[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 10 (Wednesday, February 1, 2006)]
[House]
[Pages H127-H128]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAN
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, thousands of Americans have lost their
[[Page H128]]
lives and billions of U.S. dollars have been spent in the war in Iraq.
This war has dangerously overstretched our military and preoccupied our
country for almost 3 years now, and it still has no end in sight.
And after all this, what a tragedy and disaster it will be if the
real winner in this war is not the Iraqi people nor a more secure and
democratic Middle East but rather Iran, a country that supports
terrorism and opposes most of what we stand for. Yet today this
possible scenario is exactly what we face.
Iran has used our preoccupation in Iraq to its advantage. While we
have searched for nonexistent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, Iran
has pursued its own nuclear ambitions. Now, with its decision to resume
uranium enrichment, Iran is dangerously closer to having the capability
to produce nuclear weapons. And press reports today link Iran's
supposedly peaceful nuclear program to its military work on high
explosives and missiles.
At the same time, Iran has deeply insinuated itself in Iraq. It has
taken advantage of Iraq's porous borders and is supporting anti-
American efforts there. Its goal is to promote a Shiite-dominated anti-
American state that can strengthen Iran's military, economic and
political power in the region.
But even before its latest nuclear pursuits and involvement in Iraq,
Iran's actions have been seriously troubling. It has pursued dangerous
chemical, biological, and ballistic missile capabilities; supported
terrorists; and undermined the Middle East peace process.
{time} 1815
Amidst all of this, Iran's leaders have escalated their anti-Semitic
rhetoric, threatening to wipe Israel off the map.
Yet, rather than handle Iran's nuclear situation and involvement in
Iraq early and decisively with a sophisticated policy that also
addresses the broader problems posed by the country, this
administration largely relied on the Europeans to sort this thing out.
As a result, the nuclear situation is now an international crisis, and
we risk having a radical anti-American regime armed with nuclear
weapons entrenched as the dominant power in the Middle East.
We simply cannot let this happen. Iran must not acquire a nuclear
weapon. It must respect Iraq's sovereignty, and it must become a
constructive member of the international community. While cooperation
with our allies and strategic partners is critical, the U.S. must take
the lead here. The agreement brokered by Secretary Rice this week to
report Iran to the U.N. Security Council is encouraging, but action by
the council is uncertain and may not resolve the nuclear crisis or much
else. The administration must put forth the necessary plan, and
Congress must do its part. Today, the House Armed Services Committee
held a hearing on this matter and will do more.
There are no simple answers or easy solutions, but one thing is
clear: the administration, with Congress, must be more engaged and must
get this right. Other countries will be closely watching this
situation, and there are serious implications for the security of our
Nation, stability in the Middle East and the nonproliferation regime.
We must address the immediate nuclear crisis, but we must also
account for the complexity of the situation and broader, long-term
issues involved; and we must consider all tools at our disposal. Yet
there are limits to what we can accomplish militarily, and sweeping
sanctions could cause more harm than good. Still, there are many tools
available that this administration has, unfortunately, failed to
utilize effectively or at all.
Here are some of them: we should actively support the IAEA's efforts.
We should pursue more focused and vigorous diplomacy and encourage
China, Russia, and India to play key roles. We should develop necessary
human intelligence capabilities.
We should cultivate U.S. support among the Iranian population and
substantially increase democracy promotion efforts that encourage the
population to demand more moderate leadership. Specifically, we should
increase communication through TV, radio, and the Internet. We should
convey a coordinated U.S. policy. We should widely disseminate
information about the regime's repression and corruption. We should
provide effective assistance to Iranian dissidents and pro-democracy
NGOs here in the United States.
We should increase cultural, academic, and professional opportunities
for Iran's youth and women. Additionally, we should consider ``smart
sanctions,'' as well as incentives that would target Iran's leadership,
avoid harming the Iranian population and have strong international
support. For example, we should sanction overseas assets of corrupt
leaders.
Also, we should encourage Lebanon to disarm Hezbollah, which Iran
uses to reject power. We should limit Iran's ability to disrupt oil and
gas supplies and increase energy prices. This includes reducing the
vulnerability of Middle Eastern energy resources to Iranian-backed
terrorist attacks and decreasing U.S. reliance on such resources.
We simply cannot allow Iran to emerge as the real winner in the war
in Iraq. This must be a top bipartisan priority.
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