[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 164 (Sunday, December 18, 2005)]
[Senate]
[Page S13972]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS CONFERENCE REPORT
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I have said on previous occasions how much I
care about this institution, but I have trouble expressing how
disappointed I am as to what is going on. The arrogance of power of the
Republicans in the House and the Senate is beyond my ability to
comprehend. The Republican leadership now is attempting to impose the
most cynical and I believe abusive practice in this pending conference
report that, if successful, has the potential of changing the way this
body operates forever. We will become another House of Representatives.
Any conference report can set the tone of debate, the hours of
debate, the parameters of debate. If the Senate does that, it will no
longer be the Senate that was led by some of the greats such as
Mansfield and Dirksen. I say this respectfully. I do not know how
anyone would allow this to happen, those who have the ability to do it.
There have been issues I felt strongly about, but I always played
within the rules. That is not what is happening here. The game is being
changed, the rules of the game are being changed in the middle of the
game.
In the Senate and the House, the rules are that the conferees are not
allowed to include in the conference report any matter that was not
submitted to the conference by either House. This avoids the
possibility of conferees including legislation that would not pass
either one House or the other on its own and forces the Congress to
reach a consensus on controversial legislation. This process has served
the Senate well for more than 200 years.
But the Republicans in Congress and the White House simply do not
care about rules and they break them when it suits their interests.
This conference report violates Senate rules on scope and is a cynical
attempt to leverage support for funding our troops at war in order to
include numerous extraneous items for special interests that could not
pass the Senate on their own.
They have included--and we all know what this is about--the authority
for oil companies to drill in the Alaska Wildlife Refuge, I say to the
American people, that this year are making $100 billion. But that is
not enough. This abuse of power will have long-term ramifications in
this body and is as bad or worse than anything ever attempted before,
including the nuclear option. But in the future, if this goes forward,
any matter, including nominations of a Secretary of State--you could
limit debate for our giving consent on a Secretary of State to 20
minutes equally divided. All you have to do is stick it in a conference
report.
There has never been an attempt in the Senate like this to similarly
abuse our practices. When they have occurred, they have been ruled out
of order or the leaders of the respective parties in this body have
said you are going too far. The Senate has a series of precedents
prohibiting bootstrapping a procedural fix in the same bill that
violated the particular rule. Those precedents should be applied here
to prevent this abuse of practice. If this practice is allowed to
stand, then the Republican majority, or any majority, can change the
rules in the Senate procedure prospectively in a conference committee
without any say by the minority party by a simple majority vote on an
unrelated conference report.
To show the cynicism of this whole charade, in the same conference
report they reverse the rule. Now, try that one on. These rules mean
nothing. It is like a game of Monopoly with grade school kids. But this
is the Senate. It is not a Monopoly game.
This next few days is going to take longer than a Monopoly game, and
some of those take a long time. If the rules are going to be played
with--and they are being played with--then they are going to have to
follow every rule. If you want a vote on a nomination, then invoke
cloture on it.
This is a dark day in the history of the American constitutional form
of government.
We become the House of Representatives. The Founding Fathers didn't
want two House of Representatives. They wanted a bicameral legislature.
But we become the House of Representatives, and the possibilities are
endless in an institution that exists to forge a consensus and not act
on the whims of whichever majority party is in control at the time. We
become similar to the House of Commons. Whoever has the most votes
wins. We haven't worked that way for 216 years.
This abusive practice will allow any majority to alter any rule at
any time for the consideration of any measure to advance its short-term
political interests and will change the very nature of the Senate.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Burns). The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cornyn). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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