  Such a course of action, I believe, ought to make it clear that in no 
uncertain terms will the United States support a strategy of the use of 
force against Iran or Syria. This resolution leaves the door open for 
this.
  This resolution ought to make it clear that the only way to remove 
the threat to Israel and to the larger region is to resolve these 
issues through an immediate cease-fire and commit the United States, 
through the cease-fire, to high-level and sustained diplomacy. We need 
to be doing that right now in support of many of the initiatives such 
as the road map. This resolution does not really address how to end the 
escalating violence that really, quite frankly, does more violence and 
harm to Israel's long-term interests and living in peace and security 
with her neighbors.
  This resolution should offer concrete steps on how to achieve peace 
and security for Israel and the region, and the resolution says nothing 
about the peace process.
  The bottom line is there is absolutely no military resolution to the 
issues confronting the Middle East, notwithstanding the acts of self-
defense to which Israel is entitled in accordance with international 
law.
  If we do not put a stop to all of the hostilities today, what is to 
stop future violence with more technologically advanced weapons 
systems, rockets with even longer ranges? Where does it end? Is war the 
only answer?
  Israel's security and a sustained peace that includes a two-state 
solution cannot be achieved militarily. The only option, and the only 
hope, is a political solution to this crisis and for a sustained peace.
  That is why, Madam Speaker, it is imperative that all parties return 
to

[[Page H5469]]

internationally recognized borders and for all parties to resume 
urgent, multilateral diplomatic efforts, including a return to the road 
map and a full engagement by the quartet.
  What we should be doing today is imploring all sides to agree to a 
cease-fire, insist on the return of the hostages, and agree to an 
international security force.
  If we can reach the end of that road that we are walking down right 
now, then our ally, I believe, Israel will find the peace and security 
that she and her people rightfully deserve.
  So, Madam Speaker, I intend to vote ``present'' on this resolution 
because, while I believe there are some provisions that warrant our 
support, I do not believe it goes far enough in addressing the 
immediate security needs and the violence that is taking place right 
now in the Middle East.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 1 minute to 
the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Franks).
  Mr. FRANKS of Arizona. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for 
allowing me the time to speak on behalf of this resolution, and I will 
be very brief.
  Madam Speaker, whether we understand it or not, tonight the world 
faces an evil, poisonous ideology that threatens the peace and freedom 
of humankind. This ideology is not new, Madam Speaker. It is the same 
one that murdered Israeli athletes in 1972, that took American hostages 
in Iran, that murdered marines in their barracks in 1983, that bombed 
the World Trade Center in 1993, Riyadh in 1995, the Khobar Towers in 
1996, the embassies in 1998, the U.S.S. Cole in 2000, and then, Madam 
Speaker, that same ideology massacred nearly 3,000 Americans on 
September 11.
  And tonight, Madam Speaker, that same dark, insidious ideology is 
launching rockets into Israel to slaughter innocent, freedom-loving 
civilians. This is why Israel's war is our war.
  If there is hope for peace and freedom in this world, free peoples 
across this planet must unite with Israel to defeat this hellish 
ideology. The battle Israel fights tonight is a battle to protect all 
of humanity. May the people of Israel take comfort knowing that America 
stands with you in these difficult days. May you come to victory, and 
may the light of God's peace shine down on the streets of Jerusalem 
forever.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to 
the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley).
  Mr. CROWLEY. Madam Speaker, once again I thank my great friend from 
the State of California for yielding me this time.
  Madam Speaker, I rise to speak out in strong support of a democratic 
nation under attack by terrorists, a nation that has been under attack 
every day for 58 years of its existence.
  As we debate this bill, over a quarter of a million Israelis are in 
bomb shelters or awaiting to rush to safety from missiles being 
launched specifically at civilian targets. Think about that. As we are 
debating this evening, a quarter of a million Israelis are seeking 
cover, launched by a terrorist organization, funded by Syria and Iran 
waging a proxy war in Israel.
  I take some exceptions to some comments made by a colleague earlier 
tonight, and that is about the accuracy of rockets being launched by 
Hezbollah. The goal of Hezbollah is to inflict as many civilian 
casualties as possible, end of story.
  Yesterday I read a report from Human Rights Watch that called the 
missile strikes on Israel possible war crimes. The rockets launched 
against Israel, and specifically in Haifa, contained metal ball 
bearings that have limited use against military targets. They probably 
will not even destroy a building in and of themselves. They can do 
incredible damage to civilian populations, tearing people's bodies 
apart.
  Hezbollah fires these inaccurate Katyusha rockets that do not 
differentiate between Jews, Arabs or Christians or whatever they may be 
in Israel. In fact, one of these missiles killed two Israeli Arab 
children today when it struck the city of Nazareth, an ancient 
Christian city with a majority of Arab inhabitants.
  I am saddened by all loss of civilian and innocent life, but I 
strongly support Israel's right to defend itself by removing the 
threats against her, wherever they may be.
  This conflict was preventable. Our allies in Europe and the Middle 
East must know that the operation in Lebanon is not an act of war, but 
an act of self-defense. Israel is not looking for this fight, but Hamas 
and Hezbollah created the events we have been watching by murdering and 
kidnapping members of the Israeli Defense Forces and launching over 800 
deadly missiles into Israel over the past week.
  Israel must do everything in its power to protect all of its 
citizens, and I am proud that this Congress stands with our friends and 
our allies in Israel by passing this worthy resolution.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, before yielding to my colleague from 
Florida, I would like to thank Mr. Dan Freeman, our parliamentarian of 
the House International Relations Committee who has steered us 
correctly through this debate; and Dr. Yleen Boblete, who spent so many 
hours drafting this resolution; and, of course, our staff director for 
the committee Dr. Hillel Weinberg, who has been working so many hours 
as well.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Weldon), who is ever patient.
  Mr. WELDON of Florida. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for 
yielding, and I rise in support of this resolution, and I commend the 
authors, Mr. Boehner, Mr. Hyde and Mr. Lantos, and the staff involved 
in drafting it.
  I stand to urge our continued support for our ally Israel and to 
condemn the actions of terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah, as 
well as the complicit Governments of Syria, Iran and Lebanon.
  We must clearly understand what is really going on here, the 
motivations underneath the surface of these attacks.
  As I stated last week in the House, the actions of Hamas and 
Hezbollah involve the kidnapping and killing of Israeli soldiers. This 
is an act of aggression against our ally Israel, and now they have 
widened their continued attacks on innocent civilians with their rocket 
attacks.
  What is particularly troubling in the case of Hezbollah is that it is 
part of the Government of Lebanon, which not only failed to dismantle 
the terrorist group, but incorporated the terrorist group into the 
nation's official government.
  Hezbollah has dragged all of Lebanon into its unfounded quarrels with 
Israel. Unfortunately for Lebanon's other factions, Hezbollah's attacks 
on Israel will cost the entire nation of Lebanon much, but they should 
have thought of that before allowing Hezbollah a seat at the governing 
table.
  Hezbollah has launched hundreds of rockets at Israel since 2000. It 
also has thousands of Iranian- and Syrian-supplied rockets ready to 
launch against Israel in the future.
  Israel is justly taking strong measures in response to Hezbollah's 
aggression, as they have done with Hamas' attacks, in order to deter 
further attacks against its soldiers and civilians.
  A U.S.-designated terrorist organization, Hezbollah is fully backed 
by the Iranian and Syrian regimes. Not only have all of the G-8 
countries condemned Hamas and Hezbollah and blamed them solely for the 
current crisis in the Middle East, but the Arab League, while 
characteristically condemning the Israeli attacks, noticeably failed to 
support Hezbollah in its attacks on Israel.
  Why is this? Because the members of the Arab League, Saudi Arabia, 
Jordan, Egypt and others, are increasingly concerned about the growing 
threat of Iran and the amount of influence that Iran has in Syria and 
Lebanon and in the region generally.
  We should not look at this current crisis as just another page in the 
ongoing conflict between the Palestinians and the Israelis.

                              {time}  2200

  This now involves an Iranian regime and the Syrians that are 
fomenting this, supporting this financially. I support this resolution 
and I again commend the authors of the resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, before yielding, I would like to offer an 
opportunity to Mrs. Lowey to ask for a unanimous consent.

[[Page H5470]]

  (Mrs. LOWEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her 
remarks.)
  Mrs. LOWEY. I thank the outstanding chairman for his leadership on 
this issue.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. It is a powerful 
statement in support of Israel and the Israeli people during this 
difficult time.
  Let us be clear about what is happening in the Middle East. Israel 
has been dragged into battle on two fronts to defend itself against 
terrorists who target Israeli civilians and seek the destruction of the 
Jewish State. The current hostilities were initiated, in both cases, by 
incursions of terrorists across recognized borders and the kidnapping 
of Israeli soldiers. As we know all too well, these battles are merely 
the latest chapter in a war that has been waged against Israel since 
its establishment in 1948.
  I join all those who yearn for peace in praying for an end to the 
hostilities. I also recognize that the fighting can only be stopped by 
the terrorists who initiated it. I believe the U.N. should play a role 
in ending this conflict, but the deployment of another force with the 
same, weak mandate as UNIFIL will not get the job done. The U.N. and 
the international community need to unite to demand an end to this 
reign of terror and full implementation of U.N. Security Council 
Resolution 1559. The Lebanese government must establish sovereignty 
over its own territory instead of allowing Hezbollah and Iranian Guards 
to operate freely. And we must keep the focus on Iran and Syria--the 
root causes of this conflict.
  The last several weeks have demonstrated beyond all doubt why Israel 
must maintain its qualitative military edge in the region. Any action 
taken by the international community must respect Israel's right to 
protect its own citizens and must be aimed at disarming Hezbollah and 
Hamas and terminating their ability to attack Israel.
  Israel seeks peace and has taken risks to achieve it time and time 
again. Sadly, its sacrifices have been met only with escalated threats 
and violence.
  Israel withdrew from Lebanon in May 2000 in compliance with U.N. 
resolutions. In return, it has been continuously threatened by 
Hezbollah terrorists on its northern border, allowed free reign by a 
reckless Lebanese government with Syria and Iran calling the shots in 
violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559.
  Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005. In return, it is faced with a 
Hamas-Ied Palestinian Authority that supports attacks against civilians 
and competes with exiled Hamas members over who can be more extreme.
  This latest violence confirms that Iran currently poses the single 
greatest threat to regional stability. It has the motivation and 
resources to stage a methodical campaign of terror and violence 
throughout the Middle East, concentrating on fomenting sectarian 
violence in Iraq and supporting Hezbollah in Lebanon. Syria continues 
to shelter Hamas leaders and is widely acknowledged to be complicit in 
the kidnapping of Corporal Shalit. Both countries are transit points 
and suppliers of weapons to terrorists. The current hostilities are 
mere symptoms of the disease Iran and Syria have brought on the region. 
And our policies and those of the international community must respond 
accordingly.
  We have potent tools to deal with Iran and Syria that we have 
ignored. The Iran Freedom Support Act passed the House of 
Representatives overwhelmingly but has been held up by the Senate 
leadership and the Administration. The Syria Accountability and 
Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act became law in 2003, but the 
Administration has largely ignored the instruments it provides to 
pressure Syria. Sending Secretary Rice to the region may indicate our 
concern, but developing a strategy to join with like-minded nations to 
force Iran and Syria to abandon their campaigns of terror should be our 
ultimate goal. Until we have such a strategy in place, a high-level 
visit will accomplish nothing.
  I join my colleagues in Congress in standing in solidarity with 
Israel during this difficult time. The American people understand what 
it feels like to be targeted on our own soil. As children in Haifa, 
Safed, and Nahariya remain trapped in bomb shelters, we reaffirm our 
support for Israel's effort to defend itself against terrorists 
stationed on its borders.
  I urge support for this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good 
friend, a distinguished member of the International Relations 
Committee, Mr. Blumenauer.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's courtesy in 
permitting me to speak and for his hard work on this resolution.
  I attempt to carefully examine the terminology and the nuance in such 
efforts because I want to make sure the United States' policy is 
carefully reflected in terms of our long-term interests, the security 
of Israel, and those of peace. And I think this resolution meets that 
test.
  The attacks on Israel by Hezbollah are both unjustified and 
unprovoked, particularly given Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon 6 years 
ago.
  Since the initial raid across the Israeli-Lebanese border, in which 
Hezbollah killed eight Israeli soldiers, took two others hostage, they 
have continued indiscriminately targeting Israeli civilians with 
increasingly sophisticated weaponry.
  It is in this context that Israel has exercised its right of self-
defense, which I completely support. I am, of course, I hope we all are 
concerned about the impact on the actions that deal with innocent 
Lebanese civilians. But as I cringed a little bit when I saw one of my 
colleagues look at the minority, and talked about shortcomings in the 
resolution, because I know Mr. Lantos had offered up on behalf of the 
minority specific language of concern for innocents which, sadly, is 
not in the resolution. But I do think it is a good starting point.
  Even the Saudis and the Egyptians have recognized the responsibility 
for the current crisis lies with Hezbollah, Syria and Iran, as well as 
with Lebanon's inabilities to disarm Hezbollah as called for by 
Security Council Resolution 1559.
  We should not seek to impose a cease-fire that returns the region to 
the status quo without ensuring that Hezbollah is no longer a threat to 
Israel or Lebanon.


