[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 67 (Thursday, May 25, 2006)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5211-S5213]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DARFUR PEACE AGREEMENT AND SUDAN
Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, for nearly 3 years, the Government of
Sudan has conducted genocide in Darfur. The United Nations, the African
Union, the U.S. State Department, and many other organizations possess
detailed descriptions of these crimes against humanity. This enormous
body of evidence demonstrates unequivocally that the Government of
Sudan and its jingaweit proxies have attacked, uprooted, raped,
starved, enslaved, and killed millions of civilians.
In Congress, we have written letters, introduced and adopted
legislation, and spoken out strongly. We have supported the African
Union peacekeepers, the international relief workers, and the people of
Darfur. In March, I sent a letter to President Bush detailing 13 steps
that should be taken to address the crises in Sudan. I reiterate the
steps that are suggested. These include appointment of a Presidential
Envoy to Sudan; rapid preparation and deployment of additional, well-
equipped, robustly-mandated international peacekeepers to Darfur;
urgent assistance to the African Union, including by NATO; and
multilateral enforcement of existing U.N. resolutions that establish a
no-fly zone over Darfur and hold accountable those who have committed
crimes.
Thousands of Americans, including many New Yorkers, have taken a
strong and personal interest in the crisis in Darfur. I have heard
their voices and frustration. The situation on the ground is still
dire. As we lament this crisis today, four million people in Darfur and
eastern Chad now depend on relief organizations for survival--one
million more than a year ago.
The alarm issued on May 19 by the United Nations Under Secretary
General for Humanitarian Affairs, Jan Egeland, is therefore especially
distressing. Despite the hopeful signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement
on May 5 by the Government of Sudan and one of the main Darfur rebel
groups, the work of aid workers remains sharply constrained by
violence, funding shortfalls, and restrictions being imposed by the
Government of Sudan. Civilians continue to be attacked and sexually-
brutalized by Sudanese armed forces, the jingaweit, and rebel groups.
On May 19, Mr. Egeland warned, ``We can turn the corner towards
reconciliation and reconstruction, or see an even worse collapse of our
efforts to provide protection and relief to millions of people.'' In
eastern Chad, Mr. Egeland said, ``we are confronted with a very
dangerous vacuum that is being filled by rebels, militia and others,
leaving civilians, internally displaced persons, refugee camps and
relief workers utterly exposed.''
In the context of Sudan's history, this post-peace agreement reality
is not unique. Nor is it surprising. The genocide in Darfur, in the
west, began just as the Government of Sudan concluded a horrific, 20-
year campaign of violence in the south--a campaign that laid waste to
the institutions and infrastructure of southern Sudan. That conflict
was brought to an end more than 1 year ago through the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement (CPA)--but conditions in southern Sudan remain grim.
Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick said recently that the
challenge in southern Sudan is not one of re-construction, but rather
of basic construction; years of conflict have destroyed nearly
everything.
Even so, the National Congress Party in Khartoum--the signatory to
the CPA with the means and the mandate
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to implement many of its provisions--has moved ahead very slowly and
selectively. Khartoum is failing to deliver on some of the most
important provisions of the CPA, including those related to the
resolution of disputed boundaries, the sharing of oil wealth, and the
timely withdrawal of armed forces. Displaced and enslaved southerners
are not being returned as promised to their homes. Incursions by the
Lord's Resistance Army and other armed groups continue, often with
impunity. Amidst these circumstances, the Government of Southern Sudan
faces great challenges in providing basic goods to the people--basic
goods such as roads, electricity, schools, hospitals, food, and clean
water. By dragging its feet and turning a blind eye, Khartoum is
abdicating its commitments under the CPA, and perpetuating the
suffering of the southern Sudanese.
If things do not change quickly in southern Sudan, today's fragility
may tomorrow become chaos, with grave and deadly consequences for
millions of civilians. The United States can, and must, do more. We
should support the continued development of the Government of Southern
Sudan, and urgently assist its provision of food, health care, shelter,
and security to the southern peoples. In addition, we should expedite
the safe, voluntary return of displaced southerners to their homes and
families.
