[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 72 (Thursday, June 8, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H3518-H3546]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2007
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 851 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 5522.
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In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 5522) making appropriations for foreign operations, export
financing, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September
30, 2007, and for other purposes, with Mr. Thornberry in the Chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the
first time.
The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and the gentlewoman from New
York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased today to present to the House
of Representatives H.R. 5522, the fiscal year 2007 appropriation bills
for foreign operations, export financing and related programs. And I
might say, Mr. Chairman, that I am pleased to have you back in the
Chair for I am not sure how many of the consecutive years since I have
been doing this bill that you have been there, but it feels very good
to have you back with us.
Before I turn to the bill, let me just mention that this is the last
appropriations bill that I will be bringing to the floor, at least the
last regular foreign operations appropriations bill.
As with nearly every other foreign operations bill over the last 6
years, this bill is a product of bipartisan cooperation, something I
could not have done without the support and cooperation of my esteemed
ranking member, Mrs. Lowey, or my vice chairman, Mr. Sherwood and every
member of the subcommittee.
I am proud of this bill. I can honestly say it has probably been one
of the more difficult ones that we have put together. The bill before
you totals $21.3 billion. While this level is $597 million above the
amount provided in fiscal year 2006, not counting supplementals, it is
fully $2.4 billion below the amount requested by the President. In
other words, by reducing the allocation by $2.4 billion, we have freed
up that amount for pressing domestic needs.
The bill includes increases for three priorities, the war on terror,
the Millennium Challenge Corporation, and international health
spending, priorities which lie at the core of the United States
interests abroad. For the war on terror, this bill includes $962.3
million for Afghanistan. This amount is $137 million below the
President's request, but $85 million over fiscal year 2006.
As with last year's bill, this bill continues a provision that
withholds $385 million until the Afghan government, both at national
and local levels, fully cooperates with our efforts against narcotics
production and trafficking. I want to be clear that I appreciate the
support of the government of Afghanistan in the war on terror. However,
that government must take difficult but necessary measures to fight
narcotics production and trafficking, measures that it has so far been
unwilling or unable to take.
The bill also includes $521.9 million for Iraq. While below the
President's request, it represents a very large increase of $461
million over what we provided in fiscal year 2006. That is because last
year we required the administration to fund Iraq programs from
unexpended relief and reconstruction funds that were in the very
original supplemental appropriation. Now, however, these funds are
nearly all expended.
This bill would normalize Iraq and Afghanistan assistance programs,
moving them away from emergency supplementals that exceed budget
limits.
The bill contains no funding in the economic support fund for West
Bank and Gaza programs. Although the President's requested $150 million
for this purpose, the request was made before Hamas was elected to lead
the Palestinian Authority. The subcommittee believes that humanitarian
assistance must continue to the Palestinian people, a view, I might
add, that is shared by the Israeli government and by the
administration.
Such funding is not affected by this bill. It does contain
humanitarian pro democracy funding with restrictions and safeguards
that have been included in the past.
For international health, the bill contains the President's requested
amount of $3.4 billion for the emergency plan for AIDS relief, and
increase of $751.6 million. Within this sum, we more than double the
President's request for a contribution to the global fund to fight
AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, to attain last year's level of $444.5
million.
At the same time, I am pleased that the bill maintains last year's
funding levels for other health programs, including an increase for
malaria programs of $243 million. For several years now the President's
budget request has included deep cuts to international health programs.
We have worked hard to restore them to at least the level of the
previous year.
In order to bring these accounts back up, we have had to cut some
other programs that are also priority programs. We provide $2 billion
for the Millennium Challenge Corporation, but that is $1 billion below
the request of the President. It is $248 million above the amount that
we provided in 2006.
This is a difficult decision for me, but I saw no way to move forward
with a bill that gave the full amount that the President asked for the
Millennium Challenge Corporation. My goal was very simple, I wanted to
send a clear message that Congress supports the MCCs innovative,
accountable approach to help countries move away from reliance on donor
funding. I think a $248 million increase does send that very clear
message, while it frees up funds above that level that enables us to
bring before you today a bipartisan bill.
The bill contains two important innovations. First, it includes a
Trade Capacity Enhancement Fund which consolidates trade capacity
funding from a variety of accounts. This new account includes $522
million, virtually all of what is spent for trade capacity by agencies
and accounts that are under the jurisdiction of this subcommittee. And
it is about half of the $1.3 billion that is spent on a government-wide
basis.
Since we will now require a coherent strategy for the use of these
funds, it is my hope and my belief that this new account will provide a
strong incentive for countries to liberalize their trade regimes.
This bill would also restructure assistance to Colombia, formerly
provided only through the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, or ACI. I want
to be very clear about one point. This
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bill does not cut funding from the President's request for Colombia.
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It simply reallocates the funds requested and appropriated to regular
assistance accounts. It begins to treat Colombia as we treat other
strategic partners.
I think it should be clear to all of us by this time that Colombia
has made significant progress in the war on drugs. They are now
bringing guerilla forces in from the jungle, they are prosecuting those
who are implicated in serious crimes, and they are reintegrating others
back into society. Coca interdiction, although not eradication, but
interdiction, continues to improve. I spoke with Speaker Hastert, who
years ago fathered the legislation creating the ACI, about this
reformulation of assistance. It has his support. The Colombian
government also supports this move. It is time to recognize both
successes of Colombia and its strategic importance to the region.
Finally, this bill includes the President's full request for Israel
and for Egypt, our two partners of longstanding in the Middle East.
Report language from previous years is continued directing $50 million
of Egypt Economic Support Fund assistance to be used for democracy and
another $50 million for education. Other language, again the same as
last year, would withhold expenditures until Egypt implements financial
sector reforms. Importantly, this bill would also rescind $200 million
from unexpended balances made available for Egypt in previous years.
In closing, let me say, again, it has been a great pleasure to work
with my distinguished colleague, ranking member on the minority side,
Mrs. Lowey, who I have the greatest respect and affection for. It has
been a pleasure to work with her and with her staff, with Beth Tritter
and Nisha Desai. And I don't want to neglect mentioning the fine work
of the majority staff, Betsy Phillips, Rob Blair, Craig Higgins, Delia
Scott, and Lori Maes, and also Todd Calongne, a USAID fellow working on
my personal staff. They are all competent, professional, and a joy to
work with. The work that we have accomplished together, and I want to
underscore the word ``together,'' has helped make America more secure.
It has improved the lives of millions throughout the world.
We have accomplished much over these last 6 years. My colleagues have
often heard me say that foreign assistance is a vital component of
United States economic and security interests, to say nothing of the
humanitarian imperative. And while two significant initiatives were
begun under my watch, the Emergency Plan For Aids Relief and the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, the changes we have implemented in 6
years of appropriations run even deeper. We have worked to direct our
nonsecurity foreign assistance around three primary issues, which I
believe are at the heart of global development: Health, trade, and
governance. This bill continues that direction.
In 2001, international HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis spending from these
accounts was $535 million. Today, just 5 years later, we are at $3.4
billion. With these steady increases, we have provided life-saving
medicines to hundreds of thousands of people in the developing world,
people who are still alive to take care of their children and be
productive members of their economies, thanks to the antiretroviral
drugs that we are now providing to them and other important therapies.
As importantly, these are people who now live with hope, and I believe
that people with hope are less likely to be attracted to crime and
violence.
The New Trade Capacity Enhancement fund will place trade where it
belongs, at the center of our international development agenda. Without
trade, sustained global development is simply not possible. This new
account will provide further incentives for countries to enter
constructive trade agreements with the United States and others. It
will also help to ensure that the right programs and policies are in
place to make sure the poor are not left behind as economies improve.
Finally, the bill provides further support, as I mentioned, to the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, which I see as our best hope for
weaning countries from foreign assistance. The MCC provides another set
of incentives to countries to make the correct policy decisions,
policies which improve rule of law and economic policies, investments
in the health and education of people.
I am proud to have served in this institution, and I am especially
proud of the work of this committee and this subcommittee. The package
of foreign assistance before you is built on a solid basis of
experience, funds programs that are more accountable and transparent,
and, most importantly, helps to protect U.S. security at home and
abroad. It is an example of the good that can be accomplished with a
bipartisan effort, and I can think of no arena more important for a
unified American voice than in foreign affairs.
Mr. Chairman, fellow members, I am pleased to submit this bill and
urge your favorable consideration.
Mr. Chairman, I include the following for the Record.
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Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this bill, and I urge my
colleagues to support it as well. Our 302(b) allocation, which was
nearly $2.4 billion below the President's requested level, presented us
with several challenges. Within this sharply reduced allocation, we
were compelled to fit dramatic increases in presidential priorities
such as the Millennium Challenge Account and the President's Emergency
Plan For AIDS Relief, as well as increased funding for Afghanistan and
Iraq.
I generally agree with Chairman Kolbe on the spending levels
recommended within the reduced allocation. We worked closely together
as always to ensure that, in the face of devastating cuts, we at least
level funded child survival and health and development assistance
priorities. The bill provides the President's request of $3.4 billion
for HIV/AIDS, increasing the overall amount for HIV/AIDS and TB by $751
million over the fiscal year 2006 enacted levels, and more than
doubling the President's request for the global fund to fight AIDS, TB,
and malaria to the fiscal year 2006 enacted level of $444.5 million.
Although I know we both wish we could have done more for the global
fund, I believe we are doing the best we can with the resources we
have.
The bill maintains level funding for basic education in the
development assistance account at last year's level of $365 million.
And I am pleased that we have been able to increase non-DA funds for
basic education in the bill for a total of $550 million. We also
continue the U.S. reconstruction program in Afghanistan, fully fund the
requested levels for Liberia, Haiti, and Sudan, and fully fund our
strategic commitments in the Middle East. I am pleased that we have
also restored deep cuts the President requested in family planning and
reproductive health programs. The bill substantially increases family
planning funding and the child survival and health account from the
President's request, fully restores bill-wide bilateral funding to $432
million, the fiscal year 2006 House-passed level, and earmarks $34
million for the United Nations population fund.
I am also pleased that the bill restores funding for several key U.N.
agencies, including UNICEF; UNDP, UNIFEM, and the UNIFEM Trust Fund.
I want to commend the chairman for his willingness to take a critical
look at the Andean Counternarcotics Initiative, and specifically how
the continuation of a special program aimed primarily at eradication of
coca is consistent with the myriad U.S. foreign policy goals in the
Andean region. I do believe that our overemphasis on the drug war has
caused us to neglect many of the critical objectives throughout Latin
America, and it is my hope that the changes made by the chairman in the
allocation of funds in this bill are the first steps toward a wholesale
reevaluation of our foreign aid program in the region.
I want to point out a few specific concerns I have with the bill. Our
shamefully low allocation required us to make cuts from the requests in
several key areas, including Migration and Refugee Assistance,
peacekeeping, programs for Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union,
key Economic Support Fund programs, and Congo debt relief. It is my
hope we will be able to restore these cuts and even provide increases
where warranted, in conference, in addition to providing funding for
many of these priorities in the supplemental conference report expected
on the House floor tomorrow.
I also hope that we can restore full funding for the United States
commitment to the Global Environmental Facility. The President's
requested level granted in this bill is more than $20 million less than
what we had pledged. In light of the GEF's adoption just this week of a
number of U.S. initiated matters and reforms, I believe we have a
particular responsibility to fully fund our commitment to this
organization.
I am disappointed that this bill places no conditionality whatsoever
on U.S. military assistance to Indonesia and Guatemala. Despite
constructive language on Indonesia included in the FY 06 bill, this
bill fails to send the message that the United States does expect
Indonesia to continue on the path of achieving true civilian control
over the military and accountability for human rights abuses. Again, I
hope this is something we can remedy in conference.
Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to thank Chairman
Kolbe for his hard work this year and every year throughout his tenure
in creating a bipartisan environment for examining our foreign aid
policy priorities and addressing the funding needs of our foreign
assistance program. The chairman has shown tremendous leadership in
steering our subcommittee, setting an example of bipartisan cooperation
and collaboration that, unfortunately, is too rare in Congress today,
and, Chairman Kolbe leaves behind an impressive legacy as he prepares
to retire.
Chairman Kolbe has overseen the largest increases in the foreign aid
budget post-Cold War, understanding implicitly the key role foreign aid
plays in maintaining United States national security. Under his
stewardship, funding in the bill to combat HIV-AIDS has increased from
$485 million in FY 02 to $3.43 billion in the mark before us today.
Basic education has increased more than five-fold. I know he is
particularly proud of his work on trade capacity building, as well as
on shaping and promoting the Millennium Challenge Account.
Today, the last time Chairman Kolbe will manage the Foreign
Operations bill during floor consideration, I do hope we can all take a
moment to express our appreciation for the chairman's leadership and
his friendship. This Congress and the American people are richer for
his service to this body, and his departure will leave a void of
intelligence, expertise, professionalism and decency that will not
easily be filled.
Chairman Kolbe, you are really a great Member and a great friend. I
think I speak for many of my colleagues when I say that it has been an
honor and a pleasure to work with you.
I look forward to continuing to work with the chairman and with our
Senate counterparts as the bill moves into conference. However, I think
the bill before us today is a good product. I appreciate the chairman's
leadership, the involvement of all of our subcommittee members and
associate staff, of course, the hard work of our staff, as exemplified
by Nisha Desai and Betsy Phillips celebrating their birthday here in
this Capitol at about 1 or 2 in the morning. So we all say happy
birthday. Happy birthday, Betsy.
We thank Beth Tritter, Craig Higgens, Rob Blair, Delia Scott, Lori
Maes, Kevin Hernandez and Todd Calongne for their hard work in crafting
this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis), the distinguished chairman of
the Appropriations Committee.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased today to
rise in support of H.R. 5522, the Foreign Operations appropriations
bill for fiscal year 2007. This is the seventh of 11 bills the
committee plans to bring to the House floor before the 4th of July
break.
I, too, want to take a moment to express my appreciation for the work
of Mr. Kolbe, as well as Ms. Lowey. These two people working together
are a demonstration of the way Congress ought to work. The two of them
working together does demonstrate for all of us that the best way to
get this done is to set aside partisan differences where it is
possible, but, most importantly, to promote the thought that the place
works a lot better by working together.
I want to take a moment to give very special tribute to Jim Kolbe, as
Ms. Lowey did. Jim is presenting his last bill. It is a very, very
impressive product, most impressive because it demonstrates truly one
of our fabulous Members working on behalf of all of us and the country.
Jim Kolbe is as fine a member as the Appropriations Committee has ever
had.
The bill addresses critical issues, including the AIDS pandemic,
global trade and commerce, anti-narcotics programs, and the Global War
on Terrorism.
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Specifically, this bill provides a total of $3.4 billion in global
assistance funds
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to combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, $752 million above last
year's level, and the same as the President's request.
The bill provides $445 million for the U.S. contribution to the
Global Fund to Fight AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. These accounts are
more than double the amount that was requested by the President.
The legislation also provides a record level of funding for the
President's signature foreign assistance initiative, the Millennium
Challenge Corporation. Total funding is $2 billion, $248 million above
last year. That represents a budget increase in a very tight budget
circumstance.
Mr. Chairman, I think it is really important for us to recognize the
role that this bill has played on the global war on terror. We would
not have been as successful as we have been in that effort if it had
not been for the work of this subcommittee.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the very
distinguished member of the committee, Ms. Kilpatrick.
Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, to Chairman Kolbe and to my
ranking member, Nita Lowey, who has shepherded this bill through the
many years that I have been on the committee, through several chairmen
and ranking members, I just want to say thank you very much for your
leadership and for your cooperation, because it makes it easier for all
of the subcommittee members when our Chair and ranking member work
together. I want to thank you for that.
To Chairman Kolbe, as you enter your next life, sir, I just want to
say thank you for your leadership, your compassion and your working
togetherness that you have demonstrated as I have worked with you over
these last many years. We are going to miss you in this body. I am sure
your next opportunities will also enhance this body. So congratulations
and good luck to you.
I stand in support of this bill. It is a bipartisan effort that we
have worked together on for several months now. If we had more money,
we could have done better. But we did the best with what we had.
Mr. Chairman, I am happy that the HIV account is probably funded
higher than it has been ever under Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member
Lowey's leadership and direction. HIV/AIDS is a pandemic in the world,
and the U.S. is certainly doing our part. And I want to thank the
administration as well as the Members of this Congress, both House and
Senate, for standing by and making available treatment options so that
people can have fuller, better lives.
Our Child Survival Account, which is not at the level that I would
like to see it, but continues to help with malaria and TB and other
kinds of illnesses across this world. We thank you for that. The
assistance that this bill gives Liberia, as well as the Sudan, we had
the President from Liberia here not long ago, President Sirleaf, who
has demonstrated a new wave in Liberia. I am happy that this bill will
continue to assist them.
The Darfur debacle that is currently under way in the Sudan, we have
got to do more there. We have got to rise up as a Nation and offer the
leadership of the United States to bring this decimation of millions of
peoples and their lives and children to a rest.
I do not want to really get into it here, but there will be much
debate about Egypt. I want to talk about it just a moment. I was able
to go to Egypt a couple of weeks ago with our Chair and ranking member;
I have been in that region before.
