[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 164 (Sunday, December 18, 2005)]
[House]
[Pages H12244-H12269]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2863, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE APPROPRIATIONS
ACT, 2006
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 639,
I call up the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2863)
making appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2006, and for other purposes.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Camp of Michigan). Pursuant to House
Resolution 639, the conference report is considered read.
(For conference report and statement, see prior proceedings of the
House of today.)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) and
the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Florida.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, the Defense appropriations bill,
which this conference report is about, is also the vehicle for a number
of other issues. Those other issues have been discussed very thoroughly
during consideration of the rule, so I am going to reserve my comments
strictly to the area of the Defense appropriations bill.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is to provide for the security of our Nation
and to appropriate the funds to pay for the equipment, the training,
the consumable supplies, but more importantly, for the men and women
who serve in our uniform, those who make it possible for us to sleep
tonight, well, not tonight, because we are not sleeping tonight, but to
make it possible for Americans to sleep tonight, knowing that they are
secure because of these brave warriors who are prepared to protect
America at any instance.
This bill, for example, includes the money for the pay raise for the
members of our military. The bill provides a bridge fund of $50 billion
for the conduct of the global war against terror in Afghanistan and
Iraq and other places. It provides for replacing the equipment that has
been destroyed or worn out during the conduct of the war. It provides
additional funding to provide more effective ways to protect against
and defend against the terrible tragic IEDs. It provides armor for our
vehicles.
Mr. Speaker, I am going to be brief. I just want to hit some of the
highlights of what the bill does. I want the Members to know that this
appropriations bill funds the insurance and death gratuities that we
have increased for the members of our military. It provides basically
the President's request for a fairly aggressive shipbuilding program.
Mr. Speaker, this is a really good Defense appropriations bill. It
was strongly supported when it passed the House 6 months ago, Mr.
Speaker; but because of other delays, we are just now getting to vote
on this final package. This is a good bill, and I do not think there is
any controversy associated with the defense part of this conference
report.
Mr. Speaker, I include the following tabular material for the Record.
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Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MURTHA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I agree with the chairman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr.
Obey).
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I am going to say something that I said
earlier this evening when virtually nobody was here: the Republican
leadership has decided that this wartime defense bill is the proper
vehicle to resolve the debate on ANWR. As I said, this is not the first
time that substantive legislation has been added to an appropriations
bill, but it is one of the worst occasions I have ever seen.
There is something especially outrageous and callous about the
willingness of the majority party leadership to allow the Defense
Department bill in a time of war to be held hostage to totally
unrelated special interest items. The Defense bill ought to be about
delivering equipment and supporting our troops. Instead, it is being
used to deliver a multibillion dollar bonanza to the oil companies.
That act represents a fundamental corruption of the integrity of the
legislative process. This legislation allows one Senator to grease the
skids to allow the passage of ANWR by sprinkling around money in
selected accounts in this bill to buy enough votes in the Senate to
assure passage.
All year long, the Republican majority has squeezed programs for
working people to pay for tax cuts for those most well off in our
society. In the process, the House has become an assembly line for
special interest legislation. This bill continues that practice. It
slashes crucial activities for the government, cutting $8 billion. It
cuts $4 billion out of defense. Some people will say, Don't worry about
it. We will put it back in the supplemental. If that is the case, then
this bill is a fraud. If it is not the case, then we run the risk of
not fully funding the needs that we ought to be funding under the
Defense bill.
This bill, if you vote for it, will provide $1 billion less than last
year for No Child Left Behind education programs.
{time} 0430
This bill will cut the Federal share of the support for special
education. This bill will cut $63 million out of last year's FBI
budget, slashing new hires for counterintelligence by $750 personnel.
This bill will cut local law enforcement grants by $315 million below
last year. The clean water revolving fund, which was previously cut by
40 percent, is cut another $214 million. Pell grants are cut by $31
million over last year. The Labor-Health-Education bill overall is $1.4
billion below last year and this bill, with the across-the-board cut,
means that that bill will be $3 billion less than we provided last
year.
I will be offering a recommittal motion to eliminate that across-the-
board cut, to eliminate those $8 billion in cuts. But I want to make
two other points. We met for 5 hours today and the Senate totally
misdescribed the language and the effect of their language as far as
ANWR was concerned. I asked the Senate seven different questions about
the effect of their language. They were erroneous in each response that
they gave to me.