 =========================== NOTE =========================== 

  
  July 19, 2006--On Page H5470 the following appeared: We should 
seek to impose a cease-fire that returns...
  
  The online version should be corrected to read: We should not 
seek to impose a cease-fire that returns...


 ========================= END NOTE ========================= 

  This resolution is a strong signal of support for Israel. It is a 
signal to people who are playing their terrorist politics with innocent 
lives, of the United States' intentions. It is a signal to governments 
on the sidelines that they need to step up and help.
  Nothing has been more vexing to me during my tenure in the House than 
this continuing conflict with Israel. I don't pretend to know the 
answers, but I do know it does start with support for Israel and this 
resolution.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, before yielding my time to Mr. 
Lantos, I would also like to recognize the work of Jen Stuart, the 
foreign policy advisor to the majority leader, who has spent so many 
hours working on this resolution.
  And with that, Madam Speaker, I will be glad to yield the remainder 
of our time, minus 1 minute, so we can close, to Mr. Lantos.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Miss McMorris). Without objection, the 
gentleman from California is recognized.
  There was no objection.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I want to thank my good friend for 
yielding.
  I am delighted to recognize a distinguished member of the committee, 
my good friend from Nevada, Ms. Shelley Berkley.
  (Ms. BERKLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her 
remarks.)
  Ms. BERKLEY. Thank you, Madam Speaker, and a very special thank-you 
to my very good friend from California, Tom Lantos, for his leadership 
on this issue. I rest better at night knowing that he is our leader. 
And I am very proud of him and very delighted to be here today.
  I am not going to take all of the time, which is uncharacteristic for 
me. I just couldn't have a resolution of this magnitude on the floor of 
the House without coming here and lending support. Two minutes could 
never be enough for me to speak on this issue, and I am afraid even 2 
hours might not be long enough for me to express my feelings and my 
views.
  I grew up in a family where the very existence of Israel changed our 
lives. I was born in my grandmother's apartment on the Lower East Side 
of New York, and grew up hearing stories of what their lives were like 
in Europe before they came to this country and how important Israel was 
to the survival of the Jewish people. And while the Jewish people were 
people of the diaspora and had managed to survive without a nation for 
5,000 years, the very existence of Israel gave each of us a tremendous 
sense of confidence and well-being, knowing that we had a homeland of 
our own.
  I was not alive in the 1948 war, or the 1956, when Israel was 
attacked again by its Arab neighbors. 1967, I was more

[[Page H5471]]

aware, and 1973, of course. What I find incomprehensible and something 
I simply cannot understand, that here we are, so many years after the 
creation of Israel, after the aftermath of the Holocaust and the very 
reasons that Israel was established, and we are still debating 
throughout the world whether Israel has a right to exist.
  I am so proud of my colleagues for introducing this resolution. I 
think it strikes the exact right note at the exact right time in our 
world's history.
  We cannot allow this to continue. Israel has a right to exist, have 
secure borders, and lead a life for its citizens. And I think the time 
has come for the world body, led by the United States of America, to 
step up to the plate and say enough is enough. And this resolution is a 
remarkably good start. I thank everybody for supporting it.
  I am very proud of the speeches that my colleagues have made, and I 
look forward to voting for this, and I urge all of my colleagues to do 
the same.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support for the resolution.
  The current crisis in the Middle East was caused by an unnecessary, 
ill advised, and unprovoked attack on Israel by Hamas and Hezbollah by 
terrorist organizations who have called for the elimination of Israel.
  There are victims of these terrorist attacks innocent Israeli 
soldiers and citizens and there are perpetrators of these terrorist 
attacks--Hamas and Hezbollah. There is no moral equivalency in this 
struggle.
  To those who incomprehensibly condemn Israel or who attempt to find 
some equivalency, let me state the obvious.
  Every sovereign nation has a right and responsibility to protect and 
defend its people.
  For those who think that Israel overreacted--If I was the mother of a 
19-year-old soldier peacefully guarding my country's border and my son 
was kidnapped by a terrorist organization, I would expect my government 
to do everything in its power to bring my boy home. An Israeli mother 
should expect and get no less. If I was living on the border of my 
country and a terrorist group was continuously lobbing rockets into my 
town where I live, where my children play, I would demand that my 
country do whatever they had to to eliminate the threat--Israel should.
  There should be no mistake about who is behind this crisis, Iran and 
Syria. Iran's president pledged to wipe Israel off the map and he 
refers to Israel as an ``illegitimate nation.'' Syria's troops occupied 
southern Lebanon illegally until 2005.
  This is a strictly defensive action on the part of Israel.
  There is an internationally recognized border with Lebanon. Israel 
unilaterally completed its withdrawal from Lebanon over 6 years ago. 
For 6 years, the Lebanese government has done nothing to step-in and 
establish control over part of its country.
  They did nothing, and left a power vacuum, filled by Hezbollah, in 
the southern third of Lebanon. Hezbollah uses southern Lebanon to lob 
katusha rockets into Israel with the hope of killing someone, killing 
anyone. They are not there to build a nation, protecting a people, 
laying a foundation for a better Lebanon--they are there to kill 
Israelis.
  Israel did everything it could possibly do to avoid a conflict in 
Lebanon--asking time and again that the government of Lebanon take 
control and police their territory. Unfortunately, these requests went 
unanswered and the terrorism continued to grow.
  On its border with Gaza, Israel also faces unrelenting terrorist 
attacks. After years of waiting, and praying, and hoping for a peace 
partner, Israel chose to unilaterally withdraw from Gaza.
  It uprooted families who created beautiful settlements. These 
families built homes from nothing, farms from dirt. Three generations 
were removed, some focibly, from the only homes they had ever known.

  I know. I was there.
  I saw Israeli soldiers carrying Jewish settlers in their arms across 
the border out of Gaza.
  There were tears in the eyes of the settlers and there were tears in 
the eyes of the soldiers.
  One would have thought that the Palestinians would have used this 
opportunity to demonstrate to the world that they were capable of self-
governance. Instead of building homes, schools, and infrastructure, 
they have used Gaza to launch thousands of Kassam Rockets at innocent 
Israelis.
  The international community must ensure that Hamas and Hezbollah are 
disarmed.
  The international community must ensure that Iran and Syria end their 
support for Hezbollah's and Hamas's terrorism.
  Hamas must renounce its charter that calls for the destruction of the 
State of Israel or be cut off from the rest of the world.
  Syria and Iran must be punished for their support of Hezbollah.
  The 3 Israeli soldiers must be returned--alive and unharmed.
  Congress must pass this resolution condemning the attacks on Israel--
they are indefensible and unacceptable--and supporting its 
unconditional right to defend itself, which every nation on this planet 
has the right to do.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to 
a distinguished member of our committee, Mr. Schiff.
  Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution and of our friend and ally, the State of Israel.
  In May of 2000, Israeli forces withdrew from southern Lebanon, ending 
an 18-year presence that was intended to stop guerilla attacks on 
civilians living in northern Israel. Last summer Israeli settlers and 
military personnel left Gaza and part of the West Bank and turned over 
administration of those areas to the Palestinian Authority.
  The withdrawals were conciliatory gestures to Israel's Arab 
neighbors, and Israel and the international community expected the 
Lebanese Government and the Palestinian Authority to see them as 
opportunities to stabilize a region that has seen too much blood and 
tears over the last 60 years.
  Instead, successive Lebanese governments, hobbled by the oppressive 
presence of Syrian troops and intelligence officers, never made a 
concerted effort to reassert control in the south, and effectively 
ceded this area to Hezbollah, a radical Shiite militia trained, 
supplied, and directed by Syria and Iran.
  In Gaza, a corrupt and calcified Palestinian Authority would not make 
the necessary efforts to dismantle the infrastructure of terror that 
allowed terrorists to rain down Qassam rockets on Israeli civilians. 
When Hamas, a radical Islamist party that has never budged from its 
calls for Israel's destruction, swept into power in parliamentary 
elections in January of this year, it made no secret of the fact it 
would embrace a rejectionist policy towards Israel.
  Nevertheless, the Government of Israel and a majority of her citizens 
were determined to continue efforts to withdraw from large parts of the 
West Bank. It was this plan that was the centerpiece of Ehud Olmert's 
campaign for Prime Minister and which the new Prime Minister was 
seeking to implement in the coming months. Instead, in what can only be 
seen as a coordinated effort, Hamas and Hezbollah crossed Israel's 
internationally recognized frontiers to murder and kidnap Israeli 
defense force personnel on Israeli territory.