I come from the State of Michigan. Michigan has the largest amount of
Arab Americans and Arabs in America in our part of the world through
four of the Members of this Congress. Congressman Dingell, Conyers,
Knollenberg and myself share that population of Arab Americans in our
districts, have been living with them for decades, and they are a part
of our family and our population in southeastern Michigan, where two-
thirds of the population of our State lives.
Egypt, the leading country in that part of the Middle East, is a
friend of America. President Mubarak is the best friend we have in the
region. There will be much debate about Egypt as we go forward. I do
not want to get into the specifics right now, but I do want to say
thank you to the chairman, there is a rescission of $200 million in the
budget that was not spent.
So there is some attention paid to what is happening in Egypt. Egypt
needs to be our partner, and they need to know that we support them.
The rescission that the Chairman offered has now been ratified by the
subcommittee and the full committee. It is a step to say that we are
watching you, we are working with you.
Democracy in our region of the world is not the same as it is all
over the world. I believe President Mubarak and his administration are
doing what they can to maintain the stability in the region. So I
believe this is a good bill.
And as we go throughout the day to debate the 20-plus amendments, pay
particular interest to what is happening in the world. We are a leader.
We deserve it. And we look forward to your support.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg).
Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 5522,
the fiscal year 2007 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act.
First, I want to extend my best wishes to Chairman Kolbe for all of
the work that he has done. He has done some tremendous work,
extraordinary work. I think he has been an invaluable resource for the
foreign operations end of things. So I just want to say, in addition he
has always been receptive, been very responsive to Members' input on a
very, very difficult bill.
Mr. Kolbe, I really appreciate having you around. I also want to wish
you the very best in the future in whatever you decide to move into.
I also want to commend the ranking member, Mrs. Lowey. Mr. Kolbe and
Mrs. Lowey, I think, have been a great team for this particular
committee. I convey my best. You are not leaving obviously, Mrs. Lowey,
so can you stick around. But I convey the very best to her and the work
that she has done.
We found common ground on a variety of issues, and together I think
we achieved some pretty important results. I look forward to continuing
that in the future.
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the subcommittee staff for the hard
work that they have performed in addressing the many issues in this
bill. It is a testament to them that the bill runs through the process
so smoothly every year despite the number of demands and challenges
that they face.
Once again, Chairman Kolbe, his staff, Ranking Member Lowey have
crafted an excellent bill that balances all of the many priorities the
United States has around the world. Our foreign assistance fosters
democratic and transparent governments, promotes human rights and helps
millions of people in need.
While less than 1 percent of our entire annual budget, foreign
assistance serves as a main pillar of our foreign policy and is an
integral part of our national security.
As always, assistance to the Middle East is the central part of this
bill. It provides the full amount that the President requested for
Israel, including both economic and security assistance.
It also provides $40 million for refugee resettlement in Israel. Just
as importantly, it lays down the groundwork for this program in the
future. It also provides no direct funding for the Hamas-infected
Palestinian Authority.
However, it does provide limited humanitarian assistance under strict
guidelines and checks to ensure absolutely no funding reaches Hamas.
Additional funding for Lebanon, Egypt and other Middle East countries
is important to support reform efforts. It is particularly important to
note the continued funding for the Middle East Partnership Initiative
which further reforms the region.
Mr. Chairman, I am also particularly pleased that the bill provides
$62 million in economic assistance to Armenia. I look forward to
working with Chairman Kolbe to ensure that the final bill includes
adequate funding for Armenia. This funding is especially important
since Turkey and Azerbaijan continue to obstruct transportation and
infrastructure routes into and out of Armenia with the intention of
forcing Armenia into economic isolation.
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The bill maintains parity in U.S. military assistance to Armenia and
Azerbaijan, which is critical to the overall policy toward the South
Caucasus.
There is also no chance in section 907 language with respect to
Azerbaijan. The bill includes other important funding, such as $2
billion for the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which provides
foreign assistance to specific countries if and only if they meet
specific criteria. It also includes substantial funding to fight the
scourge of HIV/AIDS.
Mr. Chairman, this is a responsible bill. It is the result of
significant oversight. It is fiscally sound and it focuses funding on
the priorities that will advance our interests. For all of those
reasons, I strongly support the bill. I urge all of my colleagues to
join in supporting this bill on the floor today.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
New York (Mrs. McCarthy) for the purpose of a colloquy.
Mrs. McCARTHY. Mr. Chairman, I want to talk for a moment about a
radio station in Iraq called Radio Al Mahaba, which is giving Iraqi
women a taste of freedom of speech. It is the first and only station
for women in the entire Middle East and the only politically and
religious independent radio station in Iraq.
This station started in April 2005 using a $350,000 grant from the
United Nations Development Fund for Women. As we know, under Saddam
Hussein, women lost not only vast employment opportunities, but also
educational opportunities. The illiteracy rate of Iraqi women rose to a
high of 75 percent, according to UNICEF estimates.
The recent changes in the social and political structure of Iraq have
also been difficult on Iraqi women. The radio station was created in
order to empower and educate women. When they started, they were
broadcasting throughout Iraq, including in isolated areas discussing
issues important to women, and also discussing the goals of freedom and
democracy.
Unfortunately, insurgent attacks knocked out their main transmitter.
In spite of that and a shoestring budget, the people who worked at the
station continued on broadcasting in Baghdad. Last week their remaining
transmitter, which was rented, failed.
However, with the help of the Iraqi Civil Society Program implemented
by America's Development Foundation and funded by the U.S. Agency For
International Development, it looks as though they may be able to rent
another transmitter and get back on the air soon.
Of course, a more permanent solution is needed. They need a
transmitter so they can again broadcast throughout Iraq and have a goal
of reaching places like Iran. Iraqi women are fortunate to have this
radio station, and it plays an important role toward achieving a free
and democratic Iraq.
Mrs. LOWEY. I thank the gentlewoman for her interest in the issue,
and I understand that Radio Al Mahaba has given Iraqi women the
opportunity to exercise freedom of expression during a very confusing
and dangerous time in their country.
I will look forward to working with my colleague from New York to
support the continued operation of this vital resource. And I thank the
gentlewoman for bringing it to our attention.
Mrs. McCARTHY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the ranking member for her
willingness to engage us in a colloquy.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire about the remaining time.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Arizona has 11 minutes remaining.
The gentlewoman from New York has 16\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith).
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I thank my good friend for
yielding me time and thank him for the job he has done on this very
important legislation.
Mr. Chairman, this morning I had the privilege of joining First Lady
Laura Bush, Ambassador Tobias, Dr. Kent Hill at an event announcing
Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, and Senegal as the newest countries to be
added to the President's Malaria Initiative, $1.2 billion over its 5-
year program. Mrs. Bush also announced Admiral R. Timothy Ziemer as the
new U.S. Malaria Coordinator.
I think Members should be aware if they are not already that every 30
seconds an African child dies of malaria moreover about 1.2 million
people die each year, mostly in Africa, from this preventable disease.
The President's Malaria Initiatives (PMI) goal is to cut malaria
deaths by 50 percent in 15 African countries and hopefully to also
mitigate morbidity. The plan includes disseminating insecticide-treated
bed nets, indoor residual spraying, life-saving drugs called ACTs, and
treatment for pregnant women known as intermittent preventive treatment
or IPT.
The money in this bill will advance this initiative and will now
include four new countries. Let me also thank the chairman and the
committee for modestly upping the amount of money to try to effectuate
cures for those women suffering obstetric fistula.
The amount has now risen to $7.5 million. My hope is, and perhaps in
conference, we can bump that up even further to $10 million. Two
million women suffer from this debilitating condition, the result of
which is incontinence. I have visited hospitals in Africa, and seen
that for a mere $150 a woman's life can be given back to her through a
surgical repair.
Obviously, there is also prevention, but there are these 2 million
women who have a fistula today, and it seems to me we need to do even
more to try to end their misery.
{time} 1400
Having met with many of these women, to see the smiles on their
faces, having gotten their lives back, going back to their villages
knowing that they will no longer be ostracized because incontinence
obviously is not just a health hazard and leads to sickness, it results
in very serious odor as well.
Let me remind my colleagues that anywhere from 50,000 to 100,000 new
cases occur every year, and certainly if we were to increase our effort
on obstetrical services, especially midwives in Africa, such an effort
would go a long way to preventing this condition when an obstructed
delivery or some kind of sexual trauma causes obstetric fistula.
I would hope the chairman would try to increase that number even
further, and I thank him for what he has done.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. The gentleman has identified a problem that we think is
absolutely of critical importance. We have moved from, I believe, no
money just in 2003 to 1 million to 5 million to $7 million in this
year, so I think we are moving very substantially in this area.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I just want to respond to the gentleman from New Jersey. I appreciate
your advocacy on this very critical issue. Many of us in the Congress
on both sides of the aisle understand the urgency, and I do hope we can
work together on the next step because these young women come there
with this terrible, terrible problem and then they are repaired. And
without contraceptive coverage, without family planning, they come back
again and again and again. So I look forward to continuing the dialogue
and I thank you for your advocacy.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Ackerman).
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to engage
in a colloquy with Ranking Member Lowey and Chairman Kolbe.
The report accompanying H.R. 5522, the Foreign Options Appropriations
Act, includes language encouraging the consideration of a proposal from
the Gift of Life International for Project Iraqi Hearts, a program that
will provide life-saving open heart surgery to Iraqi children that they
cannot get at home.
I have been an advocate of the Gift of Life Program since 1983 when I
worked with then-First Lady Nancy Reagan, to arrange for a young boy
and girl from South Korea to come to the United States by way of Air
Force One for a life saving open heart surgery.
Supported by 50 Rotary Districts every year, the Gift of Life
International transports to the United States and surgically operates
on over
[[Page H3529]]
a thousand children from all over the developing world. Through the
efforts of our military personnel serving in Iraq, the Gift of Life has
now identified at least 1,500 children that have been diagnosed as
suffering from congenital heart defects that will be fatal if left
untreated.
The Gift of Life has a terrific track record on our Nation's
reputation in Iraq. It could certainly use a little boost from a
program like this. While specific funds have not been set aside in the
text of the bill, I would like the chairman and ranking member of the
subcommittee to confirm their interest in the program and to reiterate
their support through consideration of this initiative by the
Department of State and USAID.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ACKERMAN. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. The report accompanying H.R. 5522 does indicate the
committee's awareness of the Gift of Life International's Project Iraqi
Hearts. It is an initiative that should be thoroughly explored. The
ranking minority member and I are both committed to working with the
gentleman from New York to ensure that this proposal gets careful
consideration from the Department of State and USAID. Specific funds
have not been set aside, but if review by State and AID show the
program can deliver results that save lives, it would have the
committees's strong support.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ACKERMAN. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I certainly agree that this program should
be thoroughly considered by the Department of State and USAID. It can
save lives that would otherwise be lost, and advance our national
interest by demonstrating the compassion of the American people. It
deserves a chance to go forward. I look forward to working with the
Chair and the gentleman from New York to ensure that Project Iraqi
Hearts gets the attention and consideration it deserves.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the Chair and ranking member for
their commitment to this initiative and I look forward to working with
them to see if we can save some Iraqi children's lives through the Gift
of Life Program.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Sherwood), the distinguished vice chairman of the
subcommittee, a very important Member who has contributed much to the
work of this subcommittee.
Mr. SHERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of the
foreign operations bill for 2007. The legislation before us is a fair
and fiscally responsible bill that sensibly promotes U.S. foreign
policy.
I would like to commend Chairman Kolbe on a job well done. He is an
effective leader with a strong work ethic, a balanced approach and a
remarkable knowledge and command of the subject matter. I have learned
a great deal from you, Mr. Chairman, as a member of your subcommittee.
As you leave Congress, I wish you the kind of success and respect that
you have earned here in the House of Representatives.
This foreign operations bill is a solid bipartisan piece of
legislation that helps our government meet our objectives abroad and in
turn make America more secure. The bill is $2.4 billion below the
President's request, but in light of the many domestic needs here in
the U.S., I agree with the chairman that the allocation is fair. Tough
choices had to be made to fund our international priorities, and I
believe he has made the right choices in setting these priorities.
The bill provides reasonable increases in assistance to our allies in
the war on terror, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, and
international health objectives that fight the spread of diseases such
as AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis. It provides funds for Afghanistan,
including nearly $300 million for illegal drug interdiction and law
enforcement. The increase in poppy production in Afghanistan is of
particular concern to the subcommittee, and these funds are crucial in
curbing this very real drug problem.
The bill also includes assistance for Iraq. I know it is a priority
of the chairman to fund Iraq and Afghanistan assistance programs in
regular appropriations bills and less in supplementals. We are one step
closer to doing that in this bill. This bill before us is an important
measure that successfully fulfills our commitments abroad and as a
result makes America stronger and more secure. I ask for its full
support.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman).
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank my ranking member and my friend
from the State of New York for yielding me time.
Mr. Chairman, as a member of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations,
I want to thank our distinguished chairman, Mr. Kolbe from Arizona. It
has been a great honor and privilege to work with you, sir, all of
these years. We are going to miss you, your wisdom and your kindness
and your sense of fairness. Thank you, sir, for all you have done for
us and for our work. And to Ms. Lowey, our ranking member, thank you
for your leadership as the ranking member for bringing our priorities
to the floor and our values. You are a tireless and effective advocate.
Mr. Chairman, despite an allocation from the Budget Committee that
was lower than what we had hoped, we I believe on our subcommittee have
accomplished a great deal and in a bipartisan way, such as providing
funds for critical programs such as global AIDS and HIV programs, basic
education worldwide, and economic and military assistance for many of
our allies.
This assistance to our allies is important for three reasons: One, it
improves strategic relations with important countries around the world
who help guarantee America's security and the perpetuation of democracy
and western values, countries such as the State of Israel, Armenia and
Cyprus. It also provides humanitarian assistance for nations in need
such as in the Sudan, Liberia and Haiti. It keeps our trade relations
strong, promoting cooperation between nations that help us solve global
problems and feed the world.
With regards to the environment, Mr. Chairman, I am concerned that
the United States may not be doing enough under this bill to contribute
to the international programs that protect the environment. The Global
Environment Facility, or the GEF, is the single largest source of
funding for programs that conserve and protect biodiversity and
preserve habitats in countries around the world, from Bangladesh to
Brazil.
In the roughly 15 years since its creation, the U.S.'s funding to the
GEF has leveraged at least $14 for every $1 we have contributed, $14
for every $1 we have contributed. International conservation issues,
Mr. Chairman, know no national boundaries; and I think the funding
model of the GEF where our funding is matched many times over by other
donors to solve problems that impact us all, is a smart, fair, and
effective approach. Given the importance of the GEF to the global
environment, I am concerned about the level of funding for the GEF in
this fiscal year 2007 bill.
The administration requested $56.25 for the GEF in this year's
budget, which the committee funded at the request level. But this is a
48 percent cut compared with the administration's own request last
year. In the meantime, as our distinguished chairman knows, just this
past Tuesday, the GEF adopted all of the reforms proposed by the
Treasury Department associated with the fourth replacement of the GEF.
The U.S. negotiators have now committed our country to providing $80
million to the GEF in fiscal year 2007. An increase of $23.75 million
over the President's budget. I certainly hope that in the conference,
our distinguished chairman, our ranking member and the other people
participating in the conference, will work to have this full $80
million committed by the Treasury in the conference report. This is
vitally important to our Nation's and our world's environment.
I look forward to working with the chairman and the ranking member on
this issue as we move forward towards the conference.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Kansas (Mr. Tiahrt), a member of the committee.
[[Page H3530]]
Mr. TIAHRT. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman from Arizona
yielding to me for the purpose of a colloquy. I would also like to
thank him for his service to the country. In his 22 years in the
Congress, he has been a great subcommittee chairman and we appreciate
his leadership.
Mr. Chairman, I also want to thank him for his foresight and
inclusion for the Tiahrt amendment violation report language. I also
appreciate his hard work as chairman of the subcommittee on this bill,
which I support. As the author of this important amendment, which has
been in law since 1998, I have grave concerns about the violations that
took place in Guatemala, the confirmed fact that the violations went on
for 3 years, and the amount of time it took USAID to notify Congress of
the violations.
The purpose of this report language is to send a strong message to
USAID that the law has been ignored and that Congress will not stand by
and watch. We must be able to provide proper oversight. In order to do
that the agencies that receive taxpayer dollars under the child
survival and health programs fund, must adhere to the specifications of
the law.
USAID has confirmed that bonus payments were paid to 12 referral
agents at APROFAM, the Family Welfare Association of Guatemala, which
is an international Planned Parenthood federation affiliate. Each agent
had a target of bringing in 25 women for sterilization. The bonus
payments were paid to the agents when certain quotas were met, and for
some their salaries were almost doubled as a result. This violates two
parts of the language of the law.
USAID found out about the violations and the bonus was stopped.
However, the length of time concerns me. It took them 9 months to get
the information from Guatemala to USAID to Washington, then another 60
days to get it to Congress.
We ought to be horrified that no less than 900 women that were
sterilized by APROFAM over the span of 3 years, the bonus payment
system was in place.
