[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 89 (Tuesday, July 11, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H5010-H5012]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1530
APPROVING RENEWAL OF IMPORT RESTRICTIONS CONTAINED IN BURMESE FREEDOM
AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF 2003
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the joint
resolution (H.J. Res. 86) approving the renewal of import restrictions
contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and for
other purposes.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.J. Res. 86
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. AMENDMENT TO BURMESE FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF
2003.
Section 9(b)(3) of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of
2003 (Public Law 108-61; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended by
striking ``three years'' and inserting ``six years''.
SEC. 2. RENEWAL OF IMPORT RESTRICTIONS UNDER BURMESE FREEDOM
AND DEMOCRACY ACT OF 2003.
(a) In General.--Congress approves the renewal of import
restrictions contained in section 3(a)(1) of the Burmese
Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003.
(b) Rule of Construction.--This joint resolution shall be
deemed to be a ``renewal resolution'' for purposes of section
9 of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003.
SEC. 3. EFFECTIVE DATE.
This Act and the amendments made by this Act shall take
effect on the date of the enactment of this Act or July 26,
2006, whichever occurs first.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Shaw) and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.J. Res. 86. According to
the State Department, the Burmese military regime has resisted all
international pressure to enact meaningful political reforms and create
true democracy. In response, for many years now, the United States has
imposed sanctions, including banning all imports from Burma.
Additionally, we have prohibited exportation of financial services from
the United States to Burma and have targeted the regime itself by
freezing certain assets.
Today the passage of this resolution is necessary to extend for 1
year the import restrictions enacted within the Burmese Freedom and
Democracy Act of 2003. On February 7, 2006, Assistant Secretary of
State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Christopher Hill, testified
that these sanctions are ``an essential component of our strategy.'' He
went on to say that ``they serve as a constant reminder to the regime,
and everyone else concerned with Burma, that its behavior is
unacceptable, and that regime leaders will remain international pariahs
as long as they continue this behavior.''
As chairman of the Ways and Means Subcommittee on Trade, I do not
support trade sanctions lightly. However, Burma has not taken the
necessary steps to warrant lifting these sanctions. The Burmese regime
claims it is implementing its so-called road map to democracy, but in
truth it is taking no such steps.
The State Department has found that the delegates charged with
creating the constitution that this democracy would be built upon are
all hand-picked supporters of the current regime. Additionally, pro-
democracy advocates remain imprisoned, and military conflicts continue
with internal groups.
Perhaps most disturbing are reports that Burma's human rights record
continues to worsen. In 2005, security forces in the country continued
to rape and murder Burmese citizens, force them into slave labor, and
compel people into serving in militia units to defend the regime that
they abhor.
Since enactment of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, the
Treasury Department has blocked over $16.8 million in transactions and
frozen hundreds of thousands of dollars of assets belonging to the
Burmese regime. The vast majority of democratic opposition within Burma
supports the continuation of these sanctions and even welcomes
additional actions.
It is now incumbent upon all of us to ensure that the ``essential
component'' Assistant Secretary Hill referenced remains in place until
this murderous regime yields to the desire of its citizens to be free.
To back down now would send the wrong message to the military regime in
Burma as well as the international community. Most importantly, it
would send the wrong message to those pro-democracy advocates within
Burma fighting for the freedom of their fellow citizens.
Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me today in supporting this
important measure and vote ``aye'' on H.J. Res. 86.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.J. Res. 86, a resolution
extending trade sanctions against Burma.
It is imperative that the United States continue sanctions against
Burma so as to maintain pressure on the government of Burma to end its
brutal repression against the Burmese people.
The government of Burma's litany of abuses is appalling. According to
the U.S. State Department and human rights organizations, the
government of Burma has continued to arrest and imprison supporters of
democracy for alleged political offenses. Over 1,100 persons remain in
jail today for their political beliefs.
Earlier this year, the government of Burma extended the detention of
Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League of Democracy, a
pro-democracy party, and her deputy. Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 10 of
the last 17 years in confinement.
Burmese security forces regularly monitor the movement and
communication of residents, search homes without warrants, and relocate
people without compensation or legal recourse. The government of Burma
has failed to crack down on trafficking in persons; and, in fact, the
government of Burma has sanctioned the use of forced labor. In fact,
the government of Burma has supported the use of forced labor for large
infrastructure projects, forced children to join the Burmese Army,
imprisoned individuals who have communicated with the International
Labor Organization on the subject of forced labor.
[[Page H5011]]
Further, the Burmese government has destroyed nearly 3,000 villages
in its campaign to forcibly relocate minority ethnic groups.