                              {time}  2210

  At this stage four things are clear: First, these acts were not 
undertaken by rogue elements of Hamas and Hezbollah, but were the 
result of meticulous and lengthy planning.
  Second, while the attacks were launched from Gaza and Lebanon, the 
Governments of Syria and Iran were involved in their planning and 
execution, especially in the case of the Lebanon attack.
  Third, the murder and kidnapping of Israeli military personnel on 
Israeli territory by armed forces operating from a neighboring state or 
political entity is the root cause of the present violence.
  And, fourth, Israel has the legitimate right to take military action 
necessary to defend its citizens and its territory from attack.
  We mourn the loss of life. Lebanese, Israeli, and Palestinian, they 
are all the victims of Hezbollah and Hamas. I hope that Secretary Rice 
and her international counterparts will be able to pressure Iran and 
Syria to rein in these terrorist organizations and establish a 
legitimate Lebanese Army force to patrol the border with Israel.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to my 
good friend from Kentucky, our distinguished colleague on the 
International Relations Committee, Mr. Chandler.
  Mr. CHANDLER. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Lantos for yielding.
  Madam Speaker, I am deeply troubled by the recent violent events in 
the Middle East. The United States must stand with Israel and recognize 
their right to defend their people and country from unprovoked acts of 
terrorism.
  As we know, innocent civilians are losing their lives right now as a 
result of extremist religious terrorism. Take

[[Page H5472]]

the heartbreaking story of Monica Seidman as an example. Forty-two-
year-old Monica, a mother of two, moved to the Israeli town of Naharia 
from Argentina 3 years ago. Last Wednesday as she was sitting on her 
porch having coffee, a Hezbollah-fired rocket made a direct hit on her 
building, instantly killing her.
  Monica was the first civilian killed in this conflict. How can this 
be explained to her children? How will they ever understand the meaning 
of this attack?
  I believe the United States must call on Syria and Iran to stop all 
support of Hezbollah. The Israeli people do not want violence. They 
want peace. They want to be able to go about life without causing harm 
to anyone else and without fearing for their own safety. Israel's 
voluntary withdrawal from southern Lebanon 6 years ago is proof of 
their desire for peace and stability in the region.
  It is my hope that Israel will be able to secure its border quickly 
and facilitate a safe return for its soldiers captured by Hezbollah and 
Hamas, and that is why I fully support this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to my 
friend from Florida, Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Madam Speaker, the first duty of the 
government is to protect its citizens, and I stand by Israel's right to 
defend herself against Hezbollah's aggression.
  This bipartisan resolution sends a powerful message that the United 
States Congress and the American people support our friend Israel at 
this critical hour. Hezbollah's capture of Israeli soldiers was 
unprovoked. I call on the Governments of Iran, Lebanon, and Syria, who 
have influence over the fate of the captured Israeli soldiers, to 
secure their immediate and unconditional release.
  Hezbollah must be disarmed to prevent a similar conflict in the 
future. A simple cease-fire will not accomplish this goal.
  Any nation that refuses to act against terrorist networks simply 
stands as a willing accomplice. The actions of Hezbollah and the 
complicity of Syria and Iran demonstrate that former Israeli Prime 
Minister Golda Meir was right when she said, ``Peace will come when the 
Arabs love their children more than they hate us.''
  I strongly support this resolution and stand by Israel in her pursuit 
of peace and security.
  As an American mother, I wish that mothers around the world, Iranian, 
Syrian, and mothers universally, spend the time that I have spent 
talking to my twin 7-year-olds and will teach my almost 3-year-old 
girl, when she is old enough to understand, that we are all equal. We 
are all equal under the eyes of God.
  My 7-year-old daughter is here with me this week, and she asked me 
about what we are debating here tonight. She asked me, ``Mommy, why 
don't some people like us?'' And that question broke my heart, Madam 
Speaker, because the only answer I could give her was because we are 
Jewish and because we have different beliefs.
  Please let us not have another generation of our children grow up 
knowing hatred. Israel and her children need the world to stand with 
her in support of her right to defend herself and in support of peace.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, before yielding, I want to express my 
appreciation to the chief of staff on the Democratic side, Dr. Bob 
King; Mr. Alan Makovsky; and to all other members of our staff who 
worked so hard on this measure.
  Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to my friend from 
Pennsylvania, Congresswoman Allyson Schwartz.
  (Ms. SCHWARTZ of Pennsylvania asked and was given permission to 
revise and extend her remarks.)
  Ms. SCHWARTZ of Pennsylvania. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of 
this resolution and in support of our friend and ally Israel.
  September 11 was a defining moment for our country. It forced 
Americans to confront a new reality, that terrorists could cause 
massive destruction on our soil, and that all of us are at risk. 
Israelis have been living with this reality for decades. Well-armed, 
well-financed, and sophisticated terrorist organizations backed by 
Syria and Iran surround her. They have carried out thousands of attacks 
on Israeli soil, and they will stop at nothing to accomplish their one 
common goal: the destruction of Israel.
  Just as America does, Israel has a right to defend herself. Israel 
has a right to better security for its borders and its security and its 
future. A secure Israel cannot exist with Hezbollah controlling the 
territory directly to the north, and a secure Israel cannot exist with 
Hamas in control of the Palestinian Authority.
  Israel is at war with terrorists, and we must stand with her. We have 
a moral obligation to stand on the side of democracy and freedom 
against terror and radicalism, and we must do so because, left 
unchecked, these terrorist organizations will continue to destabilize 
the region and will use it as a base to foster global instability and 
to undermine our national security.
  With passage of this resolution, we will send an unequivocal message 
to the world that terrorist organizations, Hezbollah and Hamas, backed 
by Iran and Syria are responsible for this violence; that Israel has a 
right to defend herself; and that the United States will stand with 
Israel in its fight against terror.
  We must also do so because this conflict is not just about Israel, 
but it is about America's national security. Since the 1980's, 
Hizballah has been behind dozens of terrorist attacks targeting western 
nations, including the United States. In 1983, they killed 241 American 
servicemen in an attack on a military barracks in Lebanon. In 1994, 
they killed 86 civilians in a bombing in Buenos Aires, Argentina. In 
1996, they killed 19 U.S. airmen at a U.S. military barracks in Saudi 
Arabia. Left unchecked, Hizballah and these terrorist groups will 
continue to destabilize the region and use it as a base to foster 
global instability.
  By passing this resolution with strong bipartisan support, we will 
send an unequivocal message to the world--Hizballah and Hamas are 
responsible for this violence, Israel has a right to defend itself, and 
the United States will stand with Israel in its fight against terror. I 
am confident that Israel will prevail in this fight. And, it is my hope 
that their strong actions against terror will ultimately lead to the 
peace and security that so many in the region desperately seek.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to 
my good friend from North Carolina, Congressman Price.
  Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding.
  I address my colleagues tonight in support of H. Res. 921, but 
acutely aware of some of its shortcomings.
  Let me stipulate two things from the beginning. First, Hezbollah 
attacked Israel without provocation, and it now threatens the lives of 
hundreds of thousands of innocent Israelis in the range of its rockets. 
Such a situation is intolerable for Israel. It would be intolerable for 
any country. And a robust response is necessary to protect Israel's 
sovereignty and its citizens.
  Secondly, we must fully acknowledge the human toll of this conflict 
on innocent civilians in Lebanon and Israel and on our own citizens 
caught in the crossfire. As Israel meets the imperative of self-
preservation by disabling Hezbollah, it must also do all it can to obey 
the moral imperative of protecting the innocent, though it is an 
imperative we know is wholly disregarded by Hezbollah.
  The Lebanese people are not the enemy of Israel, nor is the Lebanese 
Government, which is led by a reform coalition that is fighting against 
Syria domination. Our ultimate need is for a stronger, not a weaker, 
Lebanese Government. And Israeli strategy should take that, too, into 
account. The real enemy here of both Israel and Lebanon is Hezbollah.
  With those stipulations the question before us is how can our Nation 
play a productive role in bringing a swift and just end to this 
conflict? The resolution offers little insight into this; so I want to 
use the limited time I have here to urge my colleagues to consider this 
critical question.
  I recently returned from a mission to Beirut with the House Democracy 
Assistance Commission, which is working with Lebanese parliamentarians 
as they seek to establish an independent and effective representative 
body. We met with many of the reformers who won a majority of seats in 
the Parliament in the 2005 Cedar Revolution.

[[Page H5473]]

Democracy has a foothold in Lebanon, and we must find a way to empower 
those Lebanese leaders who seek reform and democracy in their country.
  To bring about such a resolution, the United States must dramatically 
increase its engagement in the region. Secretary Rice should go there 
sooner rather than later, work with the international community toward 
a resolution of the conflict. I am not talking about a settlement that 
leaves Hezbollah intact and merely postpones the fight. We must have a 
resolution that guarantees Israel security, that permanently disarms 
Hezbollah, and supports the development of democracy in Lebanon.