Mr. Chairman, I have heard of other possible amendment violations to
the Tiahrt amendment in other countries, and I implore USAID to act
quickly to investigate these in a proper and timely manner and to
report to Congress.
I want to thank again the chairman for engaging in this colloquy and
for his service to the committee and to the country.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank my colleague from Kansas for
his discussion on this very important subject, and certainly as the
subcommittee was crafting this bill, we acknowledge how important these
issues are.
{time} 1415
I want to assure the gentleman that the committee will continue to
pay close attention to the reports from USAID of possible and confirmed
violations of this amendment. We also will work with the USAID to
ensure the timely reporting of violations if, and when, they occur.
I thank the gentleman.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank our ranking member, Mrs.
Lowey. I want to commend her and Chairman Kolbe for their hard work and
leadership on this bill, and I am particularly pleased that the
subcommittee called for a higher allocation to Armenia than requested
by the administration and would like to personally thank him for
maintaining and providing the needed assistance to Nagorno-Karabahk.
The President's budget request called for 20 percent more military
aid to Azerbaijan than to Armenia. That request was a clear breach of
an agreement struck between the White House and Congress in 2001 to
maintain parity in U.S. military aid to Armenia and Azerbaijan. Given
the fact that relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan continue to be
tenuous, it is imperative that the U.S. maintain a balanced approach. I
am happy to see that the committee maintained that parity agreement
despite the administration's request.
Unfortunately, the administration's budget also called for drastic
cuts in economic assistance to Armenia, a nearly 33 percent decrease in
humanitarian aid. Again, I was pleased to see the committee provided
$62 million in U.S. aid for Armenia, representing a $12 million
increase over the President's budget. The subcommittee also allocated
$5 million for Nagorno-Karabahk.
I am also very pleased that the subcommittee rejected efforts by
Azerbaijani's advocates to weaken section 907 restrictions on U.S.
assistance to Azerbaijan. Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act
remains a fundamental element of U.S. policy toward the South Caucasus.
Because Azerbaijan continues its blockade of Armenia, section 907 is
essential.
As the co-chair of the Armenian Caucus, I strongly believe that
technical and developmental assistance and investment is essential to
Armenia. This funding is imperative to democratic stability and
economic reform. The dual blockades of Armenia by Azerbaijan and Turkey
continue to impede Armenia's economic well-being.
Despite these blockades, Armenia continues to successfully implement
economic and democratic reforms. However, as long as Armenia suffers
from blockades on its east and west borders, continued and robust U.S.
assistance to Armenia will be needed to help minimize their impact.
Thank you again to the committee and the subcommittee.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), a member of the House
International Relations Committee for the purposes of a colloquy.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to engage the chairman of the
subcommittee, Mr. Kolbe, in a colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, on Tuesday the administration successfully
concluded negotiations for the fourth replenishment of the Global
Environment Facility, the GEF. These have been long and detailed
negotiations that had been scheduled to be concluded last year. The GEF
is an important international institution for protection of the global
environment, and we should be pleased that negotiations have come,
frankly, to a very successful resolution.
The Treasury Department, which conducted the negotiations on behalf
of the United States, got, in essence, all of the reforms it demanded.
These include the items mentioned on the report language accompanying
the bill, including the two major changes proposed by the U.S.: first,
plans to apply a resource allocation framework to the entire GEF
portfolio of new projects by 2010; second, enhanced fiduciary standards
for agents that the GEF works with, including a prohibition of new
funding to agencies that do not meet the standards.
The agreement also resolved the other outstanding issues to our
satisfaction: removal of language regarding arrears that were
objectionable to the United States; a provision regarding expanding the
number of agencies the GEF works with; a provision on institutional
effectiveness; and a firm target for satisfactory outcome ratings for
GEF projects.
Based on this outcome, the United States negotiators pledged a total
of $320 million in U.S. contributions to the GEF over the next 4 years,
$80 million a year, starting in fiscal year 2007.
I support the administration's new commitment to the GEF, and I urge
the chairman to help the administration live up to this promise that
has been made to the other donors to provide $80 million for the GEF in
the bill that is ultimately sent to the President. The bill before us
underfunds this commitment by $23.75 million and, as it stands,
represents a 26 percent decrease in U.S. commitment to the GEF.
Mr. Chairman, we engaged, you and I, in a colloquy last year on the
GEF, and you committed to work to secure funding at conference for the
GEF if it completed reforms associated with the previous replenishment.
The GEF did complete those reforms, and I want to thank you right now
for your support last year.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ROYCE. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona for a response.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from California for
the statement you have just made and
[[Page H3531]]
your commitment to the international environment.
As you pointed out, I have in the past supported the mission of the
GEF. I had the opportunity to sit down with the CEO of the GEF, Mr.
Good, to engage in some very good discussions about their reforms and
also on their programs in the past.
I have in the past been concerned about the pace of reform at the
GEF. Last year, the House withheld funding for the GEF because it had
not completed reforms associated with the third replenishment when our
bill came to the floor. There were subsequent agreements that allowed
us, in the end, to fund the GEF fully last year.
It is my understanding the GEF has now adopted the reforms sought by
the committee and the administration for the fourth replenishment. We
will certainly take this into consideration when we meet with the
Senate in conference on this bill. In order to facilitate this, I urge
the administration to consider a budget amendment requesting additional
funds should they decide that is appropriate.
I thank the gentleman again for his commitment to GEF and the
environment and will work with him as the bill moves through the
process.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, since the time has expired, I will just say
that I will be happy to work with him, too.
Mr. Chairman, I am very happy to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Crowley), my good friend.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman, and my friend and
mentor, from New York for yielding me this time; and I want to thank
her and Chairman Kolbe, another good friend, on another good bill
coming out of this committee and proving once again, when it comes to
the issue of foreign aid, we can work in a very bipartisan way.
This bill is of particular importance because it is the last for
Chairman Kolbe, and I would like to commend Chairman Kolbe for his
steadfast support of foreign aid and for what I believe will become
your greatest legacy, the creation of a Trade Capacity Enhancement
Fund. Time does not allow me to go into it in further detail, but I
want to thank you for that.
This bill also includes $34 million to the United Nations Population
Fund, but it has become a norm under this administration that
restrictions on providing this important funding will not be released
by the administration. The administration seems determined to hinder
the health of women and children around the world.
While remaining troubled that this detrimental policy continues,
there is much good in this bill, particularly when it comes to the
issue of the Middle East.
I strongly support the funding included in this bill for Israel's
foreign military financing and economic aid. We need to continue to
ensure that our close allies are able to protect themselves and remain
a strong and viable state.
While I support our ally Egypt, there are issues that we in Congress
must address. I understand that the Egyptians are concerned about how
we disburse the aid to them, but it is important for them to understand
what we expect of our partner.
The government of President Mubarak has shown that it is quite quick
to throw dissidents into jail, discriminate against the Coptic
minority, tolerate anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the official
press, throw gay Egyptians into jail.
The United States must do more to help end this dangerous mix, and
before the problem becomes more unstable.
There is more I would like to say about the issue of Egypt that time
does not permit, but also the country of Pakistan, another country I
have been concerned about for quite some time; and I am glad the
Appropriations Committee recognized the internal problems within
Pakistan. The reductions in ESF and FMF should send a strong message to
Pakistan that it cannot use the war on terror as an excuse to repress
their people.
With that, I urge my colleagues to support this worthy legislation.
Many of us in Congress have strong concerns about our partners in the
developing world's capacity to handle free trade agreements with the
United States and this new fund will help to solve many of those
issues.
This new fund will provide the much needed assistance to our FTA
partners who need increased assistance with labor and environmental
standards.
My hope is that this new fund will create the environment where we
will not have to repeat the divisive CAFTA battle.
We should all be doing what we can to support free trade to benefit
these emerging democracies.
We must recognize that building stable societies must start at the
grassroots level and that is why I was pleased to see that this new
section of the program will receive $6 million.
We need to redouble our efforts to make sure while we move peace
along at the top levels we don't forget to focus on the people who will
truly make a lasting peace.
Egypt has been a strong friend and ally and has done much to help
bring about a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but
we cannot allow that to cloud our judgment.
Egypt should expect more from themselves, if they want to compete in
today's world and move forward with the reforms they have outlined.
Pakistan is another country I have been concerned about for quite
some time and I am glad the appropriations committee recognized the
internal problems with Pakistan.
The reductions in ESF and FMF should send a strong message to
Pakistan that they cannot use the war on terror as an excuse to repress
their people.
This is a strong bill that will help our friends and allies and I
urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer) who has been one of the
strongest advocates for clean water in the world, and we thank you for
your important work.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentlewoman's courtesy
in permitting me to speak and for her kind words and for the work that
she and Mr. Kolbe have done in this important bill, fashioning, I
think, something that is very, very good, given the minimum amount of
money they have been given.
Across the world, this bill will enable the United States to
cooperate with other donors, to partner with people in extreme poverty
to improve their lives and well-being; but, Mr. Chairman, I am hopeful
that we can do a little modification to make this difficult bill a
little better.
During consideration here, I will be offering an amendment with the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) to increase the Development Assistance
Account by $250 million in order to support these smart investments to
reduce poverty of the 1 billion people around the world who live on
less than $1 a day, the children who will die every 15 seconds because
they do not have access to clean water and sanitation.
The proposed increase would be offset by a reduction in equal amount
from unearmarked funds in the Foreign Military Financing Account. This
will not affect the almost $4 billion that is set aside for Israel, for
Egypt, Jordan, or Colombia.
Mr. Chairman, the American people overwhelmingly support these
investments to fight against global poverty. Recently, the Program on
International Assistance Policy Attitudes found that 65 percent of the
American public would support significant increases in U.S. assistance
to fight poverty and disease.
This amendment will represent an all-too-rare occasion in this
Chamber for bipartisan cooperation to shift money away from what are
largely repressive regimes for unnecessary military assistance and put
it where it will make a difference, saving the lives of poor families
and especially their children around the world.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, and
today I rise in strong support of the 2007 foreign operations
appropriations bill.
I want to acknowledge the fine work done by the chairman, Mr. Kolbe,
who I had the honor to travel to Indonesia with as part of the House
Democracy Assistance Commission and also the superb work done each and
every day by our ranking member, Nita Lowey. We are very grateful for
your fine work.
There is a lot to applaud in this bill, and I want to recognize a
couple of
[[Page H3532]]
areas worthy of specific mention, funding in Darfur and funding for the
state of Israel among others; but before I do, I want to express my
regret and concern about the fact that this bill is still $2.38 billion
below the President's request. That significant cut in foreign
assistance, given all the problems around the world, should be concern
to all of us. Some of the areas of particular significance that have
been cut: refugee assistance is being reduced; debt relief is being
cut; peacekeeping is being reduced. The Peace Corps funding is being
reduced. Funding for democratization efforts in Eastern Europe and the
former Soviet Union countries is being reduced. Global environmental
facility funding and economic support funds, all those are being
reduced from the President's proposed budget at a cumulative cost in
cuts in those areas and others of $2.3 billion; and that is, I think, a
considerable concern.
In other areas, I want to acknowledge and applaud the work that we
are doing in Darfur and the Sudan. More needs to be done. At least
300,000 people are estimated to have died in Darfur in what has
remained a largely neglected tragedy and genocide. Currently, more than
3.5 million Darfurians depend on international aid for survival.
Another 2 million have been driven from their homes. The $450 million
in humanitarian relief efforts to the Sudan provided in this bill will
help meet this rapidly growing need and lend credibility to American
calls for other countries to follow our example.
I also applaud the legislation for the groundwork it does for vital
improvements in global health and AIDS funding which also are very
significant.
Again, I congratulate our Chair and our ranking member for their
superb efforts.
{time} 1430
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield to the
distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind) 1 minute.
Mr. KIND. Will the chairman be kind enough to yield me his 30
seconds?
Mr. KOLBE. If I am correct, I think I have 30 seconds remaining, and
I will yield the balance of my time to the gentleman.
Mr. KIND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I rise to enter into a
colloquy with the chairman.
I rise to express appreciation for the very clear direction provided
in the committee's report to the Agency for International Development
with regard to the continuation of the East Central European
Scholarship program in Albania and Macedonia. Over the last several
years, I have become very familiar with this highly effective program
because for more than a decade, the University of Wisconsin-La Crosse,
through this program, has been able to provide training to some 300
financial managers from all the participating program countries.
The program has provided the managers training with bank risk
management, financial management, and supervision of financial
institutions, all of which are critically important to stable market
economies. This training has helped create financial sectors with
improved protections against corrupt and fraudulent activities and has
facilitated integration by these economies with the broader European
economy.
As the chairman may be aware, however, USAID has not been responsive
to the committee's views with regard to the program, as laid out in
recent earlier reports. With that in mind, I would appreciate getting
the chairman's assurance that the subcommittee will follow up on this
excellent report language to impress upon the agency the seriousness of
our congressional intent here.
Mr. KOLBE. I appreciate the gentleman from Wisconsin's comments and
strong support for ECESP. We will have those discussions with USAID to
emphasize the importance of continuing ECESP activities in Albania and
Macedonia this fiscal year to shape future utilization of ECESP's
expertise.
Mr. KIND. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I appreciate that; and I, too,
want to echo the sentiments and the appreciation for the gentleman's
many years of fine service to this body, this institution.
The CHAIRMAN. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule.
During consideration of the bill for amendment, the Chair may accord
priority in recognition to a Member offering an amendment that he has
printed in the designated place in the Congressional Record. Those
amendments will be considered read.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I have made this point several times before during the
appropriations cycle, and I want to put Members on notice one more
time. I think the record is pretty clear that the minority has
cooperated at every step of the way on every appropriation bill before
this House so far this year. We have facilitated time agreements, we
have persuaded our own Members to stifle themselves and reduce the
amount of time they take on amendments, we have asked numerous people
not to introduce duplicative amendments, and we have, in general,
worked as a willing partner with the majority to see to it that this
House proceeds in an orderly fashion.
I have had only one requirement. I do not believe that major issues
affecting the expenditure of taxpayers' dollars should be decided in
the dead of night, and I do not believe that this House has any
business voting on these major issues at 11, 12, or 1 o'clock in the
morning. It is clear to me that that is what is going to happen on this
bill.
I intend to support this bill, unless two amendments that are pending
do not pass. But if that happens, I intend to support this bill. But I
do not believe that it serves the interests of this country to be
passing this legislation or dealing with major amendments thereto in
the midnight hours.
So I want to put every Member on notice. I am perfectly willing to
agree to a unanimous consent agreement that enables us to get a
substantial way through the consideration of this bill. I would love to
see it finished tonight. If it can, by a reasonable hour, no one will
be happier than I. But I do not intend to cooperate in a process which
pushes all of these votes into 11, 12 or 1 o'clock votes.
We saw that on prescription drugs, we saw that on major tax bills, we
have seen that on several appropriation bills last year, and I do not
intend to allow that to continue without doing everything I can to
prevent it. We can either proceed in an orderly fashion, in a way which
is reflective positively on what is supposed to be the world's greatest
deliberative body, or we can run a death march where we hide most of
our major actions after midnight.
I don't intend to participate in the latter. I will be happier to
cooperate in the former.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 5522
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
following sums are appropriated, out of any money in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2007, and for other purposes, namely:
TITLE I--EXPORT AND INVESTMENT ASSISTANCE
EXPORT-IMPORT BANK OF THE UNITED STATES
Inspector General
For necessary expenses of the Office of Inspector General
in carrying out the provisions of the Inspector General Act
of 1978, as amended, $988,000, to remain available until
September 30, 2008.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I won't take that much time, but let me just respond to
the gentleman from Wisconsin and let me just say that he has been very
cooperative, and I appreciate very much his cooperation in trying to
work out some time limitations so that we could work our way through
this bill in an orderly fashion, and hopefully in a timely fashion, and
get everybody home at a reasonable hour.
With the number of amendments that we have, it does not appear that
we can get any kind of a unanimous consent agreement that would allow
us to finish the bill by the time that the gentleman has said that he
would prefer us to be out and not considering major issues of
appropriations of taxpayers' dollars after the hour of 10 o'clock at
night.
So it is beyond my pay grade at this point to decide how we proceed,
whether or not we do agree to a unanimous
[[Page H3533]]
consent agreement to have some limitation on the time of amendments and
stop at a reasonable time tonight, or whether we simply plunge on
through without any kind of agreement and get as far as we can tonight,
which will certainly be much shorter, but we will not get nearly as far
or nearly as fast.
So I am hoping the leadership, that is not on this floor at this
time, will shortly be able to come back to us with some understanding
of how we are going to proceed, and I hope we can just move on and do
the reading, and we will get to amendments as we can here.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
Program Account
The Export-Import Bank of the United States is authorized
to make such expenditures within the limits of funds and
borrowing authority available to such corporation, and in
accordance with law, and to make such contracts and
commitments without regard to fiscal year limitations, as
provided by section 104 of the Government Corporation Control
Act, as may be necessary in carrying out the program for the
current fiscal year for such corporation: Provided, That none
of the funds available during the current fiscal year may be
used to make expenditures, contracts, or commitments for the
export of nuclear equipment, fuel, or technology to any
country, other than a nuclear-weapon state as defined in
Article IX of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons eligible to receive economic or military assistance
under this Act, that has detonated a nuclear explosive after
the date of the enactment of this Act: Provided further, That
notwithstanding section 1(c) of Public Law 103-428, as
amended, sections 1(a) and (b) of Public Law 103-428 shall
remain in effect through October 1, 2007.