More broadly, we should closely monitor security conditions,
humanitarian access, and implementation of the peace agreements in both
southern Sudan and Darfur. We must hold the signatories to their word
and bring other groups on board. The Government of Sudan must fulfill
its pledges to desist from military offensives; accept international
peacekeepers; disarm the jingaweit by mid-October, 2006; and take clear
steps to share power and wealth with the south and west. Members and
sponsors of the jingaweit should be held accountable for their gruesome
crimes, and not simply integrated into the national army. Relief
workers and supplies must immediately be provided free and safe access
to the peoples of Sudan--by the rebels, the jingaweit, and the
Government of Sudan. If the National Congress Party in Khartoum fails
to uphold its commitments or its broader obligations under
international law, it must face consequences--especially if its failure
erodes the security of civilians or aid workers. The possible sanctions
and no-fly zone that have been authorized by the U.N. Security Council
can compel compliance. In the meantime, to transform the Darfur Peace
Agreement into peace, we need to immediately strengthen the African
Union's ability to protect civilians and aid workers.
Even with the commendable field work of the African Union, the United
Nations, and many relief organizations, we must not lose focus on the
current problems in Sudan. We must urgently support the work of these
partners and together ensure that peace and justice prevail for the
peoples of Sudan.
I ask unanimous consent that the letter to which I referred be
printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
March 15, 2006.
Hon. George W. Bush,
The White House,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. President: I write with great concern about the
crisis in Sudan. Despite the work of the African Union,
violence against civilians and aid workers in Darfur is
increasing and spilling across the border into Chad. Between
200,000 and 400,000 people have been killed, and United
Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and other credible
experts continue to warn that three million civilians are
displaced and at risk in Darfur and in eastern Chad. The
situation in eastern Sudan is also of concern.
The United States and United Nations (U.N.) now possess
extensive, official accounts of the violence and, through a
U.N. Panel of Experts and other sources, we also know who may
be responsible. The Government of Sudan--reported by the U.S.
State Department on March 8, 2006 to be responsible for the
genocide in Darfur--continues to deny the existence of a
crisis. It continues to threaten retaliation against an
international intervention, and, according to a U.N. report
dated January 30, 2006, it continues to introduce additional
military aircraft into Darfur. The United States can and must
do more. Below are 13 ways in which you can take action.
Convene a meeting of world leaders to address the crisis in
Darfur. For 100 weeks, the international community has
watched, with little meaningful response, as the first
genocide of this millennium has been carried out by the
Government of Sudan against the people of Darfur. I urge you
to convene, without delay, a meeting between leaders of the
United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
and the African Union, and other interested world leaders, to
map out an action-plan for Darfur. The millions of displaced
victims in Darfur deserve at least this much.
Appoint a Presidential Envoy to Sudan. To promote lasting
peace in both Darfur and eastern Sudan, and to demonstrate
U.S. commitment to peace negotiations and agreements, I urge
you to consider the appointment of a Presidential Envoy to
Sudan. Like Senator Danforth, your previous Envoy to Sudan, a
new Envoy should participate personally in peace talks,
oversee and coordinate U.S. engagement in Sudan, and report
directly to you on these efforts.
Lead the U.N. Security Council in authorizing a
peacekeeping mission in Darfur. To protect civilians from
continued violence--much of which is documented explicitly in
a 42-page U.N. report published on January 27 and the U.N.
Secretary-General's monthly reports to the Security Council--
I urge you to push the U.N. Security Council to authorize,
under Chapter VII, a U.N. peacekeeping mission in Darfur.
On January 12 and March 10, 2006, the African Union
endorsed this mission in principle. U.N. Secretary-General
Kofi Annan has begun planning this mission, in accordance
with the U.N. Security Council's Presidential Statement of
February 3, 2006.
Efforts to broker a peace agreement for Darfur must not
forestall efforts to protect civilians. Our continued
inaction will enable the killings to continue. This fact
cannot be ignored.
A U.N. mission in Darfur must now be authorized with a
clear and robust mandate to protect civilians; and be
supplied with the troops, air- and ground-mobility, and
communications network required to fully implement that
mandate.
The Government of Sudan must either cooperate with this
mission or face sanctions, in accordance with the existing
U.N. Security Council Resolutions that are described below.