                              {time}  2220

  If we are truly to support Israel, we must do far more than the 
resolution before us suggests.
  Madam Speaker, I address my colleagues in support of H. Res. 921 but 
acutely aware of its shortcomings.
  Nearly two years ago, the United Nations Security Council unanimously 
adopted a resolution calling for the disarmament of all armed militias 
in Lebanon. As Lebanon's Cedar Revolution has brought new pro-
democratic forces into power, one group has defied the world's mandate: 
Hezbollah. Hezbollah has justified its defiance by claiming to be a 
legitimate resistance against Israel's occupation of a small parcel of 
land in Syria, adjacent to Southern Lebanon, called Sheba Farms. It has 
tried to straddle the fence, claiming political legitimacy by 
participating in democratic elections and the Lebanese government, yet 
refusing to disarm and adding to its arsenal of rockets and other 
weapons.
  Hezbollah's decision to kidnap two Israeli soldiers and kill three 
others--without provocation--and to launch rockets deep into Israel 
belie its claims to legitimacy and reveal its true mission: fighting 
not for Lebanon, but for its own interests and those of its patrons in 
Iran and Syria.
  No nation should be expected to tolerate a situation in which a 
terrorist organization bent on its destruction has free rein to ignore 
established borders through ground attacks or air strikes. Hundreds of 
thousands of Israelis are living in constant fear of deadly rocket 
attacks. I join with my colleagues in strongly supporting Israel's 
right to defend its sovereignty and its citizens.
  The human toll of this conflict has also been frightful on the 
Lebanese side of the border. Dozens, perhaps hundreds, of innocent 
lives have already been lost. Hundreds of homes housing innocent 
Lebanese citizens have been destroyed, and tens of thousands of 
families have been displaced. The Lebanese people, like the Israelis, 
are living under a dense cloud of fear and danger.
  Our own citizens, too, have suffered from this violence. Over the 
last few days, I have received calls from tearful fathers with young 
daughters stuck in the hills of Lebanon with no way out; from families 
stuck in Beirut on vacation; from relatives with Lebanese family 
members killed in the conflict. We must remember the suffering of these 
innocent citizens, caught by chance in the storm of war.
  As Israel faces the imperative of disabling Hezbollah, it must do all 
it can to obey the moral imperative of protecting the innocent, though 
it is an imperative we know is wholly disregarded by Hezbollah. The 
enemy here is not the Lebanese people. And the enemy is not the 
Lebanese government, which is led by a reform coalition that continues 
to fight against Syrian domination. The real enemy here is Hezbollah.
  Our ultimate need is for a stronger, not weaker, Lebanese government. 
What sense does it make, for example, to demand more vigorous action 
against terrorists by the Lebanese Army, and then proceed to destroy 
that Army's barracks?
  Our country's role must be to work for an end to this conflict that 
is both swift and just. Let us harbor no illusions: a cease fire that 
allows Hezbollah to remain intact and merely postpones this fight until 
another day is not an acceptable option. We must require Hezbollah to 
disarm permanently and guarantee that Hezbollah will no longer threaten 
Israel or Lebanon. That will likely require the establishment of an 
international peacekeeping presence.
  We must also work for a resolution that preserves the promise of the 
Cedar Revolution and empowers those Lebanese leaders who seek reform 
and democracy in their country. I recently returned from a mission to 
Beirut with the House Democracy Assistance Commission, which is working 
with Lebanese Parliamentarians as they seek to establish an independent 
and effective representative body. Our Commission met with many of the 
reformers who, in a stunning victory, won a majority of seats in the 
Parliament in the 2005 Cedar Revolution. While key positions in the 
government, including the Presidency, are still controlled by those who 
would do the bidding of Syria, democracy has a foothold in Lebanon--the 
most significant foothold for democracy in the entire Middle East, 
outside of Israel. We must not allow the current conflict to destroy 
that foothold.
  To bring about such a resolution, the United States must dramatically 
increase its engagement in the region. As the conflict has unfolded, we 
have watched the international community react with promising 
diplomacy. The United Nations, our allies in Europe, and key actors in 
the region--Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia--have come forward with 
mediators, cease fire proposals, and calls for international 
peacekeepers. Even the Arab League, too often silent in the face of 
past attacks against Israel, is working to convene an emergency summit 
to deal with the crisis. But where has our own Administration been? As 
one commentator recently wrote, ``the world's sole superpower is also 
its only no-show.''
  With so much at stake for our national security interests in the 
region, the Bush Administration's lack of engagement is troubling. But 
it is not surprising. This Administration has taken a hands-off 
approach to the area, at great cost to the prospects for peace. It has 
allowed the Road Map for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to 
wither on the vine. It has failed to sufficiently support the moderate 
Palestinian leader Abu Mazen, watching as Hamas capitalized on his 
political struggles. And, after trumpeting the gains of the Cedar 
Revolution, it has done too little to actually support the fledgling 
reform movement in Lebanon. With the Administration's gaze still fixed 
on Baghdad, the tensions that have led to the current conflict mounted 
unchecked.
  Madam Speaker, the current crisis demands decisive leadership. 
Secretary Rice should go to the region sooner rather than later, 
working with the international community toward a resolution to the 
conflict that guarantees Israel's security, permanently disarms 
Hezbollah, and supports the development of democracy in Lebanon. If we 
are to truly support Israel, we must do far more than the resolution 
before us suggests.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to 
the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).
  Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, the recent unprovoked attacks on Israel 
are particularly notable because of the unilateral Israeli withdrawal 
from southern Lebanon in 2000 and from Gaza in 2005. Israel, as it has 
so often been urged to do, gave up land for the hope of peace. Yet what 
happened? From the day Israel withdrew, Hamas fired rockets at Israeli 
cities and villages every single day, followed more recently by 
Hezbollah rockets.
  Can you imagine what the United States would do if terrorists rained 
down thousands of rockets on American cities from Canada? We would tell 
the Canadian government to stop it immediately. And if the reply was we 
don't want to stop it, as with Hamas, or we can't stop it, as the 
government of Lebanon says it cannot stop Hezbollah, we would not 
hesitate to bomb whatever targets were necessary and to invade whatever 
territory was necessary to stop the bombardment, and we would not cease 
until we had destroyed or disarmed the terrorists.
  Similarly, we must not demand a cease-fire that leaves the Hezbollah 
or Hamas weapons and infrastructure intact.
  This recent violence, this war, is the penalty we pay for looking 
away and urging restraint on Israel as Hamas and Hezbollah flouted 
peace agreements and built up terrorist infrastructures and arsenals of 
thousands of rockets as they openly proclaimed their intentions to 
destroy Israel and murder her people.
  The Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, a Hamas leader, 
wrote in the Washington Post just last week that what matters are not 
the issues of 1967, but the issues of 1948, that is, the very existence 
of Israel. But the existence of Israel is not negotiable. But many seem 
not to have learned the lessons.
  The European Union criticized Israel's response as disproportionate. 
What would the EU do if European cities were attacked as Safed, Haifa 
and Nazareth have been? How is Israel's response against strategic 
Hezbollah targets disproportionate to Hezbollah's intentional attacks 
against Israeli civilians? And since when do we demand that responses 
to naked aggression and intended genocide be proportionate? It was 
Colin Powell who said that military responses must be of ``overwhelming 
force.''
  The violence can end only if Hamas and Hezbollah are disarmed. 
Otherwise,

[[Page H5474]]

Israel will have to defend itself against future terrorist attacks, and 
innocent Israeli, Palestinian and Lebanese civilians will continue to 
die.
  There is a role for diplomacy in the Middle East, but only when 
Hezbollah and Hamas are forced to stand down and Hezbollah forces are 
moved away from the Israeli border.
  I extend my sympathy to the families of the victims of the attacks in 
Israel and in Lebanon, and I pray for the safe return of those 
captured. But I know that because the United Nations and the 
international community have failed to dismantle the terrorist 
infrastructure by diplomacy, Israel must be permitted to dismantle that 
infrastructure by force of arms if the killing is not to go on 
indefinitely. We must not stop her from doing so.
  I strongly support the resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to my 
good friend from New York (Mr. Israel).
  Mr. ISRAEL. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend from California.
  Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. Almost 1 year 
ago, in August, I stood on the border of Gaza. I watched a gate 
descend. I watched the last Israeli leave Gaza. Israel said to the 
Palestinians, we will take a risk for peace. Build something here. 
Provide security. We want peace.
  And what did they do with that? What did the Palestinians do with 
that offer? They fired Kassam missiles on Israeli civilians. They 
elected a terrorist regime sworn to the liquidation of Israel. They dug 
a tunnel. They snuck through the tunnel, they showed up on Israeli 
soil, they kidnapped a 19-year-old soldier and snuck him back. Israel 
took a risk for peace, and this is how it was rewarded.
  Israel took the same risk in Lebanon. They left Lebanon. They said 
provide security here. We will take a risk for peace, and let's have it 
together. What happened with that offer? Hezbollah was allowed to 
dominate southern Lebanon. And just last week, Hezbollah terrorists 
infiltrated a border, snuck across an undisputed border, murdered some 
Israelis, kidnapped others, murdered some more, and snuck back across.
  Every time Israel has taken a risk for peace, that risk has been 
answered with violence, and that is not acceptable.
  What would we have done? It is exactly what we did do on 9/11. When 
terrorists infiltrated our borders, we responded robustly to protect 
innocent civilians.
  Israel has the right to do the same. There can be no double standard. 
There can be no moral relativism. This resolution simply says that 
Israel has taken risks for peace. Those risks ought to be answered with 
reciprocation, and not missiles; with good faith, security, and not 
kidnappings. Israel has done what we have done, and this resolution 
reaffirms that.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good 
friend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
  Mr. PALLONE. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this 
resolution and of Israel's right to defend itself from terrorist 
attacks.
  The world community has a responsibility to support Israel during 
these difficult times. Israel has complied with international demands 
by withdrawing from both the Gaza Strip and from Lebanon. 
Unfortunately, it seems like the governments in both of these areas are 
not interested in peace.
  Lebanon in particular has failed to abide by UN Security Council 
Resolution 1559, which requires the disarmament of Hezbollah and other 
militias and the deployment of the Lebanese army along its southern 
border. Israel has simply requested that Lebanon comply with this 
resolution and that Hezbollah end its attacks and return of its 
kidnapped soldiers.
  There has been little effort on the part of the Lebanese or Hezbollah 
to actually meet any of these requests however, and that is why it is 
critical that the United States and the world community stand behind 
Israel and condemn the actions of Hezbollah, the Lebanese government 
and Hamas.
  As we condemn these acts we must recognize the connection between 
Hezbollah and its international backers, Iran and Syria. It is clear 
that both of these nations are aiding Hezbollah with funding, munitions 
and even direct military advice, which is why Israel felt compelled to 
impose the blockade on Lebanon.
  We must ratchet up the pressure on Syria and Iran to give up their 
support for organized terrorist groups like Hezbollah. That is why I 
joined many of my other colleagues in calling on President Bush to 
fully implement all of the sanctions available under the Syria 
Accountability Act, which we passed during the last Congress. Syria is 
continuing its support for terrorism, and we must demonstrate the 
consequence of such actions.
  Madam Speaker, as Israel continues to defend itself, we should stand 
in support of her by putting greater pressure on nations who support 
terrorist attacks against her. We should do nothing less and expect 
nothing less of our allies if we were in such a situation.
  I urge my colleagues to pass this important resolution, and I urge 
the Bush administration to do more to hold accountable those countries 
who support terrorism against Israel.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to our 
distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green).
  Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Hyde, the 
chairperson, and I thank my friend Mr. Lantos, the ranking member.
  Madam Speaker, I want peace for both Palestinians and Israelis. I 
want justice for both Palestinians and Israelis. And I support House 
Resolution 921 condemning the recent attacks on Israel and supporting 
Israel's right to defend herself.
  Madam Speaker, Hezbollah has killed more Americans than any other 
terrorist group, save al Qaeda: 257 Americans killed in the 1983 
bombings of the U.S. embassy and barracks in Beirut; 19 Americans 
killed in the 1996 bombings of the Khobar Towers.
  Hezbollah has more than 13,000 rockets capable of hitting Israeli 
cities and towns and killing innocent persons. Does anybody think that 
these rockets will just go away? Hezbollah wasn't getting weaker. 
Hezbollah was getting stronger.