Subsidy Appropriation
For the cost of direct loans, loan guarantees, insurance,
and tied-aid grants as authorized by section 10 of the
Export-Import Bank Act of 1945, as amended, $26,382,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2010: Provided, That
such costs, including the cost of modifying such loans, shall
be as defined in section 502 of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974: Provided further, That such sums shall remain
available until September 30, 2025, for the disbursement of
direct loans, loan guarantees, insurance and tied-aid grants
obligated in fiscal years 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010:
Provided further, That none of the funds appropriated by this
Act or any prior Act appropriating funds for foreign
operations, export financing, and related programs for tied-
aid credits or grants may be used for any other purpose
except through the regular notification procedures of the
Committees on Appropriations: Provided further, That funds
appropriated by this paragraph are made available
notwithstanding section 2(b)(2) of the Export-Import Bank Act
of 1945, in connection with the purchase or lease of any
product by any Eastern European country, any Baltic State or
any agency or national thereof.
Administrative Expenses
For administrative expenses to carry out the direct and
guaranteed loan and insurance programs, including hire of
passenger motor vehicles and services as authorized by 5
U.S.C. 3109, and not to exceed $30,000 for official reception
and representation expenses for members of the Board of
Directors, $75,234,000: Provided, That the Export-Import Bank
may accept, and use, payment or services provided by
transaction participants for legal, financial, or technical
services in connection with any transaction for which an
application for a loan, guarantee or insurance commitment has
been made: Provided further, That, notwithstanding subsection
(b) of section 117 of the Export Enhancement Act of 1992,
subsection (a) thereof shall remain in effect until October
1, 2007.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Lynch
Mr. LYNCH. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Lynch:
Page 4, line 10, after the dollar amount, insert the following:
``(reduced by $5,000,000)''.
Page 38, line 20, after the dollar amount, insert the following:
``(increased by $5,000,000)''.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to accept the amendment being
offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, if the gentleman would be
prepared to proceed in that way.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Massachusetts is recognized for 5
minutes on his amendment.
Mr. LYNCH. First of all, Mr. Chairman, I want to thank Mr. Kolbe for
his great work on this bill, and also Ranking Member Lowey. I will not
take the 5 minutes that I am allowed under the amendment process, but I
do want to take a few minutes just to talk about what is going on here.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment that I have offered proposes to confront
the related threats posed by improvised explosive devices, also known
as IEDs, as well as land mines, which are being used against our men
and women in uniform and against innocent civilians in both Afghanistan
and Iraq.
My amendment seeks to accomplish this by dedicating $5 million for
the State Department account for nonproliferation, anti-terrorism,
demining, and related programs. This $5 million will be offset by
shifting the same amount from the Export-Import Bank's administrative
expense account, which is currently funded at $72 million.
Mr. Chairman, like a lot of Members on both sides of the aisle, I
have recently returned from my fifth visit to our troops in Iraq and I
have also spent some time in Afghanistan. On all of my visits to the
region, I have been accompanied by strong representation from both
parties, and one issue that has emerged and has grown more lethal is
the threat to our men and women in the military, to nongovernmental
agencies, to coalition contractors, to the press, and to innocent
Afghani and Iraqi citizens is the threat posed by these so-called
improvised explosive devices, or IEDs.
While some IEDs are triggered remotely with basic electronics, such
as portable phone stations or garage door openers, in many other cases,
we are finding that these IEDs are being triggered by a simple contact
strip concealed within a narrow section of split holes that is
concealed in cracks in the roadway or have been covered by a thin layer
of dirt just below the surface of local roads. They can be detonated by
pressure of a passing vehicle or with as little pressure as a child's
footstep. These latter types of devices are much more similar in their
nature and use to land mines.
Moreover, as time goes on and as the casualties grow, we are finding
that many of the land mines previously planted by Saddam Hussein and
the Taliban in Afghanistan have been recovered by the insurgents and
are now being retrofitted to serve as components in these more lethal
IEDs.
Like most of my colleagues, Republicans and Democrats, I have made
more than a few visits to Walter Reed Army Medical Hospital. We have
all seen the devastation and the damage and suffering that these IEDs
have brought to the very best Americans and their families. In my last
visit with General Casey in Baghdad, he estimated that approximately 50
percent of our monthly casualties in Iraq are the result of these IEDs.
So the importance of what we are doing here, reducing these threats,
should be obvious to everyone.
In closing, with today's news that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi has been
eliminated and the last of the new Iraqi ministers has been selected,
it is my greatest hope that we have now reached a point at which we can
begin to transfer governing authority and responsibility to the new
Iraqi government and to bring our troops home. But regardless of the
rate of progress, these armaments will still remain a lethal threat to
our troops and to innocent civilians. By transferring this money, this
$5 million, we can expedite the process of recovering and disposing of
these lethal land mines and potential IEDs before additional life and
limb is lost.
I do appreciate the courtesy that Chairman Kolbe and Ranking Member
Lowey have afforded me, and I am thankful that they have accepted this
amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lynch).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Millender-McDonald
Ms. MILLENDER-McDONALD. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Ms. Millender-McDonald:
Page 4, line 10, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $1,000,000)''.
Page 5, line 6, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $1,000,000)''.
Page 19, line 22, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $2,000,000)''.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I would just rise to say that I am prepared,
if the gentlewoman will keep her remarks very short, to accept this
amendment.
[[Page H3534]]
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from California
for 5 minutes.
Ms. MILLENDER-McDONALD. I do recognize that. Thank you so much, Mr.
Chairman. We will miss you sorely on this committee and the work that
you have done, along with our distinguished ranking member.
Today I do offer this amendment that addresses one of the greatest
atrocities of the 21st century, and that is the trafficking of men,
women, and children for forced labor and sexual exploitation.
The Economic Support Fund operates to provide financial assistance
for various developmental programs worldwide, including 266 programs to
eradicate human trafficking. These programs are designed to present a
multifaceted defense against the various and varied crimes that
comprise human trafficking.
We know that this year the committee has provided $8 million for the
use of this program. That is a start, but it is less than what the
President has suggested in the program. Of course, I am proposing a
modest increase of $2 million. This amendment offsets the increase by
those things that have been outlined in the amendment.
It is not enough that we pay lip service to this problem, we actually
have to lead the 21st Century Abolitionist Movement against modern day
slavery. I am very happy to present this amendment. We know that human
trafficking affects an estimated 800,000 persons each year, and 80
percent of those victims are women and children.
I am happy that the ranking member joined me on the trip to the
United Nations to address these atrocities, and so I am so happy that
the chairman and the ranking member have accepted this amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from California.
The amendment was agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION
Non-Credit Account
The Overseas Private Investment Corporation is authorized
to make, without regard to fiscal year limitations, as
provided by 31 U.S.C. 9104, such expenditures and commitments
within the limits of funds available to it and in accordance
with law as may be necessary: Provided, That the amount
available for administrative expenses to carry out the credit
and insurance programs (including an amount for official
reception and representation expenses which shall not exceed
$35,000) shall not exceed $45,453,000: Provided further, That
project-specific transaction costs, including direct and
indirect costs incurred in claims settlements, and other
direct costs associated with services provided to specific
investors or potential investors pursuant to section 234 of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, shall not be considered
administrative expenses for the purposes of this heading.
Program Account
For the cost of direct and guaranteed loans, $20,035,000,
as authorized by section 234 of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, to be derived by transfer from the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation Non-Credit Account: Provided, That
such costs, including the cost of modifying such loans, shall
be as defined in section 502 of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974: Provided further, That such sums shall be available
for direct loan obligations and loan guaranty commitments
incurred or made during fiscal years 2007, 2008, and 2009:
Provided further, That funds so obligated in fiscal year 2007
remain available for disbursement through 2014; funds
obligated in fiscal year 2008 remain available for
disbursement through 2015; funds obligated in fiscal year
2009 remain available for disbursement through 2016: Provided
further, That notwithstanding any other provision of law, the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation is authorized to
undertake any program authorized by title IV of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 in Iraq: Provided further, That funds
made available pursuant to the authority of the previous
proviso shall be subject to the regular notification
procedures of the Committees on Appropriations.
In addition, such sums as may be necessary for
administrative expenses to carry out the credit program may
be derived from amounts available for administrative expenses
to carry out the credit and insurance programs in the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation Non-Credit Account
and merged with said account.
TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT AGENCY
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
section 661 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
$50,300,000, to remain available until September 30, 2008.
TITLE II--BILATERAL ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE
FUNDS APPROPRIATED TO THE PRESIDENT
For expenses necessary to enable the President to carry out
the provisions of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, and for
other purposes, to remain available until September 30, 2007,
unless otherwise specified herein, as follows:
UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Child Survival and Health Programs Fund
(including transfer of funds)
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
chapters 1 and 10 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, for child survival, health, and family planning/
reproductive health activities, in addition to funds
otherwise available for such purposes, $1,565,613,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2008: Provided, That
this amount shall be made available for such activities as:
(1) immunization programs; (2) oral rehydration programs; (3)
health, nutrition, water and sanitation programs which
directly address the needs of mothers and children, and
related education programs; (4) assistance for children
displaced or orphaned by causes other than AIDS; (5) programs
for the prevention, treatment, control of, and research on
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, polio, malaria, and other infectious
diseases, and for assistance to communities severely affected
by HIV/AIDS, including children displaced or orphaned by
AIDS; and (6) family planning/reproductive health: Provided
further, That none of the funds appropriated under this
heading may be made available for nonproject assistance,
except that funds may be made available for such assistance
for ongoing health activities: Provided further, That of the
funds appropriated under this heading, not to exceed
$350,000, in addition to funds otherwise available for such
purposes, may be used to monitor and provide oversight of
child survival, maternal and family planning/reproductive
health, and infectious disease programs: Provided further,
That the following amounts should be allocated as follows:
$356,400,000 for child survival and maternal health;
$25,000,000 for vulnerable children; $346,621,000 for HIV/
AIDS; $287,592,000 for other infectious diseases; and
$350,000,000 for family planning/reproductive health,
including in areas where population growth threatens
biodiversity or endangered species: Provided further, That of
the funds appropriated under this heading, and in addition to
funds allocated under the previous proviso, not less than
$200,000,000 shall be made available, notwithstanding any
other provision of law, except for the United States
Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria Act of
2003 (Public Law 108-25), for a United States contribution to
the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (the
``Global Fund''), and shall be expended at the minimum rate
necessary to make timely payment for projects and activities:
Provided further, That funds appropriated under this heading,
may be made available for a United States contribution to The
GAVI Fund, and up to $6,000,000 may be transferred to and
merged with funds appropriated by this Act under the heading
``Operating Expenses of the United States Agency for
International Development'' for costs directly related to
international health, but funds made available for such costs
may not be derived from amounts made available for
contributions under this and preceding provisos: Provided
further, That none of the funds made available in this Act
nor any unobligated balances from prior appropriations may be
made available to any organization or program which, as
determined by the President of the United States, supports or
participates in the management of a program of coercive
abortion or involuntary sterilization: Provided further, That
none of the funds made available under this Act may be used
to pay for the performance of abortion as a method of family
planning or to motivate or coerce any person to practice
abortions: Provided further, That nothing in this paragraph
shall be construed to alter any existing statutory
prohibitions against abortion under section 104 of the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1961: Provided further, That none
of the funds made available under this Act may be used to
lobby for or against abortion: Provided further, That in
order to reduce reliance on abortion in developing nations,
funds shall be available only to voluntary family planning
projects which offer, either directly or through referral to,
or information about access to, a broad range of family
planning methods and services, and that any such voluntary
family planning project shall meet the following
requirements: (1) service providers or referral agents in the
project shall not implement or be subject to quotas, or other
numerical targets, of total number of births, number of
family planning acceptors, or acceptors of a particular
method of family planning (this provision shall not be
construed to include the use of quantitative estimates or
indicators for budgeting and planning purposes); (2) the
project shall not include payment of incentives, bribes,
gratuities, or financial reward to: (A) an individual in
exchange for becoming a family planning acceptor; or (B)
program personnel for achieving a numerical target or quota
of total number of births, number of family planning
acceptors, or acceptors of a particular method of family
planning; (3) the project shall not deny any right or
benefit, including the right of access to participate in any
program of general welfare or the right of access to health
care, as a consequence of any individual's decision not to
accept family planning services; (4)
[[Page H3535]]
the project shall provide family planning acceptors
comprehensible information on the health benefits and risks
of the method chosen, including those conditions that might
render the use of the method inadvisable and those adverse
side effects known to be consequent to the use of the method;
and (5) the project shall ensure that experimental
contraceptive drugs and devices and medical procedures are
provided only in the context of a scientific study in which
participants are advised of potential risks and benefits;
and, not less than 60 days after the date on which the
Administrator of the United States Agency for International
Development determines that there has been a violation of the
requirements contained in paragraph (1), (2), (3), or (5) of
this proviso, or a pattern or practice of violations of the
requirements contained in paragraph (4) of this proviso, the
Administrator shall submit to the Committees on
Appropriations a report containing a description of such
violation and the corrective action taken by the Agency:
Provided further, That in awarding grants for natural family
planning under section 104 of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961 no applicant shall be discriminated against because of
such applicant's religious or conscientious commitment to
offer only natural family planning; and, additionally, all
such applicants shall comply with the requirements of the
previous proviso: Provided further, That for purposes of this
or any other Act authorizing or appropriating funds for
foreign operations, export financing, and related programs,
the term ``motivate'', as it relates to family planning
assistance, shall not be construed to prohibit the provision,
consistent with local law, of information or counseling about
all pregnancy options: Provided further, That to the maximum
extent feasible, taking into consideration cost, timely
availability, and best health practices, funds appropriated
in this Act or prior appropriations Acts that are made
available for condom procurement shall be made available only
for the procurement of condoms manufactured in the United
States: Provided further, That information provided about the
use of condoms as part of projects or activities that are
funded from amounts appropriated by this Act shall be
medically accurate and shall include the public health
benefits and failure rates of such use.
Development Assistance
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
sections 103, 105, 106, and sections 251 through 255, and
chapter 10 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
$1,294,000,000, to remain available until September 30, 2008:
Provided, That $365,000,000 should be allocated for basic
education: Provided further, That of the funds appropriated
under this heading and managed by the United States Agency
for International Development Bureau of Democracy, Conflict,
and Humanitarian Assistance, not less than $15,000,000 shall
be made available only for programs to improve women's
leadership capacity in recipient countries: Provided further,
That such funds may not be made available for construction:
Provided further, That of the funds appropriated under this
heading that are made available for assistance programs for
displaced and orphaned children and victims of war, not to
exceed $42,500, in addition to funds otherwise available for
such purposes, may be used to monitor and provide oversight
of such programs: Provided further, That funds appropriated
under this heading should be made available for programs in
sub-Saharan Africa to address sexual and gender-based
violence: Provided further, That of the funds appropriated
under this heading, $10,000,000 may be made available for
cooperative development programs within the Office of Private
and Voluntary Cooperation: Provided further, That not less
than $20,000,000 should be made available for rural water and
sanitation projects in East Africa.
{time} 1445
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Blumenauer
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Amendment No. 1 offered by Mr. Blumenauer:
In the item relating to ``Development Assistance'', after
the aggregate dollar amount, insert the following:
``(increased by $250,000,000)''.
In the item relating to ``Foreign Military Financing
Program'', after the aggregate dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $250,000,000)''.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, the amendment I am offering today,
along with Mr. Leach from Iowa, the chairman of the International
Relations Subcommittee on Asia, will increase the development
assistance account by $250 million in order to fund clean water and
other anti-poverty programs. This increase will be offset by an equal
amount of unearmarked funds in the military foreign financing account;
and as such will not, and I want to emphasize this, will not impact the
military aid to Israel, Egypt, Jordan, or Colombia.
Over the last few years, it has become increasingly clear to people
of every political stripe that we live in an interconnected world. How
people in other countries live affects how we are secured at home,
whether we are impacted by diseases like avian flu that thrive in
poverty, whether our economy grows and creates more and better jobs.
By investing in poor people around the world, we invest in global
economic growth, the kind of thing that will have a clear effect on our
own economic future. It is also helping responsible governments get
stronger, offering their own people a better future, and a smart
investment in our own security from terrorism to bird flu. The capacity
of responsible governments to partner with the United States in
tackling these shared challenges is critical to our security at home.
Across the world, people living in extreme poverty are working, are
struggling to improve their lives; but a billion of them live on $1 a
day or less. It is critical that we expand our programs to help them in
this work.
There is no doubt that the record of previous development efforts,
including foreign aid, has been uneven; but the fact is we are getting
better at it. We know what works. There is a global partnership that
has emerged that does have a measurable, positive impact on growth in
poor countries.