Support the African Union. According to U.N. officials,
deployment of U.N. peacekeepers to Darfur may take six to
nine months. To protect civilians in the interim, I urge you
to support the African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur
in two ways. First, I urge you to support the funding needs
of the African Union mission for the next nine months. As you
know, the United States' share of these costs is estimated at
$10 million per month.
Second, in accordance with United States Senate Resolution
383, which I co-sponsored, I urge you to lead NATO in
providing assistance to the A.U. peacekeepers in Darfur,
particularly in the areas of command and control, logistics,
intelligence, and airlift. I called for NATO assistance in
Darfur more than 12 months ago, at the Munich Conference on
Security. Since then, NATO has been helpful, particularly
with airlift, but it can and should do more.
Third, to improve the ability of the existing African Union
peacekeepers to deter violence, I urge you to explore
mechanisms that would provide African Union commanders in
Darfur with specific, timely, standardized information about
imminent attacks against civilians in Darfur.
Enforce the no-fly zone that has been established by the
U.N. Security Council and endorsed by the U.S. Congress.
Despite the enactment of a no-fly zone by the U.N. Security
Council in March 2005--nearly one year ago--the Government of
Sudan continues its aerial assaults against civilians in
Darfur. This is unacceptable, and I urge you to work with
members of NATO, the U.N. Security Council, and the African
Union to immediately enforce the ban on offensive overhead
flights in Darfur that was established by Security Council
Resolution 1591.
On March 2, 2006, the U.S. Senate adopted Resolution 383
calling on you to take steps to enforce the no-fly zone in
Darfur. Senator Biden and others have suggested that
enforcement of the flight ban would require no more than 12
to 18 fighter planes and a handful of AWACs. I urge you to
work with other countries to mobilize these resources, and to
ensure that the Government of Sudan ceases its overhead
assaults. Our continued failure on this issue is
unacceptable.
Similarly, I urge you to raise with Khartoum the findings
of a U.N. report dated January 30, 2006, which suggest that
the Government of Sudan continues to introduce additional
offensive military aircraft into Darfur.
Lead the U.N. Security Council in enforcing Resolution
1591, to freeze the assets and travel of certain dangerous
individuals. I urge you to work with other members of the
U.N. Security Council to fully implement Resolution 1591,
which authorized the Security Council to impose travel bans
and asset freezes on any individuals believed by a Panel of
Experts to constitute a threat to stability, to violate
international human rights law, to impede the peace process,
or to conduct offensive overhead military flights.
The Panel of Experts has identified several individuals who
have perpetrated such violations of international law, and
these individuals must be prevented from organizing or
perpetrating additional violence, and be sanctioned in full
accordance with Resolution 1591. At the very least, the
Security
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Council should call the named individuals to the United
Nations for dialogue and questioning.
Lead the U.N. Security Council in enforcing Resolution
1564, to hold accountable the Government of Sudan for its
documented failure to meet its international obligations to
end violence and protect civilians in Darfur. I urge you to
work with the U.N. Security Council to fully implement
Resolution 1564, which calls on the Security Council to
consider ``additional measures as contemplated in Article 41
of the Charter of the United Nations, such as actions to
affect Sudan's petroleum sector and the Government of Sudan
or individual members of the Government of Sudan,'' if the
Government of Sudan fails its previous obligations under
international law, including U.N. Security Council Resolution
1556 and the Joint Communique dated July 3, 2004.
Several official reports, including a U.N. report published
on January 27, 2006, demonstrate unequivocally that the
Government of Sudan has failed its obligations. It has failed
to protect civilians in Darfur, and it has failed to punish
members of the military and the Janjaweed for violations of
international human rights law. These realities and
Resolution 1564 should now compel the Security Council to
consider Article 41 measures against the Government of Sudan.
Ensure that the U.N. Security Council listens to the
experts. I urge you to convene a briefing for members of the
Security Council by experts who can describe the situation in
Darfur, eastern Chad, and eastern Sudan. The Security Council
should hear testimony from Juan Mendez, Special Advisor to
the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide. As you
know, the Security Council did not allow Mr. Mendez to
present his observations in October 2005.