                              {time}  2230

  Israel must defend herself or there will be no Israel to defend.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Meeks).
  Mr. MEEKS of New York. Madam Speaker, I stand here today to support 
this resolution, and indeed in saying that I wish this resolution did 
not have to be. For surely I am also convinced that the people of 
Israel and many of the people in Lebanon and in the Palestinian 
Territories wish it had not to be, but it does.
  Why does it? Because you cannot have peace if you are negotiating 
with yourself. If individuals will not even acknowledge the right for 
the State of Israel to exist, how can you have peace? And if you are 
put in that position, then you have no choice but to defend yourself.
  The thing that we must not think that Israel is doing in having to 
defend itself and using the force that it has to use is they are doing 
it with glee. That is not what they want to do at all. They wish that 
there was peace. But when people do not acknowledge your right to 
exist, and there are 14,000 rockets aimed at you, I just ask you the 
question, I think of myself. Suppose you are in your home and you have 
got people that are outside, and they are pointing weapons at you and 
your family. What would you do? Would you just say, let them continue 
to point them and shoot them until there is damage to you or your 
family?
  What we are talking about here is simply a matter of defense. And 
indeed, we would dream of having the day where we do not have to have 
these resolutions on the floor, dream of the day when there is no 
innocent people on any side of the lines in the Middle East who are 
dead or would be killed or anything of that nature, dream of having 
peace.
  The only way to have it, though, is to have partners, to have 
somebody that is going to stand and say, we will fight, along with 
Israel, to make sure that all of its people are safe. We need to have 
the day when, in fact, we know that the terrorist organizations like 
Hamas and Hezbollah, who is holding hostage an entire region for their 
bad reasons, are wiped out.

[[Page H5475]]

  And if they will not go away, then Israel must defend itself.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
  (Ms. JACKSON-LEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend 
her remarks.)
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Madam Speaker, I do thank Mr. Lantos and 
his good leadership and his history. It is reflected in what I think is 
both a potent, important and very directed resolution. It draws upon 
all of the voices that we have heard this evening.
  Might I acknowledge Ms. Ros-Lehtinen for her patience and leadership, 
along with Chairman Hyde as well as and the leadership of this House.
  This weekend I will go home and meet with members of the Jewish 
community, and as well meet with members of the Muslim and Arab 
community. I believe it is important for Members to be forthright, and 
in doing so, it is to understand that we stand here promoting peace, 
and to say to the Palestinians, those of good faith, and President 
Abbas, we will stand with you to rid yourself of those who believe that 
their basic existence is for the nonexistence of Israel.
  And to Lebanon, we will stand with you, so that you will have the 
courage, the fortitude and the leadership to free your nation, for it 
to be the shining pearl, the financial site of the Middle East of which 
it has the potential to be.
  I want to offer to those who have lost their lives, their families, 
my deepest sympathy. To the innocent civilians in the Gaza strip, in 
Palestinian, in Lebanon, in Israel, all who have lost their lives, we 
offer the deepest sympathy.
  But, Madam Speaker, let me simply say, Israel fully complied with 
Resolution 425 in 1978, and wants us to know that they have removed 
themselves from Lebanon, and Secretary Kofi Annan said Israel has 
withdrawn, in full compliance with the Security Council resolution, as 
well it has withdrawn from the Gaza Strip.
  And so today I am interested in a cease-fire. I am interested in 
engagement. But I am also interested in making sure that we have 
permanent peace in the region, that we do not allow those who would 
perpetrate terror against innocent individuals to be able to survive 
and to continue their violence.
  I would ask Syria and Iran to be forthright with the world and to 
give away their continued intrusion into Lebanon and fueling the fires 
of those that would perpetrate terror in the region. I also ask that 
our refugees, if you will, Americans who are stuck in Lebanon, be fully 
brought home safely and quickly.
  So as I close, Madam Speaker, might I just say this evening that I 
will be voting for this resolution, but I will be continuing to press 
for engagement. I will continue to press for resolution. And I will 
continue to ask that the Arab States become engaged, and that Syria and 
Iran stand down, and that there is peace, and that the existence of 
Israel is reaffirmed, and our Arab neighbors live freely and peacefully 
for all the world to see.
  Madam Speaker, I rise today to support H. Res. 921, condemning the 
recent violence in the Middle East. I remain dismayed at the fact that, 
once again, violence is poisoning and engulfing the Middle East.
  This resolution condemns the recent attacks against Israel, holds 
terrorists and their state-sponsors accountable for such attacks, and 
supports Israel's right to defend itself.
  This resolution is a very strong statement. While we must acknowledge 
the culpability of the perpetrators of violence, we must always stand 
for a solution that engages all parties.
  The conflict is between those who wish to end the violence and those 
who do not. All involved have created a sense of victimization, and 
turned away from the most important goal: protecting their people, 
abating violence, and stabilizing the region.
  With this bill, we denounce terrorist acts, and we recognize the 
right of all sovereign nations--including Israel--to exist, and to 
defend itself. In addition, if Hamas is going to lead the Palestinian 
Authority to participate in the international community, it must accept 
Israel's right to exist and eliminate its violence against Israel.
  This past January, I visited Israel prior to the Palestinian 
elections, and visited with the emerging leadership of Kadima on the 
eve of a new era of Israeli diplomacy and security policy. I have 
traveled extensively in the region, and I have witnessed first-hand the 
promise of the Holy Land, as well as the devastation of long-term 
strife. Although Prime Minister Olmert has only held this position of 
leadership for a few short months, he has led his nation with strength 
and clarity.
  We acknowledge Israel as a democratic and strategic ally, and we look 
to Israel for regional leadership. No cause should ever warrant 
aggressive terrorist acts against others who have not sought to 
initiate any acts against the offending party. It is an absolute 
necessity that kidnapped soldiers be returned, that soldiers stolen 
from their own country, from their own land, must be returned to their 
homeland. Israel was not the aggressor.
  Hezbollah has committed acts of war, and Israel responded in kind. 
Hezbollah has yet again demonstrated its easy familiarity with 
terrorist tactics, and tensions continue to rise. Over the last several 
weeks, we have seen the situation crumble. Accusations of blame and 
responsibility fly like shrapnel.

  Last week, the Lebanese government briefly called for a ceasefire 
after Israel blockaded the country by air and sea in an effort to 
distance itself from the Hezbollah faction. In a statement, the 
Lebanese government said that all means must be used to end this ``open 
aggression.''
  When both aggressors are acting in defense, the only result is 
destruction.
  We must immediately engage Israel, Lebanon, the Palestinian 
Authority, and any other stakeholder willing to take action to protect 
the people and cease this swift escalation. We must engage them in 
multi-party negotiations, and the United States must send a high-level 
delegation to meet with the leaders in the region. The desecration of 
life and the disrespect of boundaries in the last few weeks are 
offensive, yet must be surmounted, and the violence must end. The U.N. 
Resolution 1559 must be complied with by Lebanon--to fully disband and 
disarm Hezbollah.
  I commend Israel for its willingness to unilaterally withdraw from 
the Gaza. I remain hopeful that the Palestinian Authority will soon be 
able to assert itself and secure the Gaza Strip for its citizens, and 
stop the invasion into Israeli territory.
  I wish to relay to the Lebanon Government that America is their 
friend, we support their independence, and we need them to assert their 
independence and sovereign authority. Because of their independence, 
Lebanon is well positioned to be an integral part of long term 
negotiations and an eventual settlement to this terrible crises.
  I urge decision-makers in Israel, Lebanon, and the PLO to observe a 
ceasefire, and that the terrorist be brought to justice.
  I also urge neighboring nations, such as Syria, to stop harboring 
terrorists and to participate honestly in negotiations, to pursue a 
mutually beneficial resolution without violence, and to respect the 
sovereign Lebanon.
  Violence is not the only thing to fear. We must do everything within 
our power to prevent further escalation. We must silence the rumbling 
of bombs and the screaming of missiles and restore at least the 
semblance of peace.
  We must condemn the poor response that the Administration has 
exhibited in rescuing Americans. It is not befitting of the most 
powerful nation, and we must expedite the rescuing of American 
citizens. The President must also take to the airwaves to speak to 
Muslims and Arabs to assure them that America remains their friend, and 
the friend of all freedom-loving peaceful citizens of those nations. We 
do not condemn all because of the missteps of some individuals or 
governments in the region.
  It is increasingly important that we immediately begin negotiations 
to resolve this aggression on the northern and southern border, 
observe ceasefire, and the United States must act urgently yet fairly, 
and remain steadfast to bringing peace to the region.

  We must do everything we can to assuage the fear and devastation of 
the last two generations, and take decisive action to ensure that 
today's children, and their children's children, can live in peace and 
safety at last.
  This past Saturday, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, and several Persian 
Gulf states, chastised Hezbollah for ``unexpected, inappropriate, and 
irresponsible acts'' at an emergency Arab League summit meeting in 
Cairo. At last, perhaps we will see the larger international 
community--including the Arab League--denounce terrorism and terrorist 
tactics and commit to securing first calm, then peace, for the region 
and for the rest of the world.
  The Middle East is at a crossroads, and Israel needs a partner for 
peace. The new governments of Israel and the Palestinian Authority must 
overcome the burden of history and begin writing the textbooks anew. 
Palestinian and Israeli children should begin to learn that their 
neighbors are good, peace-loving people, and that the region is capable 
of coexistence and friendship.
  I hope that soon all people in the Middle East, Jewish or Muslim, 
Israeli or Arab, can

[[Page H5476]]