Thankfully, we now have the very best ideas of what kinds of steps
are effective in providing the best returns in fighting poverty. The
best tools, luckily, are simple: targeted programs to provide clean
water, health care, improve agricultural productivity, and support good
governance. This is not rocket science, as they say; but these are
things that work.
Time and time again we have made commitments to fight against
poverty, and we must now put those commitments into action.
In 2000, we joined with over 190 countries in committing to a series
of ambitious targets called the Millennium Development Goals, including
cutting in half the people living in extreme poverty by 2015. There are
a series of other initiatives that have taken place to try and make
sure that the rich countries of this world invest 0.7 percent of their
gross national product in anti-poverty programs.
Currently, there is only one country in the world of the rich,
developed countries that does less than we do in this regard. We spend
less than 0.2 percent. It is time for us to live up to the commitments
we have made. This amendment is a simple way to do it.
In fact, this is supported by people across this country. The Program
on International Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland found
that two-thirds of the American public supports significant increases
for our foreign assistance. It shows majorities of both Republicans and
Democrats supporting increasing our investments.
Now, there are consequences for our lack of leadership. Mr. Chairman,
every 15 seconds a child dies needlessly from waterborne disease. Half
the people who are sick today around the world are sick needlessly
because of a lack of fresh pure water and sanitation.
This is within our capacity to make a difference, and there is no
great philosophical fault line. Indeed, Girl Scout troops, churches,
synagogues, your local Rotary Club may well have been involved with
these efforts; and they support these approaches and can do something
about it.
This amendment would allow the House to decide if $250 million is
better served by investing in people through good governments, health
and economic development, or selling more weapons around the world,
often to countries with questionable human rights records.
The most recent year that I surveyed showed that half the money that
we gave for military assistance went to countries that the State
Department ruled were not democratic. I strongly urge the adoption of
this amendment to be able to realize this bipartisan objective.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this is an example of the kind of amendment that we are
going to hear a great deal about this afternoon and this evening. It is
the kind of amendment that if the world were different, if we lived in
a world
[[Page H3536]]
with unlimited resources, it would be wonderful to say ``yes'' to an
amendment like this.
But, of course, we do not live in a world of unlimited resources. As
described in general debate, the allocation for our bill is $2.4
billion below the amount requested by the President, and certainly
lower even than what all Members would like to see in the bill.
We have $1.29 billion for development assistance. That is $12 million
above what the President requested. So in this particular area, despite
the fact that we are $2 billion below the President's request, we have
actually exceeded the amount in this area. It is equal to the amount we
provided in fiscal year 2006 once you adjust for the trade capacity
funds that have been moved to the new account.
We have some very tough choices that we have to make in this bill,
and yet we have provided at least steady funding levels for the
Development Assistance Account.
Now, the difficult part of this amendment is where the money comes
out of. The gentleman says it is more important to provide safe
drinking water than it is to make military sales to other countries. I
would agree with that statement certainly when it is phrased that way.
But I think it is important, and the gentleman understand, that of the
$4 billion that we have in our bill for military assistance, foreign
military financing, all but $900 million is designated for countries.
It is designated to Egypt, Israel, Jordan and some for Colombia, and a
couple of other countries. But there is only $900 million that is not
designated.
The gentleman's amendment takes this money out of it, but does not
touch the earmarks, of course; and so it comes out of that $900 million
that is left. What he is doing is taking the money away from a handful
of countries which would absolutely decimate the handful of countries
left. You would be talking about taking away the small amounts of money
that we give to such countries as Armenia, the substantial amounts that
we give to Pakistan, Turkey, the small amounts that we give to
countries like Liberia and Ethiopia. All of it would come out of the
funds that go to those countries, which money is important, very
important in terms of their security, very important in terms of their
international obligations. In many cases, it goes for things so those
countries can meet their international obligations towards peacekeeping
forces.
So the amendment is going to reduce funding out of 68 small country
programs which would have to be cut by 50 percent or more in each of
those cases in order to accommodate the gentleman's amendment. I think
to do this would be absolutely irresponsible on the part of the House
of Representatives, and we should not allow this to happen.
Let me conclude by saying what we have done on water programs in this
legislation. We have directed the U.S. Agency for International
Development to provide not less than $50 million from the development
assistance accounts to build wells in rural areas and to secure water
systems in urban areas of Africa and communities that lack access to
fresh water.
In addition, we have language, bill language within the Development
Assistance Account, that mandates $20 million specifically for water
programs in East Africa, and that of course is where we know the need
is the very greatest.
These directives, these mandates, will double the fiscal year 2006
allocation for Africa in the Development Assistance Account. No one,
certainly not the least of whom is me, doubts the need to provide
clean, safe water for drinking around the world. I believe this bill as
presented to the House helps us deliver on that promise.
Does it do everything we would like it to do? No. But in so many
other areas, this bill so necessarily falls shorts, as do other
appropriations bills.
This amendment is not the right way to proceed and the consequences
for the small countries that rely importantly on our foreign military
financing programs and are affected by this reduction would be
absolutely drastic. I would urge my colleagues to defeat this well-
meaning amendment, but with consequences that are quite dire to the
effect of this bill.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in reluctant opposition to this amendment, and I
associate myself with the remarks of Chairman Kolbe. I understand and
support what the gentleman from Oregon seeks to accomplish; but I
believe passage of this amendment would upset the delicate balance of
funding we have achieved in this bill on a bipartisan basis.
It would also severely disrupt foreign military financing programs
that are a key part of our overall national security strategy.
I was pleased that the fiscal year 2006 foreign operations bill
included a $200 million earmark for drinking water supply projects in
the developing world, and I understand that USAID will indeed meet that
earmark in this current fiscal year. As we have not reduced development
assistance funding below the 2006 enacted level, and have not reduced
disaster assistance significantly from the enacted level, I am
confident this bill has room to at least meet the 2006 earmark for
water supply projects.
As I said, the potential effect of the gentleman's amendment, and the
chairman referred to that, would be to cut nearly in half the 68
unearmarked recipients of foreign military financing. So I am very
concerned, but I hope to work with the chairman and the gentleman from
Oregon in conference to ensure a high level of funding is earmarked for
water supply projects.
In the meantime, I reluctantly urge my colleagues to oppose this
amendment.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I recognize that there are some problems associated
with this amendment. And if it were adopted, I think there would have
to be substantial rejiggering of the allocation to the subcommittee.
But I just want to make an observation, nonetheless.
With the passage of the defense appropriations bill, we will have
spent $450 billion on the dumbest war since the War of 1812, that war
being our involvement in Iraq.
The conferees on the supplemental two nights ago, despite the fact
that there were two Senate votes and one House vote which put into that
bill a declaration that the Congress was in opposition to creating
permanent bases in Iraq, despite that fact, the conferees dropped all
three of those.
{time} 1500
So we are now in the position where the Congress of the United States
will not even take a position that we don't want permanent bases in
Iraq. Now, I know there are some people in this Chamber who don't want
us to pull out immediately. There are a lot of people who don't want us
to do that. But, certainly, the only other option isn't to stay there
forever, but that is what is being implied if we accept these permanent
bases in Iraq.
Imagine how our influence in the world would be transformed. Right
now, since our invasion of Iraq, we are at an all time low in terms of
American popularity in every region of the world. Imagine how our
popularity would be transformed if we said that, instead of spending
$450 billion on a stupid war, imagine how the world would look at us if
instead we said we were going to take 1/10 that amount and use it to
make certain that every single one of God's creatures who we could
reach in the next 10 years would finally have access to water that
doesn't make them sick and doesn't make a lot of their kids die.
America would be transformed, at least our image would be transformed,
into actually living up to our Judeo-Christian principles. Wouldn't
that be a shocker?
So I recognize that there are technical problems associated with the
gentleman's amendment. But just because my heart moves me on that
subject, I am going to vote for it. And if it means that somebody
somewhere is not going to get all the weapons they have been planning
on, isn't that too bad.
Mr. LEACH. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment which Mr. Blumenauer and I are offering
is a transfer amendment. $250 million would be taken from the
unearmarked section of the Military Assistance Account which exceeds
the Development Assistance Account by approximately a three to one
margin. These resources
[[Page H3537]]
would then be applied to clean water and other poverty alleviation
programs.
In our interactions with the world, the U.S. basically only has two
options. We can emphasize our capacities to project military might and
be a global policeman, or we can emphasize our humanitarian concerns
and be a global doctor or engineer. There are times that the
policeman's role may be compelling, but I am hard pressed to think
anything except that in the long run, American leadership in the 21st
century will be judged on whether the United States chooses to be a
superhumanitarian power rather than principally a military
interventionist.
One of the myths of our time is that realism is about might.
Actually, realism is about the human condition. It is the human
condition that must be improved if national security is to be
strengthened. Impoverished nations are breeding grounds for radicalism.
Where there is no hope, there is nothing to lose. There is no restraint
on violence.
Thus, the approach contained in this amendment is to address the
daily concerns of the 3.7 billion people in the world who lack access
to clean drinking water and adequate sanitation. These people are
exposed to sicknesses like giardia, guinea worm, shistosomaisis, and
diarrhea on a regular basis. Hundreds of millions of people, including
one in every five children in the poorest countries of the world, die
simply because there is no clean water.
Mr. Chairman, our priorities must be recalibrated. It may be true
that the militaries of several poor countries will not be as
advantaged, but the family of man will clearly benefit.
Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Let me start by saying as a member of the committee I really
appreciate the work of the chairman and the ranking member. I know the
very difficult choices that had to be made under an extremely tight
budget and extremely tough year in making those decisions. And I rise
in opposition to this amendment somewhat reluctantly because I agree
with some of the prior speakers and the need to look at the priority of
water and the needs of water throughout the Nation as a means of
expanding United States influence in a very positive way. We do it in
this bill; we do it as best we could in fitting in some of the other
priorities they have.
And why I rise in opposition to this amendment is because of its
effect. As has been pointed out already, it cuts everything, but from
the designated funds, the earmarked funds. It cuts $250 million that I
think will critically imbalance United States relationships in some
places. For example, it cuts from some of the African nations that I
think desperately need the support that would be given in the MFM fund.
And as an Armenian American, I want to point specifically to the
effect it would have on Armenia and the fact that it would cut $68
million in assistance, economic and border security assistance to
Armenia, which I view in large part is in this bill in order to balance
out some of the challenges that fledgling nation has with its neighbors
in Turkey and Azerbaijan; and in part, in recognition, which we have
failed in this Congress to do as of yet, and in this Nation, to
recognize the Armenian genocide of the past century and its impact on
that nation's history.
And so I want to salute the chairman and the ranking member for
trying to find that delicate balance and striking it here in this bill.
And while I applaud the sponsor of the amendment and his intentions and
hope that we can work in future years to do even more as it relates to
providing water, I think the impact of what this bill does in terms of
offsetting those funds would have too detrimental an impact. Therefore,
I would urge my colleagues to object.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SWEENEY. I yield to the gentleman from Oregon.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. I just want to clarify in my own mind. I heard Mr.
Kolbe say that the effect of our amendment, there were about 900
million, if I heard him correctly, that was unallocated at this point.
There is some report language in there that talks about where it might
go.
According to the information I have, there is only $7 million that
has been identified in report language for Armenia and Azerbaijan, and
there is over a quarter billion dollars that is completely undirected.
So I am wondering where the $70 million figure came from that you are
citing here that our amendment would impact.
Mr. SWEENEY. Well, the amount for Armenia, as is being explained to
me by the chairman, is about 7 percent. So if I said 7 million, then I
misspoke out of MFM. But the total impact, as I understand it, of the
taking of the 250, about 50 percent would be to lose the 68 million
that was intended to be sent to Armenia for the border security.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Oregon will be
postponed.
The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
International Disaster and Famine Assistance
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
section 491 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for
international disaster relief, rehabilitation, and
reconstruction assistance, $348,800,000, to remain available
until expended, of which $30,000,000 should be for famine
prevention and relief.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Obey
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Obey:
Page 14, line 1, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $50,000,000)''.
Page 19, line 22, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $100,000,000)''.
Page 20, line 3, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $100,000,000)''.
Page 32, line 7, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $50,000,000)''.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I am offering this amendment on behalf of
myself, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos), and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green).
For some time, Mr. Chairman, I have been troubled by the repression
of political freedom in Egypt and the lack of democratic reform. But in
light of the historical role that Egypt has played in the region and
the continuing stability that Egypt brings to an increasingly troubled
region, I have appealed for patience and moderation in efforts to alter
Egypt's aid package.
I chaired this subcommittee for 10 years, and during that time I was
responsible for providing over $20 billion in military and economic aid
to Egypt. In the years since, I have helped to fend off amendments that
sought to cut or restrict aid to Egypt.
Last year, during the Full Committee consideration of the bill, I
offered an amendment that earmarked some of Egypt's economic aid for
democracy purposes, a move that allowed Congress to fend off yet
another attempt to restrict the military aid. But in offering that
amendment, I gave notice to the government of Egypt that my patience,
and the patience of the American people, was wearing thin, and I hoped
and expected that the government of Egypt would get the hint and make
some moves to loosen its grip on political freedom and democratic
reforms.
Instead, I am sad to say, we have gotten backsliding on municipal
elections, an extension of emergency laws, repression of judicial
freedoms and a crackdown on demonstrations and rallies.
Most recently, we have seen the appellate court in Egypt reject the
appeal of Ayman Nour, a political opponent of President Mubarak who was
conveniently arrested just prior to last year's presidential elections.
Hundreds of demonstrators have been arrested and jailed in recent
weeks, many of them young kids in their teens and 20s who have been
beaten and bullied. Reporters have been roughed up and intimidated.
Just this week, the government of Egypt suspended the work of the
International Republican Institute in Egypt after the IRI country
director criticized in an interview the pace of reform as being too
slow.
[[Page H3538]]
Now, I am not a naive peddler of global democracy. I am not preaching
that we hold elections all across the Middle East and call it a day. I
understand that the very free and fair elections in the West Bank in
Gaza have resulted in a disastrous consequence for the peace process
through the election of Hamas.
But I do fear that Egypt is heading toward a precipice. What is
happening in Egypt, Mr. Chairman, is that the government is
systematically fencing in and squeezing out its moderate opposition.
And if they continue to do that, they are going to wind up with the
only viable opposition being the Muslim Brotherhood, the most radical
of the forces in the country. That will be disastrous for Mr. Mubarak.
It will be disastrous for his government. It will disastrous for the
American people, and it will be disastrous for the entire region.
I consider myself a lifelong friend of Egypt, and I have taken a lot
of heat on this floor through the years for taking a number of actions
that supported Egypt and the rest of the Arab world, sometimes even
when I differed with my friends who were supporting various provisions
for Israel.
But it seems to me that if you are a friend of Egypt, you will try to
make them understand that they are endangering their ability to have a
peaceful transfer of power when Mr. Mubarak leaves office.
Now, I have met Mr. Mubarak's son. I understand that Mr. Mubarak
would like to see his son succeed him. I am very impressed by his son.
I happen to think he would probably be a good leader. But he is not
going to get the chance for very long if the moderate opposition in
that country is systematically jailed, beaten up and wiped out, because
then you will have only the most radical extreme elements left.
So what we are doing in this amendment is to cut $100 million out of
the Economic Support Fund, and we are moving 50 million of that to help
refugees in the Sudan, and we are moving another 50 million of it to
provide increased funding for the President's HIV/AIDS initiative. I am
not doing this out of anger at Egypt. I am doing this out of a deep and
abiding concern for the future of that country.
I respect Egypt. I think the people of Egypt are a wonderful people.
And I think that Mr. Mubarak has done many constructive things that
have been in the interest of peace in the region and have helped
promote our own national interests as well.
{time} 1515
But I am speaking as a friend, and I am saying this Congress has an
obligation to recognize the problem and to act before it is too late to
salvage the situation.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I do rise in opposition to this amendment, and I say so
with the greatest respect to my colleague David Obey. Often on this
floor, we say things about each other and we say things because it is
the oil that helps make this place move forward, but I do have the
greatest respect for him and I believe he has been a great part of this
institution, it has been a privilege to serve with him. We just differ
on this amendment. We had a very good debate in the full Appropriations
Committee on this, and I hope the debate this afternoon will be as
constructive and as good as the debate that we had in the committee.
We both agree that Egypt should strive toward greater democracy and
greater freedoms, and I believe the approach taken by this amendment is
the wrong approach.
Mr. Obey suggests that we would take $100 million of funding in
economic support funds from Egypt. The intent is to take these funds
from the amounts that are designated as budget support for Egypt. These
are the funds that are transferred to Egypt when it successfully
completes certain financial sector reforms. In other words, we have put
benchmarks in front and said the money can't be released until they
meet these reforms. As they meet these reforms, the money is then
released. This would then take the money away from that, reducing that
incentive to make these kinds of reforms.
The funds that are targeted by this amendment support one of our
strongest allies in this region. And I say that very carefully, one of
our strategic partners, our very strong allies in this region, to help
them meet the memorandum of understanding that we made in March of 2005
about these financial sector reforms.
Last month in the same kind of debate that we had in Committee, the
Secretary of State said in a letter to the chairman of the
Appropriations Committee, ``Reducing U.S. assistance would seriously
damage our partnership as well as the broader strategic interests of
the United States.'' And she also went on to state, ``We firmly believe
the U.S. assistance to Egypt could continue at the full level requested
by the administration, and ask your support for that request.''
