[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 93 (Monday, July 17, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7624-S7625]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            THE MIDDLE EAST

  Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Presiding 
Officer.
  During the course of the day, there was brought to the attention of 
the Members of the Senate a resolution regarding the situation in the 
Middle East. It was my understanding this resolution would be brought 
to the Senate tonight and that presumably it would be agreed to by the 
Senate.
  My concern is that there are certain additional matters which should 
be included. If the Senate is going to exercise the important act of 
bringing this up, seeking unanimous consent, and the message goes out 
all over the world that the Senate has spoken, I would support what is 
in this resolution. I believe now that is not going to take place 
tonight for various reasons.
  It is imperative that I address what was to have taken place, what I 
was told was to have taken place, assuming the unanimous consent could 
be achieved on both sides.
  No. 1, this matter is so important, it deserves an opportunity for a 
number of Senators to speak on a resolution of this import. I am now 
advised by our cloakroom that it will not be taken up tonight, but I 
will take this opportunity to address parts of it or at least one part 
that I think should bear further careful drafting and possibly be 
changed. Otherwise, it is only one section, on page 3, item 3, which 
says:

       (3) urges the President to continue fully supporting Israel 
     as Israel exercises its right of self-defense in Lebanon and 
     Gaza;

  There is no question about their right of self-defense against 
Hezbollah and Hamas, but I wondered whether we should draft it in this 
way.
  I urge those, since we are not going to take it up tonight, to make 
sure there is not an ambiguity there because the people of Lebanon are 
suffering enormously at this time, as are the people in Gaza. Many of 
those people are not aligned with either Hezbollah or Hamas.
  I am also concerned about the Government in Lebanon and the actions 
which are taking place now, what do we do if that Government were to 
fall.
  I would vote for this resolution if it were brought up tonight. I 
would have addressed the Senate and brought up other matters which I 
will now discuss.
  I turn now again to the fact that this is so important, it deserves 
the consideration of every Senator and a debate of some length. I don't 
know about the schedule of the Senate, but if we are going to go 
forward and send a message to the world about our position in the 
Senate with respect to the conflicts in Palestine, Lebanon, and Israel, 
and the suffering that is taking place on all borders, each side of the 
various borders, then it deserves very careful consideration.
  The purpose of me taking the floor is to point out some areas which 
deserve full consideration in that debate which are not included. I 
don't criticize the drafter of this resolution, but it requires the 
consideration of the whole Senate rather than a unanimous consent with 
a number of Senators who may not be here tonight.
  In the course of that debate, I urge a larger focus. For example, 
there is no mention in the resolution of some perhaps 25,000 Americans 
who are trapped or engulfed in one way in this conflict. How best do we 
address this conflict to help protect those 25,000 persons? That is an 
essential part of this debate.
  Second, I said the following on Friday night in response to a press 
inquiry when I first learned of this conflict:

       While I fully recognize that Israel was a victim of 
     provocative attacks on her people and sovereignty, I urge the 
     Administration to think through very carefully how Israel's 
     extraordinary reaction could affect our operations in Iraq 
     and our joint diplomatic efforts to resolve the Iranian 
     nuclear issue.
       This is a very critical time for the United States in the 
     Middle East, and the Israeli actions will certainly have an 
     impact beyond just Lebanon and Gaza.

  I stand by that statement. That is why I urge, and I am pleased to 
say this resolution, at such time as it would be brought up, will be 
broadened to cover the other points.
  First, are the 25,000 Americans trapped? Second, this Nation has made 
a very great sacrifice to achieve goals established by our President 
and a coalition of forces associated with our country in both Iraq and 
Afghanistan. Over 2,500 have lost their lives in Iraq; over 300 have 
lost their lives in Afghanistan. That is U.S. forces. Our coalition 
partners have lost. We have 20,000-plus wounded, many severely wounded 
in Iraq and Afghanistan. And $436 billion is a rough calculation of 
just a part, not all, but a significant part of the investment of our 
country in achieving our goals in those nations, of stabilizing their 
governments now with free elections in both countries and hopefully 
enabling those governments to gain the strength to provide for the 
peoples of Iraq and Afghanistan, a measure of liberty and freedom and 
possibly democracy which we enjoy here and in other nations.
  What is the effect of any statement made by the Senate? What is the 
effect on that very fragile situation in both countries? There is a 
resurgence in Afghanistan. I was just there a short time ago--and each 
of us have followed the

[[Page S7625]]

news to date--a resurgence in the fighting. NATO has come in.
  We cannot just address one portion of the Middle East conflict 
without seeing how the manner in which we address that could affect the 
other areas, notably Afghanistan and Iraq.
  So I say to my colleagues, as I said Friday night, we urge our 
President, our administration, as they take such, hopefully, bold and 
firm and convincing initiatives in regard to the conflicts in Israel 
and Gaza and Lebanon, to be mindful of how it could impact on our 
conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq and our negotiations thus far with 
Iran in participating with other nations--not unilaterally--to try to 
bring about some resolution of what many of us considered up until this 
conflict--and I am not sure how we are going to eventually characterize 
the magnitude and the future potential spreading of this conflict--but 
certainly up until this conflict, in my judgment, the potential of Iran 
gaining nuclear weapons was absolutely--there was nothing more serious, 
in my judgment, than to try to resolve that.
  There is no reference in here to the other Arab nations. It is quite 
interesting; some of those nations have come forward in strong 
condemnation, joined our country, joined other nations, in condemning 
Hamas and Hezbollah. That is of importance.
  Now we see today that so many nations say the United States must take 
a stronger role in trying to work our way through this conflict, yes, 
supporting Israel but at the same time trying to bring about some 
resolution to spare the life and limb and suffering in Palestine, 
Lebanon, and Israel, to see that it not spread to other areas.
  Now, our President has indicated that the Secretary of State will 
soon embark on a mission. What we say in the Senate must be carefully 
drafted so it does not remove the flexibility that our Secretary of 
State--a very able person--will need in helping to resolve this 
problem.
  So I say that historically this Nation has stood steadfast, and I am 
proud that I have been among those in this Chamber in my 28 years here, 
to strongly support Israel. Our Nation is viewed upon as an honest 
broker--recognizing our support of Israel but as an honest broker. If 
the world is going to look to us as to how we can provide that 
leadership, I do not want any loss of flexibility on the part of the 
President and the Secretary of State and such others who may be tasked 
to try to work out this situation.
  Yes, I conclude our support for Israel is very strong, Mr. President, 
but it cannot be unconditional.
  I yield the floor.

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