look to God with thankful, not pleading eyes. May the words of our 
tradition inspire our decisions, as it says in Proverbs 34:14: ``Seek 
peace, and pursue it.''
  Before we can have peace, let us pray for calm.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my good friend from 
Ohio (Mr. Brown).
  Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Madam Speaker, I thank our leader Mr. Lantos for 
his leadership on this issue, and so many others in this Congress. I 
rise, as did Ms. Jackson-Lee and others, in support of the resolution.
  I would like to cite an article by Charles Krauthammer, who gives 
some history that I think is useful as this debate draws nearer to a 
close, from the Washington Post this last Friday.
  I quote. ``Israel withdrew from Lebanon completely in 2000. It was so 
scrupulous in making sure that not 1 square inch of Lebanon was left 
inadvertently occupied that it asked the United Nations to verify the 
exact frontier defining Lebanon's southern border and retreated behind 
it. This `blue line' was approved by the Security Council, which 
declared that Israel had fully complied with resolutions demanding its 
withdrawal from Lebanon.
  ``Grievance satisfied. Yet what happens?'' Krauthammer writes, 
``Hezbollah has done to South Lebanon exactly what Hamas has done to 
Gaza, turned it into a military base and terrorist operations center 
from which to continue the war against Israel.
  ``South Lebanon bristles with Hezbollah's 10,000 Katyusha rockets 
that put northern Israel under the gun. Fired in the first hours of 
fighting, just 85 of these killed 2 Israelis and wounded 120 in 
Israel's northern towns.''
  Mr. Speaker, we should stand with Israel, we should vote for the 
resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I just want to thank you for your 
patience. I want to thank my dear friend from Florida for her 
extraordinary graciousness. And I want to thank all of my Republican 
and Democratic colleagues for a serious and substantive debate. I urge 
all of my colleagues to vote for this resolution.
  Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of our 
time.
  Madam Speaker, I also would like to thank the gentleman from 
California, our ranking member of the International Relations 
Committee, for handling this debate in such a skillful manner. We want 
to thank our majority leader Mr. Boehner, who was one of the authors of 
this resolution; and, of course, our esteemed chairman of the 
International Relations Committee, Mr. Hyde.
  I would like to thank all of the Members who participated in this 
debate, in this very civil debate on a very important topic.
  Mr. BOEHNER. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
resolution. As we speak, the security situation in the Middle East 
continues to evolve.
  The aggressive, unprovoked acts of violence against Israel by 
Hezbollah and Hamas are revealing. It is clear they don't want peace, 
but rather seek the ultimate destruction of Israel. This is why we must 
support Israel's right to defend itself against these armed attacks.
  Each and every day, Israel's very existence is at stake. Since its 
first day as a nation, Israel has lived under a cloud of aggression 
from militant extremists and hostile neighboring governments. Most 
recently, terrorist forces have captured Israeli soldiers and fired 
rockets into Israeli cities--both unprovoked. These acts of aggression 
deserve the rapid and decisive response they received.
  The United States and Israel have a unique relationship based on our 
mutual commitment to democracy, freedom, and peace. Therefore, just as 
our commitment to these principles must be steadfast, so must our 
support for Israel.
  The enemies the United States and Israel face are the same. Their 
nature is brutal, oppressive, and inspired by hatred. The rise of 
Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East has real security 
implications, not only for Israel, but also for the United States. The 
same ideologically malevolent forces working to destroy Israel are 
working to destroy our cherished political values.
  The United States did not choose to fight Islamic extremists. These 
terrorists chose to fight our way of life. They chose to challenge our 
existence.
  We as a Nation have endured heartbreak, tragedy, and occasional 
setbacks, but we are resolute in taking the fight to the enemy and 
winning. We cannot afford to lose. The stakes are too high; the price 
too great. And because we face the same enemy, we will not ask Israel 
to respond differently. The consequences of not responding are too 
great.
  This resolution simply says Israel has the right to defend itself. 
This includes conducting operations both inside its borders and in the 
territory of nations that threaten it, which is in accordance with 
international law.
  Furthermore, it is incumbent upon Lebanon, Syria, and Iran to rein in 
Hezbollah and Hamas. We know Iran and Syria are helping Hamas and 
Hezbollah. That is why this resolution reaffirms our support for 
President Bush as he seeks to use the most effective range of 
political, diplomatic, and economic sanctions available.
  We are clear in our purpose and our resolve. We are committed to 
peace, democracy, freedom, and prosperity. We will work with those who 
want these values, and we will use all means at our disposal to stop 
those who seek to destroy them.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in sending a strong message of 
support to Israel, and I urge all to support this resolution.
  Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida. Madam Speaker, I rise today in 
strong support of H. Res. 921.
  Let us be very clear from the outset of this debate: the current 
conflict was caused by the violent attacks of two terrorist 
organizations on Israel, in Israel. Israel has the sovereign right and 
responsibility to protect and defend itself from these terrorists.
  The roots of this problem must be addressed if there is to be any 
true cessation of violence. Iran and Syria must cease their financial 
and military support of terrorist organizations. Hezbollah must be 
disarmed and no longer be allowed to operate. U.N. Resolution 1559 must 
be fully implemented. The government of Lebanon must be allowed to 
govern the whole of its territories. President Abbas must guarantee 
peace, exercise full control over the Palestinian-controlled territory 
and the Hamas terrorist attacks originating in Palestinian-controlled 
territory must be permanently stopped. This latest violence only 
confirms what we have known since 9/11: the forces of extremism and 
terrorism must no longer be allowed to terrorize peoples and countries 
who desire to live in peace and freedom.
  The approach taken by President Bush has been appropriate. Without an 
end to terrorist operations by Hamas, Hezbollah, and other enemies of 
Israel, there will be no hope for peace.
  The United States should not negotiate with terrorists and neither 
should Israel. Despite the recent set-backs, however, we should 
continue to try to promote peace in the Middle East because it is 
vitally important to the safety and security of America. We must 
continue to encourage peace, but all parties must be willing to truly 
accept Israel's existence and come to the table if peace is to have a 
chance. Unfortunately, without an end to terrorist operations against 
Israel by Hamas and Hezbollah, there is no hope for a lasting peace in 
the Middle East.
  Mr. BUYER. Madam Speaker, the United States has a long history of 
supporting the state of Israel and the strong example of democratic 
values it has brought to the Middle East. The recent events that have 
enveloped the region will not waiver the resolve of our relationship.
  Israel has found itself strained on two fronts. It is battling both 
Hamas and Hezbollah, backed by Iran and Syria, nations known to sponsor 
terrorism and dedicated to the destruction of Israel. While the 
ferocity of Israel's response to the kidnapping of its soldiers by 
these terrorist groups may be in question, Israel has only acted to 
defend its way of life and the intrinsic right for a nation to defend 
its very existence.
  Easing tensions in the region will require that neighboring nations 
take an active role to stabilize the conflict. Egypt and Lebanon must 
have the fortitude to take a leadership role to pursue regional 
stabilization. They must grasp this opportunity to demand that 
immediate steps are taken to resolve the conflict and work to bring 
peace to the region.
  Mr. FERGUSON. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
resolution.
  For generations Hamas and Hezbollah, which are committed to the total 
destruction of Israel, have indiscriminately targeted Israeli civilian 
populations and military forces. In recent days, these terrorists 
organizations have kidnapped Israeli soldiers and singled out Israeli 
citizens for arbitrary relentless rocket fire.
  Hamas and Hezbollah, as dangerous and destructive as their actions 
are in the current conflict, are mere puppets. Hamas and Hezbollah are 
supported by Iran and Syria. With their financial and military 
support--including providing the missiles that today are raining down 
on Israeli towns--the Iranian and Syrian governments are co-
conspirators in the ongoing terrorist attacks against Israel.
  The world community of nations must hold Iran and Syria accountable 
for their actions.

[[Page H5477]]

Their active support of terrorist nations not only threatens Israel but 
also all nations in the Middle East and those throughout the world who 
are waging the ongoing global war on terror.
  In the face of these terrorist attacks, we must resolve that Israel 
has the absolute right to defend itself--just as the United States did 
following September 11, 2001.
  The time has now come for Congress to reaffirm our commitment to 
Israel and the Israeli people, their absolute right to existence and 
their absolute right to defend themselves.
  Israel is one of the United States' strongest allies. In the last 50 
years, our two nations have forged strong economic, military and 
educational connections. Our bonds have never been more important than 
today in our shared fight against terrorism.
  Today, let us stand in firm resolve against terrorism and with 
Israel.
  I encourage my colleagues to support this important resolution.
  Mr. MICA. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 921 and 
specifically in support of Israel's right to defend itself against the 
murderous actions of Hamas and Hezbollah.
  The terrorist attacks on Israel and India and the recent July 4th, 
2006 ballistic missile launch by North Korea are stern reminders that 
the United States and world must remain vigilant against radical 
extremism. It is not enough that America and her allies guard against 
weapons of mass destruction, but we must also remain prepared to deal 
with acts of human destruction. Terrorist acts on any sovereign state 
can not and must not be tolerated.
  I am pleased that the House of Representatives and our President has 
remained firm in support of the people of Israel. While I am hopeful 
that a stable peace in the Middle East will be established, no 
arbitrary time limit should be placed on Israel's actions to defend 
itself. Neither should a time line be imposed on bringing to justice 
those who commit unjust acts.
  Mr. GRAVES. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of House 
Resolution 921 and in strong support of our oldest ally in the Middle 
East, the State of Israel.
  Today the Middle East is a region filled with contradictions. It is a 
place where progress and regress have both taken root and are thriving. 
Iraq is no longer ruled over by a tyrant named Saddam Hussein, who 
terrorized people inside and outside his country with unimaginable 
brutality. Today, a democratically elected government has been 
empowered by the Iraqi people to improve security, build 
infrastructure, and move forward. Admittedly, there is still turmoil in 
Iraq; but the progress there is undeniable.
  In the countries that border Iraq to the east and northwest, one 
encounters a far different Middle East. It is in these two countries--
Iran and Syria--where international terrorism has found all too willing 
hosts and official state sponsorship. And it is this state sponsorship 
of terrorism, fueled by the desire of the Tehran and Damascus regimes 
to project influence across a broader region in order to stifle 
democracy and freedom, which has led us to the current crisis in 
Lebanon and Israel.
  This is not the first time that Israel has been forced to engage in 
military operations in Lebanon to secure its northern border and 
protect its citizens. As many of my colleagues will recall, Lebanon 
could not control its border with Israel in 1978, and after numerous 
terrorist attacks against Israel were launched from southern Lebanon, 
the Israeli Defense Forces intervened. The Israeli Defense Forces 
withdrew in June 1978, but were forced to return four years later due 
to further attacks from Lebanese territory. In 1985, Israel withdrew 
its forces from all of Lebanon, save for a security perimeter on their 
common border. In 2000, Israel withdrew its remaining forces from the 
security zone. Immediately thereafter, Hezbollah militia members moved 
into the former security zone, and claimed credit for the Israeli 
withdrawal.
  Beginning in 2005, the Lebanese people have made significant progress 
in their mission to push their Syrian occupiers out of their country. 
In the midst of Lebanon's movement towards true freedom and 
independence from Syria, Hezbollah terrorists crossed the border into 
Israel, then killed eight Israelis and took two Israeli soldiers as 
hostages. This was likely done in coordination with Hamas terrorists in 
Gaza.
  That was July 12, 2006; just one week ago, Madam Speaker. Since then, 
Israel initiated military operations to prevent further attacks and 
once again secure its border with Lebanon. Hezbollah's response has 
consisted of daily rocket attacks that have hit Haifa, Israel's third 
largest city. It is estimated that Hezbollah has an arsenal of at least 
12,000 rockets some of which are Iranian weapons, and many of which 
have reached Lebanon via Syria.
  The United States Department of State has designated Hezbollah as a 
foreign terrorist organization, and its main sponsors are Syria and 
Iran, both of which are state sponsors of terrorism. The Lebanese 
government may protest Israel's current military actions, but these 
actions are essential to Israel's national security, and essential to 
Lebanon's prospects for true sovereignty. Former Lebanese Prime 
Minister Rafik Hariri spoke out against Syrian domination of Lebanon 
and was assassinated on orders from the highest levels of the Damascus 
government. Unless we allow Israel to destroy the terrorist network and 
infrastructure in Lebanon, and drive its agents back into Syria and 
Iran, neither the Lebanese people or Israeli people will have the 
opportunity to live in peace.
  The Government of Lebanon cannot secure its own border, and has not 
prevented the terrorist organizations--sponsored by foreign agents--
from using its soil to launch attacks into Israel. Israel has a right 
to her own national defense, and is exercising that right in striking 
terrorist targets inside Lebanon. On the other hand, Hezbollah is 
reigning down rockets on civilian targets in Haifa, Galilee, and 
Nazareth.
  Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has laid out specific criteria for peace: 
the return of the abducted Israeli soldiers; cessation of the rocket 
attacks and other raids on Israel; expulsion of Hezbollah from southern 
Lebanon and the deployment of the Lebanese Army to that region, and the 
withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanese territory. Short of 
these criteria being fulfilled, Israel must take it upon herself to 
unilaterally provide security for her territory and people.
  Madam Speaker, Israel is the oldest democracy in a region not known 
for liberty, and is our oldest ally in a region with many agents that 
are hostile to America and our interests. We must strongly support our 
old friend in this time of crisis. We also must condemn Hamas, 
Hezbollah, and their Iranian and Syrian sponsors in the strongest terms 
possible for their terrorist attacks on innocent Israelis. As we know 
all too well, we must hunt down and eradicate terrorists wherever they 
find sanctuary and assistance, and Israel is doing just that; Israel is 
taking the fight to the terrorists.
  Madam Speaker, this situation proves that Syria and Iran are 
dangerous agents acting on behalf of and in concert with 
fundamentalists, extremists, and terrorists. Hezbollah and Hamas have 
absolutely no remorse for the damage they are inflicting on the Israeli 
people or the Lebanese people, and the clerics in Tehran and tyrants in 
Damascus are encouraging continued carnage.
  In response, this Congress--as representatives of the American 
people--must set an example and stand on the side of freedom, 
democracy, and sovereignty in the face of this challenge. It is the 
latest confrontation in the Global War on Terror, and it is a battle 
that we as Americans cannot afford for Israel to lose. I urge my 
colleagues to support this important resolution.
  Mr. WAXMAN. Madam Speaker, it is a tragedy that we have come to this 
point today, watching the spiral of hostilities between Israel and its 
neighbors.
  Although Israel withdrew completely from Lebanon in 2000, and the 
U.N. Security Council certified the withdrawal to internationally 
recognized borders, Hezbollah still refuses to accept peace.
  Although Israel has removed all its settlers from Gaza and has been 
working with President Abbas to negotiate additional concessions, Hamas 
is still unwilling to lay down its weapons, accept Israel's legitimate 
existence, and come to the table to negotiate the creation of a 
peaceful Palestinian state.
  When Hamas and Hezbollah leaders were elected to be part of the 
emerging democratic governments, some hoped they would focus on leading 
the Palestinian and Lebanese people to fulfill their aspirations of a 
stable and prosperous future.
  Instead, the terrorists have pursued only their own aspirations of 
regional instability and the destruction of Israel.
  Kidnapping soldiers does nothing to promote the welfare of the 
Lebanese and Palestinian people. Missile attacks don't develop the 
economy or expand freedom of movement or provide access to health care 
and education.
  Terrorism has only brought suffering to the people of Gaza and 
Lebanon, and these attacks serve no one but the terrorists and their 
state sponsors.
  We must recognize the role of Syria and Iran in this conflict, and 
the threat they pose to Israel, the United States, and the entire 
Middle East.
  Though it has been unwilling or unable to do so, the world must 
insist that the Lebanese government take control of its borders and 
disarm the terrorists within them as required by the Road Map and the 
U.N. Security Council.
  Israel has made every effort to avoid civilian casualties, and those 
that have occurred are tragic. But Israel's best efforts to spare 
civilians stand in sharp contrast to the terrorists' deliberate efforts 
to target Israeli civilians as they drink their morning coffee or head 
off to school and work.