Mr. Speaker, the world simply cannot stand by as Burma continues its
brutal policies. I am pleased that the European Union recently acted to
renew its sanctions against Burma and that many nations in the world
have spoken out against the repression in Burma. It is particularly
meaningful that in December 2005 the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations, ASEAN, which counts Burma as one of its members, issued a
statement calling for the release of political prisoners and democracy
reforms in Burma.
Mr. Speaker, the Western world and those who are concerned about
human rights are united: Burma cannot be allowed to continue its
oppressive actions. The use of sanctions is appropriate, and I urge my
colleagues to support this resolution.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I first want to thank my good friend and
colleague, Congressman Ben Cardin, for his leadership on trade and
human rights issues.
I also want to express my appreciation to Ways and Means Committee
Chairman Bill Thomas for his strong support, over many years, for
import sanctions against Burma, and for moving this legislation to the
floor expeditiously. As always, I also remain deeply appreciative of
the work of the Ranking Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee, my
friend and colleague Charlie Rangel.
Mr. Speaker, former South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu--the winner
of the Nobel Peace Prize for his tireless and ultimately successful
fight for freedom in South Africa--spoke eloquently about the key role
of the international community in helping to free oppressed nations.
He said, ``If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have
chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the
tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not
appreciate your neutrality.
Mr. Speaker, with passage of this legislation, Congress will once
again signal firmly that the United States is not neutral when it comes
to Burma. We are firmly on the side of imprisoned Nobel Laureate Aung
San Suu Kyi and all those who are oppressed by Burma's ruling thugs.
Some argue the U.S. sanctions do not help those who suffer the most
under Burma's oppressive political and economic system. Again, I would
respectfully refer them to Archbishop Tutu, whose homeland of South
Africa is free today because the international community refused to
remain silent about the brutal system of Apartheid.
By voting to maintain our Nation's tough approach towards Burma, we
once again lead the world by example. Step by step, we will move
assertively towards a global sanctions regime against Burma involving
all of the world's leading economic players.
In fact, Mr. Speaker, there are signs that American leadership on
Burma is paying off.
Just a few short months ago, the United Nations Security Council held
an unprecedented debate on Burma's horrendous human rights situation
and its destabilizing role in Southeast Asia. Further Security Council
action against Burma is on the near horizon, particularly since the
Burmese leadership thumbed its nose at Kofi Annan's hand-picked special
envoy to Burma, and refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi.
The political leadership of the Association of Southeast Asia
Nations--ASEAN--has also long maintained that Burma's political
situation was an ``internal affair.'' But Singaporean Foreign Minister
George Yeo recently said that Southeast Asia may need to ``distance
itself'' from Burma if it does not undergo political reform, and the
ASEAN leaders refused to let Burma become chairman of the important
regional organization in 2006.
The European Union has also firmly resisted the entreaties of the
European commercial class--always eager for new trade opportunities
with the world's rogue regimes--to reduce sanctions against Burma.
Mr. Speaker, while these are positive developments, we remain a long
way from a comprehensive, global sanctions regime. But Mr. Speaker, I
am prepared to wait as long as it takes to convince the international
community to act properly.
The only hope for promoting far-reaching political change is by
making Burma's thug-ocracy pay an economic price for running their
nation into the ground. I would welcome a negotiated solution to the
crisis in Burma, but I believe firmly that such negotiations will only
bear fruit once those pulling the levers of power feel a strong
economic pinch.
Today, we will act decisively to renew import sanctions against
Burma, and send an unmistakable signal of support for the restoration
of democracy and human rights in that impoverished nation.
One day, Aung San Suu Kyi will lead a democratic Burma, and I look
forward to being at her inauguration before a throng of her countrymen,
all finally free. Until then, we in this country must do what we can to
hasten that day.
I urge all of my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the
resolution that my good friend from California, Mr. Lantos introduced.
I am proud to have my name attached to this resolution as an original
cosponsor.
Mr. Lantos has been leading the way when it comes to fighting the
repressive junta that controls Burma with an iron fist and I would like
to commend him for his continued support.
The United States has been a leader in pushing the world to recognize
the atrocities the military junta in Burma commits on a daily basis.
Mr. Speaker, because of our country's diplomatic efforts on a
multilateral front the military junta is feeling the pressure.
The European Union had joined us in placing sanctions on the regime,
a step that shows the unity of the West against the junta's human
rights violations. Two weeks ago, for the first time Swiss banks froze
all assets of the military regime.
For the first time the ASEAN nations are openly calling for the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners. Countries like
Singapore and the Philippines have made strong statements showing that
ASEAN has lost its patience with the continued lack of promised reforms
from the junta.
The United Nations Security Counsel has met twice over the past seven
months to discuss the horrible situation in Burma, a first for the U.N.
Thankfully, the Security Council is currently considering it's first-
ever resolution on Burma.
We are at a monumental point in the history of Burma. My hope is that
all members of the Security Counsel will support this resolution.