In the past, the ranking member Mr. Obey has himself recognized this
when he has stated on the floor his support for the funding for Egypt.
Now, I recognize and he could argue quite correctly, times have
changed, there are different things that have happened, and he could
say this is a different source of funds perhaps from it. But
nonetheless, he himself has recognized the importance of Egypt as an
ally.
While it is sometimes important to dispense tough love by withholding
or eliminating funds, we also have to ensure that Egypt remains allied
with the United States as a leading moderate nation within the Middle
East. And I believe that, in this case, any attempt to pressure Egypt
into hastening its transition to democracy could push this country away
from the United States and allow another foreign power to gain a
foothold in the region that could be very detrimental not only to our
interests, but to the interest of peace in the region. This certainly
would not be good for any of us.
Mr. Chairman, the bill that is before us today already has a $200
million rescission in funds for Egypt in the economic support fund. So
for those who want to make this claim, the bill already has sent a
signal to the Egyptians, and I think this amendment just simply piles
on. It is overkill, in my opinion.
As in the programs that would receive funds with the Obey amendment,
he would put some of it to the global HIV/AIDS initiative. I don't
believe that anybody could claim that we have not supported this
program or provided all the funds that could reasonably and effectively
be spent. In fact, this bill has a total of $3.4 billion for HIV/AIDS
programs. The President's request, $750 million increase over the 2006
level, this is the largest increase in this bill, and that demonstrates
how much I think all of us on this committee and in this body care
about fighting the HIV/AIDS. To increase it by another $50 million is
simply not necessary and doesn't do anything more to meet in any way,
certainly not as much as it detracts from the strategic interests that
we have in Egypt.
The second area is in the international disaster and famine
assistance, and this is a contingency count for uses when disaster
strikes. In this bill there is a total of $348 million, again, the
President's request for this account. The supplemental that 2 days ago
was considered by the House and Senate conferees includes an additional
$161 million for IDFA to accommodate emergencies that have recently
arisen. We have done what I think is the responsible thing in this
bill.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to vote against the Obey-Lantos
amendment.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, my friend and colleague Chairman Hyde and I are strong
friends of Egypt and we are proud cosponsors of this amendment. We are
sponsors of this amendment because we are fed up with an Egyptian
government that has received well over $50 billion from United States
taxpayers in the past quarter century, yet it will not treat its
citizens with dignity and respect. We are fed up with an Egypt that
suppresses dissent, an Egypt that suffocates the secular liberal
opposition, throws its leaders in jail on trumped-up charges, an Egypt
that takes out its wrath on a man called Ayman Nour, who finished a
distant second in President Mubarak's landslide victory last year. I am
sickened, Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Nour is likely to spend the next 5
years of his life behind bars on transparently manufactured charges
when we know his only
[[Page H3539]]
real crime was having the temerity to wage a political campaign against
Mr. Mubarak.
We are fed up with and are not fooled by an Egyptian government that
stages parliamentary elections, but prevents voters from reaching the
polls. We are fed up with an Egyptian government that punishes judges
who merely want to insist on judicial independence and ignores its
promises to end emergency law and instead extends it. We are fed up
with and deeply disappointed in an Egyptian government that suspended
the activities of the International Republican Institute in Egypt
simply because the local director criticized the pace of reform in
Egypt.
We are fed up with an Egypt that is one of the leaders among the so-
called group of 77 who are working hard to derail the critical United
Nations reforms proposed by Kofi Annan, the Secretary General, which
have bipartisan and strong support here in this Congress.
We are fed up with an Egypt that has nearly 500,000 active duty
troops in its military, yet can do nothing in the international effort
in Afghanistan.
We are fed up with an Egypt whose peace with Israel remains frigid,
far colder than it ought to be, as we approach the 27th anniversary of
the peace treaty.
Mr. Chairman, I do not denigrate the importance of our alliance with
Egypt and I deeply appreciate the importance of the Israeli-Egyptian
peace. But I do feel that we deserve more, much more for our generosity
than the laundry list of problems I have only partially described.
I want the United States to maintain the strongest possible relations
with Egypt. As you know, Chairman Hyde and I have made efforts in the
past to communicate this to Egypt in clear and unmistakable legislative
language.
The approach in our amendment is not precisely the approach I would
have championed. Nevertheless, I consider it absolutely critical that
President Mubarak understand the deep dissatisfaction here with the
course of events in Egypt, particularly regarding the decline of human
rights and personal freedoms.
It is also critical that the Egyptian people understand that we are
taking this action in support of those moderate political parties,
human rights advocates and independent judges who are supporting change
in Egypt.
I believe this amendment sends a message to President Mubarak and to
the Egyptian people in a manner that is loud, clear, friendly and
measured. I urge all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this
amendment, communicating our deep disappointment in our ally Egypt, and
boosting simultaneously the underfunded and critical causes of the
tragedy in Darfur and fighting HIV/AIDS globally.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise on behalf of and in support of the amendment
offered by Mr. Obey, Mr. Hyde, Mr. Lantos and Mr. Green, and I
associate myself with the remarks of Mr. Obey and Mr. Lantos.
I believe the alliance between ourselves and Egypt is an important
one. I believe that Egypt has played an important role, not as
expansive a role as I would have wanted, but an important role in the
Middle East.
Mr. Chairman, in his inaugural address President Bush stated, ``It is
the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of
democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with
the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in the world.''
Mr. Chairman, I agree with this unambiguous statement in support of
democracy and freedom, and I believe Members on both sides of the aisle
agree with it as well. In fact, it is the reiteration of the policy
that has guided our Nation from Wilson to Roosevelt, to Truman to
Kennedy, to the present day.
Yet today, Mr. Chairman, one of our Nation's key allies in the Middle
East, our friend Egypt, has taken demonstrable steps that raise
troubling questions about its commitment to democracy.
Mr. Chairman, I will give examples. Multiparty presidential elections
in 2005, as has been stated, were marred by allegations of fraud, voter
suppression and intimidation. The leading opposition candidate, Ayman
Nour, was arrested and sentenced to 5 years in prison, prompting the
State Department to comment, ``The Egyptian government's handling of
this case represents both a miscarriage of justice by international
standards and a setback for the democratic aspirations of the Egyptian
people.''
In Egypt, judges who protested the election have been disciplined.
More than 600 pro-democracy activists have been arrested, and members
of the foreign and Egyptian press have been harassed and intimidated.
Let me add, Mr. Chairman, it troubles me that last year, Egypt voted
with the United States of America on contested votes of importance only
8.9 percent of the time. Let me reiterate that. A country to whom we
have given $67 billion since Camp David, voted with us in important
votes 8.9 percent of the time.
Thus, today, Mr. Chairman, I believe this amendment gives us a clear
choice: We can continue to turn a blind eye to the undemocratic
behavior of the Egyptian government, which will receive $1.8 billion in
military and economic assistance through this foreign operations bill;
or, alternatively, through the adoption of this amendment, we can send
a message to our friend that the United States of America does not
approve of its undemocratic activities, and, indeed, believes those are
inimical to Egypt itself. We expect Egypt to abide by its commitments
on democracy, human rights and the rule of law.
The Secretary of State's letter has been referred to by the chairman
of the subcommittee. I have read that letter, Mr. Chairman. It sets
forth many things that Egypt has done which have had a positive effect
on stability in the Middle East.
Mr. Chairman, in my opinion, those actions were in Egypt's best
interests.
{time} 1530
They did not do that for the United States. They did it to create
stability in the region in which they live. I congratulate them for
that. But they did not do it because we gave them aid, assistance.
The bipartisan amendment that has been offered, quite simply, would
cut $100 million, as has been said, in economic assistance for Egypt.
Like Mr. Lantos, that would not be my choice, but that is the choice of
this amendment. Instead, it increases funding for disaster assistance
for refugees in Darfur, one of the crisis regions of the world today.
In addition, it increases the President's Global HIV/AIDS Initiative by
an additional $50 million
At a time when this Nation has committed itself to promoting
democracy throughout the Middle East, we have, it seems to me, a
responsibility to expect that the most populous country in the region
meets its democratic commitments.
Mr. Chairman, I urge support of this amendment.
Mr. WICKER. I move to strike the requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, my colleagues, I rise in opposition to the amendment
and urge my colleagues for a strong vote against this ill-advised
initiative.
In debate on the House floor some 2 years ago, some of the advocates
of this amendment today rose and very eloquently spoke basically on the
other side of the argument, saying that this would be ill advised, it
would be unilateral action against a friend of ours.
I thought those remarks were correct at the time. And I am
disappointed that some of the advocates of this amendment have changed
their minds over 2 years' time. What has happened in 2 years?
Well, one thing that has happened is they have had a presidential
election in Egypt which has represented progress. Now, we were not
happy with everything that happened with the parliamentary elections,
and it was not exactly a perfect presidential election in Egypt. But
they had multiple parties, they had an open process. And I think almost
every person who watched this on the international stage said it
represented progress. So what has happened between 2004 and now is
actual progress in Egypt. I commend them for that. But let's talk about
why we have this bill at all. I meant to get down here for general
debate to discuss this. We do foreign assistance for altruistic
reasons, certainly for humanitarian reasons, of course. But the main
reason we do foreign assistance is we
[[Page H3540]]
do it in the American national interest. This bill is a very important
part of our national security package. And let me tell you about the
national interest. Those of you who have been to the Middle East know
that we do not have a lot of friends over there. But one friend we have
in that area is Egypt. Since Nasser kicked the Soviets out, since Sadat
helped with Camp David, with the beginnings of that Arab-Israeli peace
process up until today, Egypt has been our strategic friend and our
strategic partner.
Talk about national interests: When we went in with Operation Iraqi
Freedom, some of our allies, Turkey, for example, would not let us
through. How much trouble did that cause us, because we were not able
to go into Iraq through Turkey?
By contrast, Egypt has allowed us to use the Suez for that purpose.
They have allowed us continuous overflights. And just recently, they
have been instrumental in helping with the unilateral Israeli
withdrawal from the Gaza. They have helped us when it counted.
How many American soldiers are alive today because Egypt was our
friend in Operation Iraqi Freedom? How many billions of dollars have we
saved for the American taxpayers because Egypt has been our friend?
An amendment that was stronger than this was offered in the
Appropriations Committee, and it was rejected overwhelmingly on a
bipartisan basis. The authors of this amendment have attempted to
soften it here on the floor. And one of the things that they have tried
to do is take the money from Egypt and give it to programs that we all
like--AIDS in Africa, Darfur, things of that nature. It is hard to
resist. It sounds good.
But my friends, these people in Egypt have stood by us in a tough,
tough neighborhood. And I do not think this amendment is the sort of
thing we do to our friends. It might make us feel good, but it is
terrible foreign policy, and I believe the House of Representatives
will reject this amendment.
Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, Members and the world, this is a very important
amendment, and we must pay particular attention to it. The Middle East
is in turmoil. We are threatened on every side of the Middle East.
Sometimes we do not respect the culture. Sometimes we do not respect
the religion. Sometimes we do not respect the people for what has
happened to this country and terrorism around the world.
But I want for a minute for you to just take a moment and think how
important this amendment would be and the signal it would send to our
strongest alley in the Middle East. We have had a wonderful
relationship with Egypt over the last 30 years. Over 75 million
Egyptians, with some of the other countries, Syria, Jordan, Saudi, some
of them 7 million, some 10 million, some 12, this is 75 million
Egyptians who live in our country today and who live in the Middle
East.
Mr. Chairman, it is the wrong signal to send at a time when the
Middle East is in turmoil. Leadership is what they must have. And I
contend to you that President Mubarak and his administration is the
best friend that we have in the Middle East. I am recently returned
from the World Economic Forum in Egypt on the Middle East, where
countries from that region came together.
We met with them, a good delegation of us. And we interacted with
them for the 2, 3 days of that summit. They want to be good neighbors.
And what I am here to tell you is that Egypt, with the President and
his administration, is leading the effort to make sure that our
relationship with them and theirs with the rest of the Middle East is
one that is important, that is stabilized, and that it is secure.
Egypt is a critical partner of the U.S. in the Middle East. Egypt is
an honest broker with the Palestinians on its issues and on our issues.
Egypt is the main protector of Israel, and we need that communication,
we need that cooperation. Egypt supports us in the Gaza and the
Egyptian border.
Egypt has sent 800 peacekeepers to the Sudan. Egypt also participates
in joint exercises with our military. They buy our U.S. military
equipment. This is not the time to punish them. No, they are not a
democracy like we have. This is the best country in the world. Our
democracy is second to none.
But do we penalize our neighbors, sovereign nations, because they are
not like us? President Mubarak in the last 12 months has issued many
decrees and is about changing how they believe and what they believe in
Egypt.
As a result of that, Egypt has seen three bombings, had not seen any
in over 10, 15, 20 years. Because it is hard to change from one way of
governing, and then come to another. You have people in Egypt rising up
against the president and against us too.
It is not time now. The timing is not good for the U.S. to back away
from our relationship with Egypt as we help to stabilize that part of
the world and remain partners with our country.
Is it possible that some things might not be right? Yes. I would be
the first to say that. Are they working to make it better? Yes, they
are. Israel needs a strong Egypt. The U.S. needs a strong Egypt. So I
implore my colleagues, and I hate to rise any time against my ranking
member. I feel so passionately about this that I implore my colleagues
to look at what is happening in the world, look at us as our Nation, we
are a great Nation, second to none.
Let us not forfeit our partnership with our friends that will
destabilize our own country. There was a great act in the Middle East
overnight, when one of the terrorists was captured, not only captured
but further than that. Do we throw all of that for naught, or do we try
to live in a world community where we can live together as brothers and
sisters from different nationalities and ethnicities? I contend that
Egypt is key in that and that we must continue.
It is not about the money, I must say as I take my seat. The cost of
military assistance is phenomenal. The amount that this will deduct
from that, it is not about the money; it is about the good will and the
partnership.
Hundreds of millions of dollars are being spent for our own security.
I contend that Egypt is a partner with us, and we should maintain that
bipartisanship, for it is they and us and nations of good will like us
that will determine what kind of world your grandchildren will live in.
Vote ``no'' on the amendment.
Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Obey amendment, although I
have great respect for what my colleague is trying to achieve.
What we are hearing in this debate is two narratives, both of which
are important. In the first narrative, we hear that Egypt's progress
toward democratic reform has been far too slow with far too many
setbacks; and, my colleagues, that is true.
The Egyptian Government persists in imprisoning political opponents
like Ayman Noor. I could add Professor Saad Ibrahim to that list. I
worked for several years with colleagues to urge the Egyptian
Government to free Mr. Ibrahim, director of an organization in Cairo
that promoted democracy and was critical of President Mubarak's
leadership.
Thankfully, Mr. Ibrahim has now been released, but the pattern of
imprisoning dissenters continues. These are very real concerns, and I
hope the Egyptian Government hears the debate in this Chamber today as
a strong alarm signal regarding Egypt's slow pace of progress.
However, there is a second narrative that is equally compelling.
Egypt is one of our most important allies in a troubled region. It has
contributed greatly to many efforts critical to our national security,
including supporting efforts to stabilize and rebuild Afghanistan;
training Iraqi police and troops; helping ensure an orderly withdrawal
of Israeli forces from Gaza, including the sending of 750 troops to the
Sinai-Gaza border; and policing the Rafah border crossing between Egypt
and the Palestinian territories.
Perhaps most important now, Mr. Chairman, is Egypt's role as a
mediator in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Egyptian leaders like
General Suleiman have intervened in discussions and negotiations when
the U.S. simply cannot do so.
Just this morning, USA Today reported that Egypt had mediated between
Fatah and Hamas to secure an agreement under which Hamas will withdraw
its 3,000-person militia from
[[Page H3541]]
Gaza and allow it to be folded into the Palestinian security forces.
Egyptian leaders have intervened on several other notable occasions.
In an effort to prevent Fatah's disorganization from enabling a Hamas
victory in Palestinian elections, General Suleiman worked with Abu
Mazen in December 2005 to try to mediate between splinter parties.
In December 2004, during a period of heavy attacks against Israel,
General Suleiman initiated a dialogue with Hamas and the Islamic jihad
and other Palestinian militant groups to seek an end to the attacks.
Mr. Chairman, we are facing a critical period in the Middle East. The
political crisis caused by Hamas's victory makes Egyptian mediation
more, not less, critical. That is decisive for me. It is a time to
build on this second narrative, not to deliver an irresponsible poke in
the eye to a critical player at a critical time.
Let me say a few words about the supposed beneficiaries of this
amendment. Mr. Obey has cleverly crafted the amendment to distract
attention from the cuts to Egypt by directing the money to two causes
that many of us believe are of the highest importance, stopping
genocide in Darfur and stemming the spread of HIV/AIDS.
{time} 1545
I strongly support both of these priorities and would support added
funding in this bill for them. However, this amendment does a
disservice to those priorities by making them pawns in a political game
that is about our support for Egypt, not for support for AIDS and
Darfur. I hope we can add funding for efforts to address the AIDS
pandemic and the genocide in Darfur, but this amendment is not the
responsible way to do it.