[[Page H5478]]

  Acts like these leave Israel no choice but to break down the 
terrorists' capacity to carry them out. Israel has targeted stockpiles 
of missiles procured from Syria and Iran and blocked the routes through 
which the terrorists would rearm. It is ramas and Hezbollah who have 
cruelly decided to place these stockpiles among civilians, again 
putting the political and strategic needs of terror above those of the 
people they claim to represent.
  Israel is not the source of instability and danger. Israel withdrew 
from Lebanon and Gaza in pursuit of peace. The terrorist regimes in the 
region have pursued other ends. Israel has every right as a sovereign 
nation to defend its cities from unprovoked cross-border attacks and to 
seek the safe, swift, and unconditional return of its soldiers.
  Mrs. CAPPS. Madam Speaker, I am voting for this resolution because I 
absolutely condemn Hezbollah's senseless, unprovoked cross-border 
attacks on Israel, and the murderous rain of missiles it has unleashed 
on Haifa and other northern cities. Terrorist groups like Hezbollah, 
whose actions have caused the death and misery of hundreds of innocent 
Israelis and Lebanese, deserve no sympathy and no mercy. Hezbollah 
needs to be disarmed, for the sake of Israel's security and, indeed, 
for the stability of the entire region.
  And I also join my colleagues in condemning the actions of Syria and 
Iran for their support and arming of Hezbollah. We see the true nature 
of these regimes when we see the tragic results of their support of 
terrorist groups like Hezbollah.
  But I would have hoped for a different resolution to come before the 
House. I would have hoped for a more comprehensive resolution that 
respects the complexity of the issues unfolding in the area, and the 
necessity for direct U.S. involvement in the unfolding tragedy.
  A more appropriate resolution would recognize the fundamental 
difference between Hamas and Hezbollah. Of course, Hamas should be 
condemned for its actions and the kidnapped Israeli soldier must be 
returned unharmed. But Gaza and Southern Lebanon are two separate 
situations and this resolution confuses that.
  The Palestinian people have legitimate grievances and a solution to 
these grievances can and must be found through negotiations. Hamas 
exploits those grievances, but we must not allow Hamas's actions to 
delegitimize the aspirations of the Palestinian people. Hamas's actions 
do not negate the reality that we simply must resolve the humanitarian 
crisis now engulfing Gaza and the West Bank.
  I believe Israel's security depends on forging a negotiated 
settlement with the Palestinians that will ensure the safety and 
security of both peoples. And while I respect Israel's right to defend 
itself, I am deeply concerned that Israel's response to Hamas' actions 
is only prolonging the suffering of the Palestinian people and putting 
off resolution of this decades long problem.
  Conversely, Hezbollah has no legitimate grievances with Israel.
  Hezbollah seeks nothing more than the destruction of Israel and there 
is no negotiating with it. Only through Hezbollah's complete 
disarmament will we be able to remove its threat to the region.
  I am also troubled by the unqualified praise in this resolution for 
the President and his Administration. The President has done little to 
stop the meltdown of the Middle East that has occurred under his watch. 
Unlike previous Administrations, including that of his father and 
President Clinton, he simply hasn't been engaged. And his response here 
is tragically inadequate, again.
  The U.S. must engage immediately to bring about a cease fire and help 
drive a long term solution for the area. Every major Arab-Israeli 
crisis over the years has ended with U.S. involvement--at the highest 
levels--because the players rely on intermediaries to broker 
agreements.
  We may not like it, but that's the reality of the situation. And 
given that the stability of the region plays so large a role in our own 
national security interests, we must continue to engage forcefully if 
we are committed to bringing about peace in the region. Waiting another 
week before dispatching the Secretary of State is not a viable 
response.
  Finally, I would note that every day this crisis continues brings a 
greater risk of direct involvement by Syria and Iran. As bad as this 
situation is now, direct involvement from either Syria or Iran would be 
much, much worse. Immediate, hands-on U.S. involvement is critical to 
keep the situation from spiraling even further out of control.
  Madam Speaker, the situation in the Middle East grows graver every 
day. Dozens of Israelis and hundreds of innocent Palestinians and 
Lebanese civilians have already died. Beruit, which has only recently 
been restored to its historic splendor, is in ruins. A key ally in the 
area is threatened and our national security interests are as well.
  I urge the Administration to help bring peace to the region.
  Mr. CARDIN. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 921, 
condemning recent terrorist attacks against the state of Israel.
  Israel has the absolute right to defend itself against terrorist 
attacks. The United States stands in solidarity with Israel at this 
critical moment. I condemn the premeditated kidnapping and killing of 
Israel soldiers by Hezbollah and Hamas, which are both U.S. designated 
terrorist organizations. Israel has a right to launch operations to try 
to free its kidnapped soldiers that are being held hostage. Israel also 
has a right to defend itself and try to prevent ongoing rocket attacks 
by Hezbollah, which are being launched from Lebanese territory and 
which land in Israeli territory.
  I also condemn the use of civilian populations as human shields by 
Hamas and Hezbollah, which only increase the suffering of innocent 
persons in this conflict. Israel, on the other hand, is taking 
significant steps to minimize and prevent additional civilian 
casualties in both Israel and Lebanon.
  Even though Israel unilaterally withdrew from Lebanon in 2000, the 
Lebanese Government has permitted Hezbollah to operate at its border 
and to repeatedly launch attacks against Israel. United Nations 
Security Council Resolution 1559, passed in 2004, calls for all 
remaining foreign forces to withdraw from Lebanon, directs that all 
Lebanese and non-Lebanese militias should be disbanded and disarmed, 
and urges the Government of Lebanon to exercise control over all its 
territory. We need to fully implement this United Nations resolution.
  Both Syria and Iran have continued to provide funds and weapons to 
the Hezbollah terrorists, which have resulted in numerous Israeli 
civilian casualties. All parties in the region must take immediate 
steps to prevent the operation of terrorist activities on their soil 
and to abide by previous peace agreements. The President should use his 
authority under the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 to impose 
additional sanctions on Iran.
  I also call on the Bush Administration to take a more aggressive 
diplomatic role in the conflict in the Middle East, including the 
appointment of a high-level U.S. envoy to the Middle East as soon as 
possible. The Bush Administration should also put pressure on all 
parties in the region to stop terrorist attacks and prevent the flow of 
money and weapons to terrorist organizations.
  Madam Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution, and stand in solidarity with Israel at this critical 
moment.
  Mr. HIGGINS. Madam Speaker, Palestinian militants in Gaza kidnapped 
Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit and later, Hezbollah agents crossed the 
border, killed seven Israeli soldiers, captured two others, and 
continue to hold them captive. Hamas, and Hezbollah, specifically, have 
long relied on Syrian and Iranian support and funding. Now, Iranian and 
Syrian made and purchased Katyusha rockets rain down on Israel from 
Lebanon in the north and Qassam rockets are launched from over the 
border from Gaza in the south. Despite having withdrawn from Lebanon in 
2000 and from Gaza last summer, Israel is under attack.
  I stand by Israel during these troubled times and I strongly support 
H. Res. 921, to be voted on today, which pledges our solidarity with 
this nation under fire; I urge my colleagues to join me in support of 
this bill.
  After the terrible attacks of September 11, 2001, President Bush 
declared that we are engaged in a War on Terror and countries across 
the globe stood up in support of and behind the United States. Now we 
are called upon to stand with Israel during her time of need as she 
defends her borders and her citizens from unprovoked kidnappings and 
attacks.
  Madam Speaker, the international community, led by the United States, 
must ensure the full implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 
1559, which passed unanimously in 2004, and calls for disarming 
Hezbollah, removing all foreign forces from Lebanon and deploying the 
Lebanese army to secure the border with Israel. What we are seeing 
today in the region is the consequence of the Lebanese government 
allowing Hezbollah to join its parliament and cabinet while the 
international community did little to exert pressure to force them out.
  Israel, the Jewish state, is defending its citizens, much as this 
nation would if we were under attack. Any innocent civilian deaths--
Israeli, Palestinian, Lebanese, or other--are awful and should be 
minimized in every possible way. But responsibility lies with Hezbollah 
and Hamas who brought Israel's retaliation upon not just themselves but 
the communities they live in by launching unprovoked attacks, and by 
purposefully planting themselves in civilian population centers where 
innocent men, women, and children are used as swords and shields.
  We must continue to stand behind Israel and to show her our 
solidarity against those that continue to do her harm. Additionally, 
the international community, led by the United