Stop the violence from spreading into Chad. I urge you to
monitor tensions along the Chad-Sudan border and to focus the
U.N. Security Council on this important issue. The U.N.
Secretary-General noted in his January 30 report to the
Security Council that ``there has been a worrying build-up of
armed forces of the two States and local militias on both
sides of the border,'' and that ``it is vitally important
that the situation in the border areas of Chad and the
conflicts in the Sudan do not combine to propel the two
countries and the whole region towards confrontation and
conflict.''
More specifically, I urge you to work with the Security
Council and the African Union to monitor implementation of
the February 8, 2006 accord between the Presidents of Chad
and Sudan, and to deter all parties from escalating the
conflict. The safety of at least three million civilians
along the Chad-Sudan border depends on your attention to this
issue.
Call publicly for better behavior from Khartoum. Using
Resolutions 1591 and 1564 and other points of leverage, I
urge you to call on the Government of Sudan--particularly the
National Congress Party in Khartoum--to immediately desist
from violence against civilians; protect safe passage for aid
workers; cooperate fully with international peacekeepers;
engage constructively in the peace talks in Abuja; diffuse
tensions along the Chad-Sudan border; and disarm and punish
the Janjaweed and other groups responsible for genocidal
violence in Darfur.
I urge you to call similarly on the Government of Sudan to
implement the Comprehensive Peace Agreement without delay and
in full consultation with the Government of Southern Sudan,
and to protect civilians and peacefully address the situation
in eastern Sudan.
Work with the U.N. Security Council to address attacks by
rebel groups in Darfur. I urge you to work with the Security
Council to make it clear to all rebels and perpetrators of
violence in Sudan and Chad that attacks against civilians and
aid workers are violations of international law; and that
continued international consideration of their grievances
depends directly upon their immediate cessation of violence
against civilians.
Plan for reconstruction in Darfur. Through a new
Presidential Envoy or other U.S. officials, I urge you to
begin working with the World Bank and other stakeholders on a
Joint Assessment Mission to plan for reconstruction in
Darfur. This may help to accelerate the peace process by
demonstrating to the Darfur rebels and the Government of
Sudan that peace can bring financial dividends, and, once
peace has been established, it will help to speed
reconstruction and promote stability.
Support reconstruction in southern Sudan. I urge you to
provide strong, material support to the Government of
Southern Sudan as it builds a stable state, economy, and
society in the wake of decades of conflict. Similarly, I urge
you to encourage the Government of Southern Sudan to engage
constructively in the Darfur peace negotiations.
During the last century, in Nazi Europe, Cambodia, and
elsewhere, the international community failed to protect
millions of innocent people from genocide and horrific
crimes. We look back and wonder how the world allowed those
killings to continue. We must find a way to protect civilians
in Darfur, without further delay.
As you know, I and other members of the U.S. Congress
recognized the genocide in Darfur in July 2004. In September
2004, then Secretary of State Colin Powell did the same. A
few months later, in January 2005, a U.N. International
Commission of Inquiry established by U.N. Security Council
Resolution 1564 also found strong evidence of genocide in
Darfur. In February 2006, Secretary of State Rice said that
``genocide was committed and in fact continues in Darfur.''
Even so, international agreement on the existence of genocide
has little connection to the need or basis for action.
Hundreds of acts of violence in Darfur, many constituting
crimes against humanity and war crimes--along with specific
descriptions of the perpetrators--have been recorded in
detail by the U.S. State Department, the United Nations, the
African Union, the NGO community, and other organizations. I
urge you to read these gruesome accounts, and to also review
the list of individuals who have been identified by the U.N.
Panel of Experts established by U.N. Security Council
Resolution 1591. In the case of Darfur, we are now obligated
by the U.N. Charter, the Responsibility to Protect, several
statutes of international human rights law, and existing U.N.
Security Council resolutions to transform our awareness into
action.
Therefore, I urge you, as President of the United States,
to remind the international community of its commitments and
to work urgently with the United Nations, the African Union,
and NATO to protect civilians and address the growing crises
in Darfur, eastern Chad, and eastern Sudan. Thank you for
your attention to these urgent matters.
Sincerely,
Hillary Rodham Clinton.
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