Let us not lose sight of the millions of people in the Middle East
who are depending on our leadership and our ability to work with Egypt
to achieve peace in their troubled region. That is the priority of
which we must not lose sight. I urge my colleagues to oppose the Obey
amendment.
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, what if a member of your family were heading in a
direction that was going to cause that person irrevocable harm, a
member of your family? Would you stand by and say nothing? Someone you
love. Or would you get their attention however you could as subtly as
possible but if subtlety does not work then with a little more oomph to
get their attention, to get them to change direction because they are
going in a destructive direction?
That is what the Obey amendment is about. It is about our friend
Egypt, a member of our family, if you will, going in the wrong
direction. A friend who we have committed more than $67 billion to,
delivered it to them. They have done wonderful things for our national
security as well. We are great and good friends, Egypt and the United
States, but our friend Egypt is headed in the wrong direction.
Just this past year, President Mubarak's leading opposition candidate
for president was put in jail. Emergency laws which suspend democracy
and the rule of law are still in effect. Independent judges have been
disciplined for not following in lockstep with what the government says
is their agenda. Freedom of the press has been weakened. And just this
week, the International Republican Institute, a democracy building
program in Egypt that is also funded by our Appropriations Committee,
was suspended for criticizing the slow pace of reforms in Egypt.
People around the world, countries around the world, Mr. Chairman,
have no hesitation telling us in America when we are moving in the
wrong direction. Even in a time of war, other countries who are our
friends say, America, you should not do that. You are going in the
wrong direction. Well, that is what the Obey amendment does. It says to
our friends in Egypt, please, we have tried every subtle way to get
your attention, it has not succeeded. We are going to try to get your
attention now with this $100 million transfer to two very worthy
purposes, by the way, HIV/AIDS relief in Africa and $50 million for
Darfur, clearly places where this money will be put to better effect.
Now, again, I view the Egyptian people as honorable and great people,
great friends of the United States. I heard somewhere that that
somebody said Egypt is defending Israel. By the way, Israel is
America's greatest ally in the Middle East by far and votes with
American more than any other country. Egypt unfortunately only votes
with us 8 percent. Israel votes with America over 90 percent of the
time at the U.N. Israel takes care of itself.
But, Mr. Chairman, we need to send a message to our friend, Egypt, to
finally make these changes and show progress this coming year in the
rule of law, in respect for democracy and human rights. I support the
Obey amendment.
Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment and would like
to say, first, that I understand that simply by having this debate here
today, I think we are sending the appropriate message that needs to be
sent to Egypt. And I would point out that already in the bill we
rescind $200 million in aid to Egypt, and I think that this particular
amendment would be much more punitive than is requisite and needed.
The United States needs to strive to bring reforms to Egypt. We all
agree on that. But this is not tough love. This is going over the top
in my estimation, and would cause damage for many years in the future
if it were to pass. Reducing U.S. aid to Egypt at this time would also
be strategically not a good move for the United States. Egypt has
facilitated expeditious transit of hundreds of U.S. warships and
thousands of U.S. aircraft through the Suez Canal and Egyptian air
space since the start of Operation Enduring Freedom and Iraqi freedom.
Egypt has been a close partner. Many of my colleagues before have
spoken about that relationship and what it means to the region at such
a critical team. So I would urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment
because I think it goes just too far.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SWEENEY. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I want to correct some
statements that were made by previous speakers with regard to the
International Republican Institute having been denied the ability to
operate in Egypt. I have the privilege of serving on the board of the
IRI, and I did speak yesterday to the president of the IRI.
There has been some disagreement, some misunderstanding, I think,
really in terms of the registration process for the IRI in Egypt, but
it is the belief of the President of the IRI that this is going to be
worked out very shortly. But we do not believe it will, in any way,
affect the programs of IRI in Egypt.
So I think he would agree, and certainly I would suggest to you that
$100 million whack at Egypt over the slowness of registering an
organization, an NGO that has engaged in democracy building, is a
little bit of an overkill.
That leads me to my larger point, and this has been a bipartisan
debate, and we have seen speakers here on both sides of the aisle
speaking against this amendment and appreciate my colleagues who have
come to the floor to make the points about how important Egypt is as a
strategic partner.
That is the bottom line here. Egypt is a strategic partner. Egypt is
a country that is in transition as we speak. Everybody knows that we
are moving on to a post-Mubarak age. The question is, where do we want
to be 10 years from now? Where do we want Egypt to be? Where do we want
to be with regard to our relationship with Egypt. I would suggest to
you that Egypt which has been since 1979, with the Camp David Accord,
the key part of our strategic effort to achieve peace in the Middle
East, that this would not be the time, this would not be the way to
achieve that, to continue on that path by kicking sand in the face of
Egypt.
This is not the right move, Mr. Chairman. This is not the way to go
about this. We need to continue this strategic partnership. We need to
continue to say to Egypt, we do expect you to reform. We do expect
these kinds of political reforms to be made. We will work with you and
we will stand with you and we will stand with the people of Egypt to
make these reforms. And
[[Page H3542]]
we are glad that you have moved towards the multi-party presidential
election. We are glad some of these things are happening. We expect
more to be done, but we are not going to achieve that if we do not
continue the partnership. If we jerk the rug out from under them, if we
take away that partnership, we can hardly expect that to continue.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SWEENEY. I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin.
Mr. OBEY. Last year, I said virtually everything that my good friend
is now saying today. The problem is that in the last year they have
jailed their main opponents, they have beaten up people who are
defending an independent judiciary, they have imposed another round of
martial law, and they have continued the very things that are totally
opposed to our values.
Now, to me the issue is not whether Egypt is a good friend and a good
ally. They obviously are. The question is; Are they going to be around
to continue to be that. If they do not change the way they are
behaving, they are not going to be succeeded by a moderate government.
They are systematically alienating every moderate group in that
society, and you are going to wind up with the Muslim Brotherhood
running that country unless they wake up before it is too late.
Mr. SWEENEY. Reclaiming my time, let me conclude by saying that I
agree the purposes of this amendment are quite noble and that we as a
body and as an institution should be promoting the ideas of reform and
we should be intolerant and frustrated, but this amendment goes too
far. And we have already taken steps and the mere fact we are having
this debate I believe reinforces that message. I urge my colleagues to
oppose this amendment.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words. I rise in support of the Obey-Hyde-Lantos amendment.
Mr. Chairman, in years past on this floor and in committee I have
noted Egypt's central role in the Middle East peace efforts and that
without those efforts we would have been even further away from peace
than we are. That is, I believe, still true today. And clearly Egypt
played an important part of Israel's successful disengagement from Gaza
last year, but as central as the Egyptian role in the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict is and as helpful as Egypt has been with ship
transits through the Suez and flights over the Suez Canal in support of
our efforts in Iraq, in regional peace and security, is not the only
agenda that we have with Egypt.
President Bush has called for democratic transformation as a response
to the rise of Islamic extremists in the Arab world. In Egypt, the
response to that call has been decidedly mixed. Clearly, last year's
presidential elections which for the first time featured more than one
candidate on the ballot were a departure from the past practice of an
up or down vote on President Mubarak and were a positive step forward.
However, the Egyptian parliamentarian elections in December were marred
with violence, voter intimidation and allegations of fraud as the
ruling party sought to hold not just its majority in the assembly but
its overwhelming majority.
While some will point out that a large number of opposition
candidates who want seats, the real concern is that so many of them are
affiliated with the Muslim brotherhood. No doubt the Egyptian
government will look at these results and say again that political
reform must proceed slowly.
I would argue that these results are of the government's own making.
It is not democratic reform that produced these results, but the lack
of political space for legitimate secular parties to function within
Egyptian society. By denying that space, by arresting judges and
journalists, by prosecuting legitimate opposition political leaders, by
beating demonstrators, by extending the emergency law, the government
of Egypt makes more likely the political result that they most fear, a
future government of Egypt dominated by radical Islamists.
The choice we have today is to do nothing and hope that with more
dialogue and a little more cajoling, that we can get President Mubarak
to continue on the path to reform or we can send a clear message that
even appreciating how helpful Egypt is on the regional peace and
security issues, the Congress will not stand silently by as government
thugs beat peaceful demonstrators in the streets of Cairo and with
their fists extinguish the hope of a truly moderate, secular democratic
future for Egypt.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. ACKERMAN. I yield to the gentleman from Wisconsin.
Mr. OBEY. I thank the gentleman. We were just told this amendment
goes too far. The fact is the State Department made phone calls to a
number of people here yesterday indicating they would be willing to
support this amendment. The only difference was that they wanted $50
million going to added democratization programs rather than going to
AIDS. That was the only difference, because the State Department is
getting fed up with the conduct that Egypt is demonstrating, and the
State Department recognizes that this is a very dangerous slippery
slope the Egyptian government is on.
So some may think this amendment goes far, but based on these
conversation yesterday, the State Department is not one of them.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Chairman, I do not think we should regard this as
punitive. We should regard this as a signal coming from a friend. Mr.
Obey, I think as a lifelong friend of Egypt as am I, would probably as
ranking member, or perhaps as chairman, would be the first person to
rush to the floor to restore those funds and then some, should Egypt
understand this message and rectify its ways and move in a direction
that is within its own interests.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, I reluctantly rise in support of the Obey amendment and
I want my colleagues to know that the decision to support this
amendment has not been an easy one for me. I support it out of a deep
sense of disappointment and unease with recent actions taken by the
Egyptian government.
I returned from Egypt with many of the members of the committee just
a couple of weeks ago. Our brief visit there was filled with candid
meetings with key Egyptian officials. We heard about Egypt's support
for the Darfur peace process, its pledges of support for a U.N.
peacekeeping force.
{time} 1600
We heard the fears of Egyptian officials about the prominence of the
Muslim Brotherhood, the threats to Egyptian society and industry from
terrorism, and that what happened in the Palestinian elections with
Hamas could happen to them.
We also heard about the great strides Egypt has made on economic
reforms and the difficult reforms still ahead, and we heard about
Egypt's cooperation on the Middle East peace process and Israel's
withdrawal from Gaza and on ensuring speedy passage for U.S. military
vessels through the Suez Canal.
However, in recent weeks and months, we heard other stories as well,
of thousands of riot police being deployed to crush peaceful
demonstrations by supporters of judicial independence, of judges being
punished for publicly saying that past elections have been rife with
fraud, of efforts to quash moderate opposition parties, including
through the prosecution, brutal physical abuse and lengthy
incarceration of an opposition candidate, of the extension of the
sweeping emergency law despite explicit statements that it would not be
removed and, most recently, of the termination of democracy-building
projects under the auspices of the International Republican Institute
simply because IRI's Cairo director criticized the slow pace of
Egyptian reform.
I have such great respect for the chairman and am delighted that he
had conversations with the IRI as a board member, and I do hope that
there has been a misinterpretation of the public information with that
issue, and I do hope it can be straightened out.
I am concerned about these developments, and I just finally came to
the conclusion that the U.S. has an obligation to speak out; and to
those who say that Egypt is a close ally of the United States and we
should deal with these
[[Page H3543]]
issues in private, I believe that we are a close ally, we will remain a
close ally. We understand how important the United States-Egyptian
relationship is, but I would say that we have dealt with them in
private, countless times; but the Mubarak government refuses to
acknowledge our messages.
We, as members of the committee, delivered those messages in person.
We understand that Egypt is a close, essential, strategic ally which is
precisely why we tried to deliver those messages quietly, in private.
It did not work. The reports kept appearing. The pictures on CNN when
we were even in Egypt kept appearing.
Since 1979, Egypt has received more than $60 billion in military and
economic aid from the United States, and I have supported it every time
I had the opportunity to vote for that, understanding the importance of
Egypt in that very difficult region of the world. This is proof enough
of the importance of Egypt's continued strength, stability, and
friendship to the United States.
The Obey amendment is not about devaluing that relationship or
causing instability. It is, rather, a strong, unequivocal message that
only a friend can deliver, that the way in which the government of
Egypt currently approaches its moderate political opposition is simply
inexcusable; and for this reason, I do urge my colleagues to support
the Obey amendment.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield to the gentleman from Mississippi.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Chairman, I accompanied the gentlewoman on the
delegation to Egypt. Will she acknowledge that we met with Mr. Mubarak,
Jr., and that he outlined a roadmap for further constitutional
democratization in Egypt that is a positive step and that the
gentlewoman was impressed with that? Would she acknowledge that?
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, may I respond to my
colleague, I feel strongly that I am not going to tell Mr. Mubarak or
his son, with whom we were very impressed, I am not going to tell them
whether they should democratize in 1 year, 2 years or 3 years.
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey)
has expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mrs. Lowey was allowed to proceed for 2
additional minutes.)
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, in response to my good friend Mr. Wicker,
as you well know, we had some very, very solid, powerful dialogue with
both President Mubarak and his very impressive son, and we both felt
that his words were very strong, very optimistic about the future of
the continuance of our relationship and the importance of their role in
that region.
I am not even suggesting to my good friend Mr. Wicker that we should
tell them they should democratize in 2 years or 3 years. They are
living in a tough neighborhood, and they are taking actions that they
may think are appropriate in their move towards democratization.
However, I happen to believe, from the bottom of my heart, that those
pictures on the camera of 10,000 riot police beating people over the
head or the jailing of political opposition for 5 years on forgery
charges, and I know we heard that he was not a very good, upstanding
citizen, I believe that, however, I am taking this action because of
the behavior which I think is inexcusable and because I have confidence
that they will continue to move towards the path of democracy.
So I am taking this action not because I am commenting on their slow
move towards democracy, but because of the actions that they have taken
that I think are inexcusable and, in my judgment, would be problematic
if you are moving towards democratic reform.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mrs. LOWEY. I yield to the gentleman from Mississippi.
Mr. WICKER. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman agree that if this
Obey amendment passes today, the headline tomorrow in Egypt would be
that the United States House has taken a slap at our allies in Egypt
and that it might make it harder for moderates in Egypt to continue
down that path?
The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey)
has again expired.
(By unanimous consent, Mrs. Lowey was allowed to proceed for 1
additional minute.)
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I would hope the headline would emphasize
the over $1 billion that we are providing in assistance to Egypt
because we acknowledge the very critical role in that region: the
critical role they are playing in Darfur; the critical role they are
playing in the peace process. And I have confidence that that
relationship is so strong that we will continue to work together to
make sure that someday, in our lifetime, we will see peace in that
region of the world and hopefully it will be based on democratic
principles.
I thank my good colleague for your very thoughtful question.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the
requisite number of words.
Mr. Chairman, one could not help but appreciate the debate that has
been carried on this afternoon and particularly the remarks of concern
about Egypt's democratization; and, certainly, the gentleman from
Wisconsin and the gentlemen from California and Illinois are
individuals that I respect, but I rise this afternoon to again
emphasize key elements that we cannot change.
In a letter from Secretary Rice dated the 24th to the chairman of the
Appropriations Committee, she said let me first state that our
strategic partnership with Egypt is a cornerstone, a cornerstone, of
U.S. policy in the Middle East, and the partnership that would continue
would be in the U.S. interests.
So although I recognize that this is to, if you will, to say to Egypt
that all is not well, I would simply say to my colleagues that this is
too important a relationship to create the kind of atmosphere or tone
that would say that the alliance between Egypt and the United States
has been broken and forever broken.
A few weeks ago, some of us took our passion and our belief to the
Sudanese embassy and were arrested, and so of course I have a sense of
passion and concern for the dollars that would go to Sudan. But do we
realize that Egypt is the first Arab country to support the peace
agreement with Darfur that was reached between the government of Sudan
and the rebels; that Egypt committed itself to participate in the
international forces and post-war reconstruction of Darfur; that just
recently Egypt has convinced the government of Khartoum to accept the
international peace forces; and that Egypt has increased its
participation in the African Union peacekeeping; and that they will
welcome the sick and injured from Darfur, including the rebels? They
have worked on behalf of this peace agreement.
And then I might say to you that based on mutual agreement between
Egypt and the U.S., the ES fund that was allocated is already $40
million less than fiscal year 2006. We have already cut them more than
half of the level, cut half of the level of 1998, and particularly this
ES fund is targeted for democracy and education. The very complaint
that we have will be undermined by the Obey amendment.
I would also say to you that in Secretary Rice's letter she said
again reducing the U.S. assistance would seriously damage our
partnership, as well as the broader strategic interests of the United
States. Accordingly, we firmly believe, the State Department, that the
U.S. assistance to Egypt should continue at the full level requested by
the administration.
We frankly have an opportunity to reinforce our friendship. I do not
like the incarceration of opposition and the 10,000 police that were,
if you will, both misguided and without temperament. They should be
chastised, and the Mubarak government has the responsibility to do
that. What the world sees, the world believes.
But Egypt is currently undergoing a process of reform. They are
undergoing an effort of broadening political participation ensuring
freedom of expression. In addition, they recognize that this is a
problem with the incarceration of the opposition. I might remind my
colleagues that it was a court decision that caused Mr. Noor to be
incarcerated.