[[Page H5479]]

States, should now ensure that Hezbollah is finally disarmed, that 
Iranian influence is forced out of the region, and that Hamas 
recognizes Israel so that we may finally put an end to the cycle of 
violence.
  Ms. MOORE of Wisconsin. Madam Speaker, I have grave concerns about 
what the future holds for the Middle East. The violence in Israel and 
Lebanon, which began with Hezbollah rocket attacks on an Israeli town 
and a military incursion into Israel and abduction of Israeli soldiers, 
threatens to engulf the entire region. Unless swift action is taken by 
the international community, further escalation and bloodshed will soon 
be upon us.
  As we consider this resolution, H. Res. 921, civilian lives hang in 
the balance. Hezbollah's rocket attacks against innocent Israelis are 
indiscriminate tools of terror against a civilian population. Reports 
indicate that Israeli retaliations have resulted in the loss of 
innocent lives.
  It seems clear that Hezbollah has raised--or lowered--the suicide 
attack to a new level: they have dragged the entire nation of Lebanon 
and all its people into harm's way because of the group's attacks on 
Israel.
  I wish that this resolution made more mention of these innocent 
Lebanese civilians and innocent Israeli civilians who are caught in the 
middle here. They are the ones paying the price.
  I wish that this resolution made more mention of the urgent need for 
the U.S. to step forward, use its considerable influence, and take 
diplomatic action immediately to try to end the bloodshed affecting 
millions on both sides of the border.
  The finding in paragraph 4 of this measure asserts that Israel is 
making every effort to prevent civilian casualties. And while I am a 
staunch supporter of Israel's right to defend itself, it is disturbing 
that some sources report that over 300 Lebanese civilians have been 
killed due to the violence. I hope that Israeli forces truly are making 
every effort to prevent civilian casualties, as indicated by this 
measure.
  Finally, I want to tell you how deeply saddened I am that recent 
events have reduced the power of moderates in the region and dimmed 
prospects for long-term peace. The earlier abduction in Gaza came just 
as talks among Palestinian officials seemed to be reaching a point that 
may have allowed Hamas to open negotiations with Israel. And the 
attacks across the Israeli-Lebanese border will undoubtedly serve to 
diminish and muffle--now and in the immediate future--the voices of 
moderation who would otherwise call for peace.
  It is my hope--no, my demand--that moderate voices in the 
international community, including the United States, will promptly 
work to quell this crisis. Clearly, Madam Speaker, right now we need 
solutions and not just condemnations.
  Mr. WELLER. Madam Speaker, today I rise in strong support for H. Res. 
921, condemning the recent attacks against the State of Israel. With 
this resolution, the United States of America reaffirms its steadfast 
support for the State of Israel, denounces the use of terrorism as a 
tool of influence, and condemns those states that encourage its use. 
Iran and Syria's support for the terrorist organization, Hezbollah, 
does not go unnoticed. I urge the President of the United States to 
continue his support for Israel, as it responds to the armed attacks 
against it, and I support bringing the full force of sanctions: 
economic, political and diplomatic, against these state-sponsors of 
terrorism.
  Madam Speaker, Israel, as a sovereign nation, has the right to defend 
itself and protect its citizens by deterring further attacks by the 
terrorist organization, Hezbollah. Since its founding, Hezbollah has 
been actively supported by both Syria and Iran. These two countries are 
estimated at providing Hezbollah with $100 million annually in addition 
to providing regular weapons shipments. These weapons range from 
rockets, mortars and small arms, to mines, explosives and anti-tank 
missiles. Hezbollah is by no means an innocent victim in an offensive 
war. Hezbollah is a terrorist organization, which has put the people of 
Israel, and the people of Lebanon, in harms way.
  The United States of America knows all too well what drives this 
organization: the taking of innocent life. Before 9/11, Hezbollah 
single handedly killed more Americans than any other terrorist 
organization. In 1983, Hezbollah killed 257 Americans when it bombed 
the U.S. Embassy and U.S. Marine Barracks in Beirut. Between 1982 and 
1992, more than 30 Westerners were abducted by this organization, some 
tortured and killed. In 1996, 19 American servicemen were killed in the 
bombing of a U.S. military housing facility in Saudi Arabia.
  Madam Speaker, this resolution sends an important message: the United 
States of America will not stand by and silently accept terrorism as a 
viable option with which to negotiate. Terrorism is not a viable 
option; it is not an option at all.
  The United States must continue to lead in efforts not only to keep a 
check on the danger presented by Hezbollah and its sponsors, Syria and 
Iran, but also to help achieve a lasting peace in the Middle East. I 
join my colleagues from both parties today in support of Israel's right 
to self-defense and in condemnation of Hezbollah's decision to put the 
people of Israel and Lebanon in danger. Madam Speaker, thank you for 
bringing this important resolution to the floor and I urge my 
colleagues to vote in its favor.
  Mr. SESSIONS. Madam Speaker, in recent weeks, radical terrorist 
organizations have engaged in a number of unprovoked attacks on the 
State of Israel. I rise today in strong support of Israel's right to 
defend its citizens and its borders from acts of terrorism.
  Most recently, Hezbollah military forces committed an act of war by 
crossing the border between Lebanon and Israel, attacking and killing 
several Israeli soldiers and kidnapping two Israeli soldiers. The 
integrity of the internationally recognized border between Lebanon and 
Israel must be respected in order for Israel to provide for its 
security. Hezbollah--a terrorist organization recognized by the U.S. 
Department of State as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO)--operates 
with impunity in many areas of southern Lebanon. Lebanon must accept 
responsibility for and bring an end to military attacks originating 
from within its territory. Iran and Syria also bear responsibility for 
the current crisis, because armaments used by Hezbollah have been 
traced to Iran and transferred through Syria for use by these Hezbollah 
forces.
  This month, Hamas--another organization designated by the State 
Department as a FTO--also conducted an unprovoked military attack on 
Israel, killing and kidnapping Israeli soldiers. This military invasion 
represents a small part of the Palestinian violence emanating from Gaza 
into Israel. Last August, Israel withdrew every settler and soldier 
from Gaza in hopes that Palestinians would establish a democratic state 
capable of living side-by-side in peace with Israel. However, 
Palestinian terrorists took this historic opportunity to begin 
systematically firing Kassam rockets at Israeli towns. Over 1,000 have 
been fired since Israel's total withdrawal from Gaza--and it is 
important to note that the rockets are fired into territory belonging 
to Israel before 1967 and universally recognized as being Israeli 
territory.
  Israel has the obligation and the right to defend its citizens 
against attacks emanating from both Lebanon and Gaza. I support 
Israel's right to take the appropriate military action necessary to 
deter future attacks, and hope that Israel's neighbors will take this 
opportunity to control future terrorism within their own borders.
  Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 
921, a resolution expressing support for the security of the State of 
Israel.
  Over the last few days, it has been hard to turn on the television 
without seeing disturbing images of the current conflict in the Middle 
East.
  Many of us share serious concerns about future of the Middle East. It 
seems unfair that this area--which has suffered so much conflict 
already--now is confronted with yet another period of escalating 
violence.
  The long simmering tension in this region has finally come to a 
boiling point. The capturing of Israeli soldiers and the attacks on 
innocent civilians by the terrorist organization Hezbollah is 
absolutely unacceptable.
  The President was correct when he stated that Israel has a right to 
defend itself against the aggressions by Hezbollah. The U.S. must stand 
side by side with our friends in the Middle East--especially Israel--as 
they fight terrorism in and around their borders. Israel must have our 
support and prayers as they continue to fight against those who murder 
innocent civilians just to advance their political agenda.
  The loss of innocent life in this region over the last few days is 
heartbreaking. The people of Israel and Lebanon deserve to live in 
freedom and peace, safe from violence and terror.
  Madam Speaker, the source of this current conflict does not lie 
within Israel or Lebanon. To put it plainly, the violence in the region 
is rooted in Iran. The support of Hezbollah by Iran in countries like 
Lebanon only serves to encourage violence, unfairly damage the region's 
fragile democracies, and undermine the rights of citizens in that 
region to fair and uncorrupted government.
  Iran has created and supported terrorism and continues to funnel 
money and weapons to Hezbollah and Hamas. In fact, missiles that have 
targeted Israeli forces over the last few days have been traced to 
manufacturers in Iran.
  It is clear that a nuclear Iran puts the Middle East and all 
countries around the world in grave peril. Iran has repeatedly defied 
the international community and has progressed in its development of 
nuclear capabilities. If Iran continues with its rogue nuclear 
programs, it will not be long before these weapons fall into

[[Page H5480]]

the hands of terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah and Hamas.
  If we want to address the future security and stability of the Middle 
East, the U.S. must work to curb extremism and violent political 
activism nurtured by the Iranian government. The U.S. and the 
international community must come together behind a united front and 
stand with unwavering strength against the Iran's state-sponsored 
terrorist organizations and activities.
  Here at home, it is now more important than ever that we realize that 
our own safety and security depends on the destruction of terrorism in 
the Middle East. This isn't just a Middle East problem--the attacks in 
London, Madrid, Bali, and now India show us that this is world terror. 
And, as we saw first hand on 9/11, America is not immune to terrorists 
who seek to destroy freedom and democracy.
  Although the conflict in the Middle East can seem distant and 
unrelated to our daily lives, it is vitally important that we remember 
our past, present and future is intrinsically linked with this region. 
As the situation continues to unfold over the next days and weeks, let 
our thoughts and prayers be for a true and lasting peace in the Middle 
East.
  Madam Speaker, I urge support for H. Res. 921 to show solidarity with 
Israel in their quest for security and peace, and to show our 
commitment to defeating terrorism around the globe.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

                              {time}  2240

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) that the House suspend the rules and 
agree to the resolution, H. Res. 921.


 =========================== NOTE =========================== 

  
  July 19,2006--On Page H 5480 the following appeared: The SPEAKER 
pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. BOEHNER)
  
  The online version should be corrected to read: The SPEAKER pro 
tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman 
from Illinois (Mr. HYDE)


 ========================= END NOTE ========================= 

  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Miss McMorris). In the opinion of the Chair, 
two-thirds of those present have voted in the affirmative.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this question will 
be postponed.

                          ____________________