I urge all of my colleagues to continue to support the people of
Burma who have suffered under this brutal military junta.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of
H.J. Res. 86, a bill intended to extend the import restrictions imposed
by the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. This act was
initially passed in response to the failure of Burma's ruling body to
take significant actions to establish a democratic government, and for
its reluctance to address violations of human rights and the pervasive
drug problems within its borders. The governing body of Burma has yet
to take effective corrective action.
Burma is presently under the rule of a military regime, the State
Peace and Development Council. This military junta, or one like it, has
been in control of the Burmese government for the greater part of
Burma's independence since 1948. Democratic rule in Burma ended in 1962
in a coup d'etat. The National League for Democracy, led by Aung San
Suu Kyi, won a free election held in 1990, but the ruling military
regime, then the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council),
voided the election and impeded the formation of a democratic
government.
The SLORC has since become the SPDC, and Aung San Suu Kyi has spent
the last 17 years in and out of detention and house arrest. She has
been offered freedom in exchange for her voluntary exile, but she, with
the backing of millions of supporters around the world, continues to
stand against an oppressive regime and fight for democracy. She was in
detention in 1999 when her husband died from cancer, as authorities
would not allow for him to visit or for her to return if she visited
him while he was ill. Aung San Suu Kyi has been relentless in her work
and advocacy and was the recipient of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for
her struggle. It will take more men and women of her courage and
character to free her country from its oppressors within. Yet the world
has yet to respond with the required urgency.
In the year 2004, Burma was the world's second largest producer of
illicit opium, with an estimated production of 292 metric tons. Though
this number was down 40% from 2003 due to eradication efforts and
drought, land cultivation in 2004 was still 30,900 hectares. The
government has shown little interest in addressing this problem.
Human rights violations in Burma have been documented for years, and
it is generally agreed to that the military regime currently in power
is one of the most repressive, violent, and inhumane in the world. The
atrocities include forced labor, conscription of children, repression
of free speech and political freedom, and the state-sanctioned use of
torture and rape as weapons of war.
It is estimated that several hundreds of thousands of men, women,
children, and elderly are being forced to work against their will in
what the International Labor Organization of the UN calls a ``modern
form of slavery.'' Human Rights Watch estimates that some 70,000 of the
regime's soldiers are children. A
[[Page H5012]]
2004 report by Amnesty International estimates that more than 1,300
people were wrongfully imprisoned between 1989 and 2004; and there were
an estimated 1,600 political prisoners in 2005, 38 of which were
elected members of Parliament.
The U.S. State Department and two NGOs have confirmed that torture
and rape are being used as weapons of war. A report issued in 2002 by
The Shan Human Rights Foundation and the Shan Women's Action Network
documents 173 cases of rape and sexual violence involving 625 girls and
women. The study points out that 61 % were gang-rapes and that 25% of
these girls and women died, some of whom were detained and repeatedly
raped for up to four months. A report released by Refugees
International in April of 2003 also documents cases of rape. These
crimes are largely targeted at ethnic minorities, including the Shan,
Mon, Karenni, and the Karen.
Testifying before the House Committee on International Relations
earlier this year, Human Rights Watch advocacy director Tom Malinowski
stated that, ``Government armed forces continue to engage in summary
executions, torture, and the rape of women and girls. This campaign can
only be described as ethnic cleaning on a very large scale. Hundreds of
thousands of people, most of them from ethnic minority groups, live
precariously inside Burma as internally displaced people.''
A CBO report estimates that supporting this legislation could cost
the U.S. $500,000 in 2006 and $1 million in 2007. It is likely that
there will be economic costs on the other end as well, and not just for
those in power. So while it is understandable and even necessary to
take action in opposition of the current military regime and to condemn
their oppressive rule and blatant abuses of human rights, we should
explore other methods to express our disapproval and impose sanctions.
We must be careful that our actions do not oppress the innocent who are
caught up in this ongoing struggle.
So I urge my colleagues to support H.J. Res. 86, but I also ask that
we devise additional ways to assist the people of Burma, ways that may
not entail economic backlashes. Over the years we have seen situations
like this arise and escalate and we have watched with shameful apathy
as millions have perished or fallen victims to unspeakable physical,
sexual, and emotional violence. And here we are again with another
opportunity to act or be apathetic. Let us not squander it under the
cover of feigned ignorance. We are all aware now. Let us not get
selective amnesia by confining our thoughts to tangential concerns of a
lesser gravity, for history will not forget when we stand idly by while
these people suffer, scream, and die. Instead, let us free Ms. Aung San
Suu Kyi, and free those for which she remains confined.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SHAW. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Shaw) that the House suspend the rules and
pass the joint resolution, H.J. Res. 86.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the joint resolution was passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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