But nonetheless, any letter to the effect that suggests that this is
not the
[[Page H3544]]
right way I will join, but this is not the way to engage in this
position. It is true that Egypt is not engaged in active or interactive
military conflict as we speak, but there is no doubt that Egypt is a
target of terror and terrorism. There is no doubt that they are a
strategic body of safety within the region of the Middle East. They are
subject to forces of terrorism, militant Islam, and rogue countries
that threaten America and Egypt.
I would only ask my colleagues that, yes, it is appropriate to
admonish Egypt and to make them realize that we want an encompassing of
the ideals of democracy, but having just received the Prime Minister of
Israel, they have a relationship with a strong partner of the United
States. Let us recognize that Egypt has been a friend; that Egypt's
culture is a culture of great diversity; that Egyptians here in the
United States have spent their blood on behalf of freedom of this
country; and that the relationship that we have between Egypt and the
United States is one to nurture and one to give credence to and one to
be able to protect.
Egypt is listening to this debate, and I believe, Mr. Chairman, as
they listen to this debate they will correct their ways, but we should
not support this amendment. Let us support and nurture the relationship
between the United States and Egypt. They are a strategic partner.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number
of words.
In a moment, I would turn to my colleague Mr. Obey in case he has
other thoughts to round out his, I think, important case on an
important amendment, which I strongly support. The only adjustment that
I could possibly suggest would be that some of the money that was of
the $100 million be invested in water resources around the world, but I
am pleased to step forward.
I am a supporter of the historic agreement that Egypt entered into. I
think the $60 billion American taxpayers have invested is justifiable,
but I think it is time for us to take a step back and get real. I have
listened to the argument that we have heard from a variety of people,
including those who have been the most steadfast supporters of Egypt on
the floor of this Chamber year after year in terms of patience running
thin, in terms of the oppression of people in Egypt, suppression of the
democratic process.
{time} 1615
I find it a little farfetched to suggest that somehow everything is
going to be fine with our relationship with Egypt if we give them $1.75
billion, but if somehow that is scaled down to $1.65 billion that
somehow things are going to be upset; that it is a slap in the face;
that Egypt is somehow undermined. Who else is going to give them this
type of money and provide this type of steadfast support?
It is the wrong use of this money. I think Mr. Obey has suggested
higher and better uses. Again, I only wish it was water resources. I
think it is an important wake-up call for Egypt, but more important, I
think it is an affirmation of our responsibility of how we use these
resources to extend our interests in foreign policy. We shouldn't be
trapped in time.
I think Mr. Obey's amendment is an important step in our exercising
our responsibility.
I yield to Mr. Obey if he wanted to elaborate on his defense.
Mr. OBEY. I thank the gentleman. Someone on the other side just said
``What will the headline be tomorrow?''; that it will be that there is
a slap in the face of the government. That is the point. That is the
point.
Our long-term security is tied not just to Mr. Mubarak, but whoever
comes after him. And what we are trying to do is to send a message to
all levels in Egyptian society that we stand for what we say we stand
for, which is a modicum of decency in dealing with your political
opponents, absent other trappings of democracy.
And it is important that a lot of people in Egypt besides Mr. Mubarak
understand that we are serious about our democratic values, that we are
serious about assuming that the country that is more identified with us
than any other Arab country, that it is important that they reflect
certain norms of decency with respect to the way they treat their
population and treat their political opponents.
And it is in the interest of the United States to make sure that
every citizen of Egypt understands that, because otherwise, we allow
other groups, like the Muslim Brotherhood, to paint caricatures of the
United States, which will do us no good in the long run.
I thank the gentleman for the time.
Mr. DOGGETT. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, only a few months ago, the Department of State reported
on the type of Egypt that would receive more American tax dollars under
this bill: ``The government's respect for human rights remained poor,
and serious abuses continued in many areas.'' ``Security forces killed
a number of opposition voters and protestors.'' ``A systematic pattern
of torture by the security forces existed.'' ``At least seven persons
died in custody at police stations or prisons'' during 2005. This on
top of 120 such deaths in police custody ``as a direct result of
torture'' over the prior decade ``among some 420 cases of torture.''
I think Secretary of State Rice was absolutely correct to speak out
on democracy in Egypt earlier this year, and she was also correct when
she said previously ``that for 60 years, it has been the policy of the
United States and our allies to turn a blind eye to the absence of
freedom in the Middle East.'' The only problem is that the commitment
of this Administration to democracy promotion is largely determined by
its desperate attempt to find more excuses for its other foreign policy
failures. And when it comes to Egypt, the Bush administration has
merely changed that ``blind eye'' to a wink.
Yes, just after President Mubarak last month extended emergency rule
and dictatorial powers for himself, just after he locked up his
electoral opponent, and just as his henchmen were beating peacefully
assembled people brutally on the streets of Cairo, Vice President
Cheney winked and accorded Mubarak, Jr. the prestige of a White House
meeting. And the Administration advises that President Bush dropped in
to say hello to Mubarak, Jr., but briefly because he only wanted to
convey his best wishes to Mubarak, Sr.
Well, the Mubarak strategy deserves more than that kind of wink and a
nod toward democracy. His strategy has been, from the very beginning,
to convince American leaders and American taxpayers to transfer their
tax dollars to Egypt because he represents the only alternative to
Islamic extremists. And to ensure that his strategy continues to pay
dividends, he aggressively suppresses any moderate opposition that
emerges.
It is true that he doesn't boil his opponents alive like Secretary
Rumsfeld's former buddy in Uzbekistan. But to follow the sad path of
civic discourse in Egypt is to watch an authoritarian respond to his
people's demand for a more open society with a big stick, with a view
that he can beat that spirit out of them with fear and intimidation.
What we need in Egypt, as several people have said on both sides of
this debate, what we need is a pragmatic policy, a policy that realizes
if we continue to associate ourselves with a corrupt regime, eventually
the pressure cooker will explode, and we will have paid to create the
very disaster that these dollars are allegedly designed to avoid.
Now is the time to tell President Mubarak, through this amendment,
that we have wasted more than enough money propping up tyranny.
Ultimately, by approving the Obey-Lantos-Hyde-Green bipartisan
amendment, this Congress can say to this latter-day pharoah, ``let your
Egyptian people go.'' Doing that is the best way not only to help the
people of Egypt, but also to help American families be safer.
Some have asked about the headline that will likely run about this
debate. I will tell you what the headline will be if this amendment is
not approved. The headline will be: ``We got away with it again.''
Clearly, the Egyptian government has not heard the comments given
quietly in private during the past. They have paid more attention to
the winks they have gotten from this Administration. The only thing
they will understand is in dollars and cents and in the votes that are
cast for this amendment.
I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan amendment because it
will
[[Page H3545]]
not only protect American tax dollars, it will lead to more safety for
American families.
Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the Obey-Hyde-Lantos-Green
amendment to increase disaster assistance funding for Darfur by $50
million and to increase HIV/AIDS assistance by $50 million. In order to
pay for this funding, this bipartisan amendment will cut $100 million
in economic budget support for Egypt.
Mr. Chairman, when we provide money to any organization or
government, we should demand accountability and results in return.
However, we have heard over and over again that in just the last year
the government of Egypt has imprisoned the leading opposition candidate
in their 2005 elections, which were themselves marred by fraud;
extended so-called emergency laws despite promises to repeal them,
cracked down on pro-democracy groups, harassed and arrested members of
the press, and suspended a United States Government funded program to
promote democracy. This is simply not acceptable. Perhaps some tough
love and leaner times will help refocus the Egyptian government on
Democratic reforms.
While our funds are obviously finite, the need for true humanitarian
assistance around the world is seemingly infinite. The World Food
Program has recently had to cut rations for refugees in the Sudan due
to a shortfall in funding. The global HIV/AIDS initiative is funded at
$121 million below the President's request. I am sure that nearly all
of us would rather see our taxpayers' money used to support refugees
and children orphaned by AIDS than used to throw dissidents and
reporters into Egyptian jails.
Just a day or two ago, I was arrested in front of the Sudanese
Embassy as a result of all of the difficulty and the genocide and the
instability taking place in Darfur. Certainly a little bit of
additional money to help provide resources for those refugees, for
those individuals whose lives are disrupted would go a long way. So I
urge support for the Obey amendment.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last
word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Obey-Hyde-Lantos
amendment because the lifesaving interventions that would be
effectuated by the amendment to enhance by $50 million money for PEPFAR
and another $50 million to meet the needs for refugees and IDPs in
Darfur are compelling.
The money diverted from Egypt, I want to make very clear, will be
very well used. I have actually visited camps in Darfur, Mr. Chairman,
and they are underfunded. Despite our best efforts and many of the
efforts of the international community, people do need more, food,
medicines, as well as the shelter and security that ensures that the
food and medicines can go to the people.
Let me also point out that the PEPFAR program did not receive in this
bill the amount of money that the President had asked for. Some of that
money was put into the Global Fund. And I think it is unfortunate that
PEPFAR, that has worked so well and is still growing in its
capabilities as well as its impact, should be funded at least at the
level the President has asked for. This gets us closer to that number.
I recently visited a number of the programs that are funded by PEPFAR
in Uganda and saw firsthand how there is behavioral change that is
occurring as part of the abstinence, be faithful approach. But
especially for those under the age of 30, there is a profound change.
The infection rate is dropping dramatically, and has been for a few
years now in places like Uganda.
We went out into the bush and into areas where U.S. funded teams are
going out two by two to bring the message of health, including testing
as well as what needs to be done if one is found to be infected by HIV/
AIDS. We also saw that the PEPFAR monies were being used very
efficaciously using faith-based initiatives and others to get the
antiretroviral drugs to those infected. But clearly, there is not
enough medicine available. Whether it be for young people or people who
are older, there is just not enough antiretroviral medicine being
funded to reach all of those who could get their lives back if indeed
that money was there. So this money, at least $50 million of it, will
be put there.
Let me also say with regards to Egypt, we all know pursuant to the
Camp David agreement, and because of the boycott, the Egyptians did
receive significant amounts of money, as they should have, and they do
so every year. They continue to do so even if the Obey-Hyde-Lantos
language is adopted. But I am very concerned, as someone who spends a
great deal of time working on human rights, that there has been a
deterioration of human rights in Egypt, Christians and others, the
government has not done all it can do to try to mitigate these abuses.
Yes, I like Mubarak. We all like him. He is a very affable and a very
effective leader in many ways. But it seems to me much more has to be
done on a human rights record that the Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices this year again has said is poor, as well as the
International Religious Freedom Report with regards to Egypt.
So for all of these reasons, I strongly urge that we support this
amendment. It is a good amendment. And, again, we are still, even if
this passes, major providers of U.S. taxpayer funds to Egypt, even if
this amendment passes. So I urge support of the amendment.
Mr. BAIRD. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Friends, it is absolutely true that we need friends in this region,
but it is also true that it is not easy to be our friend in the region.
It is not easy, first of all, because a lot of folks in that area are
not very fond of the United States of America, and Egypt has been an
exception and a dear friend in troubling times and in a troubling
region.
It is not easy also because, as a friend, we are sometimes rather
condescending.
{time} 1630
I have listened to some of the language that has been used here. We
talk about tough love. Tough love is something you do not do with
someone of mutual stature; tough love is something parents do to
children. I have heard language like ``get their attention.'' We have
Egypt's attention. They understand that we care about democracy, but it
is presumptuous of us to assume that Egyptians do not care about
democracy and human rights as well.
I had the privilege of traveling to Egypt recently with some of my
good colleagues. We met with a number of moderates and business leaders
who said it would be counterproductive if the House of Representatives
seeks to punish Egypt or teach Egypt a lesson by withholding these
appropriations. It would be counterproductive. Human rights activists
told me that. The reason it would be counterproductive is because Egypt
has made a number of reforms that we have asked them to make. They are
engaging in economic liberalization. They are engaging in progress
towards democracy after thousands of years.
Our own country certainly did not start perfectly. As any African
American or woman knows, we passed the Alien and Sedition Acts under
John Adams. Our own country had a slow and tortuous progress towards
full democratic participation.
Egypt is moving in that direction. If we are condescending and
patronizing at this critical time, it will send the wrong message, not
the right message.
Egypt has boots on the ground in Darfur helping the refugees. They
are operating a field hospital in Afghanistan, treating our own wounded
and Afghani civilians. Egypt has been critical to helping negotiate the
tense situation with the Palestinian Authority. Egypt has been involved
in training the Iraqi troops.
Yes, there are concerns. But goodness gracious, could you not turn on
the TV occasionally and see demonstrators clashing with police in our
own country? And do we not have other allies in that country and
elsewhere on this planet that have treated journalists harshly?
If we expect perfection from our friends or we will punish them or
teach them a lesson or engage in tough love, we are going to have
precious few friends left in the world. Precious few. We need to treat
the Egyptians with the respect their long and proud history deserves.
We need to continue to support them with appropriations, and we need to
work with them as partners
[[Page H3546]]
with mutual respect and honor in the long tradition that we have
established with this great country.
I understand the good motives of the ranking member and the others
who have supported this amendment. I understand their intentions and I
respect that. I just think it is a strategy that may actually backfire
on us in the region, and for that reason I urge rejection of this
amendment and we continue to work with the Egyptian Government to
encourage and support the many achievements they have made and to
support future achievements as they move forward.
That is the message I heard on the ground in Egypt, and I hope my
colleagues will share that and reject this amendment.
Mr. FORTENBERRY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number
of words.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to support Mr. Kolbe in
opposing this amendment to decrease economic support to the government
of Egypt.
I think it is important to note that I fully appreciate the concerns
raised by the sponsors of this amendment and their commitment to
political and human rights reform in Egypt. The imprisonment of Mr.
Noor, a presidential candidate, other prisoners of conscience, as well
as serious violations of religious freedom, are very serious affronts
to human dignity and freedom. I believe that we have a responsibility
to raise the issue of reform with the Egyptian Government which the
United States has done on numerous occasions and continues to do.
However, it is also important to note that Egypt has borne
significant sacrifices for the cause of peace and freedom in the Middle
East.
President Sadat paid a very high price for Egypt's rapprochement with
Israel. More recently, Ambassador Ihab al-Sherif paid with his life for
daring to defy the foes of peace in Iraq.
When I visited the Sinai as an 18-year-old in the aftermath of the
1973 war, I was struck by the graffiti scrawled on a twisted heap of
concrete, a scene so typical throughout the Middle East. The message in
Arabic and English read: ``Here was the war. Here is the peace.''
For close to 30 years now, Egypt has stood by a courageous choice,
daring to chart a new course. President Sadat could have made another
choice. While no government is perfect, this choice has been consistent
with a march toward democratic reform. Much is left to do. Many
challenges remain. But the loosening of our hand of friendship with
Egypt will potentially harm that which this amendment seeks to achieve.
Egypt is one of our most important strategic allies in the Middle
East, and a cultural and historical leader of the Arab world. I believe
this amendment would achieve nothing short of damaging an important
relationship at a critical time.
Mr. AL GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite
number of words.
Mr. Chairman, I thank God that Members Obey, Hyde and Lantos have had
the courage to bring this amendment. And I say so because, Mr.
Chairman, a human crisis of the highest magnitude exists in Darfur. As
we speak, we have had 2.5 million people displaced. Something has got
to be done about that. We have had 3 million people put in a position
such that they have to exist on emergency assistance. 400,000 people
are dead. These are real people; these are real numbers. There is real
suffering going on in Darfur.
I do not know what the headlines will read tomorrow in Egypt. I do
not know what they are going to read here in my hometown of Houston or
here in Washington, D.C., but I know this: at some point on the
infinite continuum that we call time, the omniscient, the omnipresent,
and the omnipotent will come together and every one of us will have to
answer the question: Where were you when there was murder and rape and
hunger in Darfur? Where were you when your brothers and your sisters
were suffering?
I want to let you know that this is the least we can do for the
people of Darfur.
Mr. Chairman, $50 million will go to the World Food Program that
needs help. It only has 32 percent of what it needs to meet the demands
of this crisis.
Mr. Chairman, we have to ask ourselves the question: If not now,
when? When will we give help and aid to those in need?
If not here, where? Where will the help come from?
If not us, who? Who will the help come from?
Mr. Obey, God bless you. You have done the decent thing for people
who have been suffering for too long. I thank you for what you have
done.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings
on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Wisconsin will be
postponed.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I hope in just a moment here that we will be able to
have the committee rise and we will have a unanimous consent agreement
to propound. But let me say before that moment that I do think this
debate that we have just concluded has been a very constructive debate,
a very productive one.
As I said in the committee, I hope that our friends in Egypt, whether
they are here in the United States or whether they are listening to
this abroad, have taken some message from this debate that we have just
had on the question of our relationship with Egypt and the support and
the strategic partnership which we all recognize as an important one.
But I hope the message that our friends in Egypt take from this is that
democracy is about this kind of a debate.
In a democracy, you not only allow this kind of debate, you encourage
it. What we hope to be able to say to our friends in Egypt is that this
debate is an important one, and we have had a very constructive debate
that I believe is very important.
Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Boozman) having assumed the chair, Mr. Thornberry, Chairman of the
Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 5522)
making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing, and
related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2007, and for
other purposes, had come to no resolution thereon.
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