So after the conference was over they had to go back and rewrite that
entire section of the bill. Then they told us in writing that there
would be no language, no language with respect to indemnification of
the pharmaceutical companies, and then they produced 41 pages, 41 pages
of language at the last minute at the instruction of the Speaker and
the Senate Majority Leader. They said, oh, this was just a last-minute
thing. We did not know we were going to have to do it. However, if you
look at the documentation, it was prepared at 11:30 yesterday, and I do
not mean Sunday, I mean Saturday.
So I want Members of the House to understand what you are doing here
is to take away anyone who gets sick or dies, you are taking away their
right to sue. You are telling them instead, you can go to the
government and get compensation, and then they provide no money in the
compensation fund. It is an outrageous rip-off and I wish it were not
in the bill, but it is.
So all I want to say is I cannot do anything about that, but I am
offering a motion to recommit, as I have just described, and I would
urge an ``aye'' vote on the recommittal motion.
Mr. MURTHA. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time. I do not know that I have ever voted against this bill, and I am
not sure I am going to tonight, but I share the view of the ranking
Democrat on our committee (Mr. Obey) that this bill has been misused.
This bill, as Mr. Young has said so correctly, is not controversial as
it relates to the defense of our Nation and the support of our troops.
This bill has been held hostage to the issue of the abuse of detainees
for some 3 months. Finally, that was resolved, in my opinion correctly.
It has been burdened now with very controversial issues, and it has
been subjected to a cut of the very defense that it seeks to support. I
know that is not what either the chairman of the committee or the
chairman of the subcommittee or indeed the ranking member wanted to see
happen, but it is a sad handling of this bill.
I thank the gentleman for his leadership.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the chairman of the Appropriations Committee.
(Mr. LEWIS of California asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise simply to express my
appreciation for both my chairman, Bill Young, and for Jack Murtha for
this conference report.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report funding the
Department of Defense, hurricane disaster assistance, and avian flu
preparedness.
The conference report funds the DoD at $403.5 billion plus a bridge
fund of $50 billion for military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The conference report also includes a total of $29 billion for
disaster assistance to hurricane damaged areas as well as $3.8 billion
for avian flu preparedness.
The conference report includes no new net spending for hurricane
assistance and avian flu. Any additional expenditures are offset by the
following: reallocating previously appropriated funds in FEMA's
Disaster Relief Fund, rescissions of un-obligated balances, and a one
percent across-the-board reduction applied to all FY06 discretionary
spending with the exception of VA funding.
Let me be very clear: This package is less than ideal in my mind's
eye, but it is absolutely critical that we pass it.
As the body knows, the Appropriations Committee has made tremendous
strides this year in reforming the process of adopting our annual
spending bills.
The Appropriations Committee has been strongly committed to bringing
to this floor individual conference reports for each and every bill.
Early in this process, I made it very clear to my leadership and to
our members that the Appropriations Committee would not support an
omnibus spending bill in any form. This Committee has done everything
in its power to ensure that did not happen.
The Appropriations Committee passed each of the 11 spending bills off
the House floor by June 30th, the earliest that has been done in 18
years.
The Appropriations Committee made a commitment to move its spending
bills individually--in ``regular order''--and within the framework of
the Budget Resolution. We have done that. My colleagues, the
Appropriations Committee has kept its word. ``
Moving our spending bills individually is the only way for us to
maintain fiscal discipline. Lacking regular order, there is a tendency
for these bills to become Christmas trees for unrelated legislative
proposals and for spending to grow out of control. That is simply not
acceptable. I hope that next year we do not find ourselves in the
position we are in today.
The underlying bill in this conference report--the DoD Appropriations
bill--is the most important of our annual appropriation bills for it
funds our national security.
Frankly, we could have passed this bill weeks ago. Our failure to
enact this bill earlier is a disservice to our men and women in
uniform. We are at war, we have troops in harm's way, and here we are--
two weeks from the end of the year--and we still have not passed this
critical legislation.
And now, at the eleventh hour, controversial legislative language has
been attached to this conference report. My fear is this language has
the potential to sink the entire package once it reaches the Senate.
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But tonight, with passage of this conference report, the
Appropriations Committee fulfills its commitment to pass all 11
individual bills under the parameters of the budget agreement.
Again, the Appropriations Committee has kept its word and has
concluded its work for the year.
I urge my colleagues to support this conference report and close my
remarks by wishing all of my friends on both sides of the aisle a Merry
Christmas and a Happy New Year.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to say that the negative comments that we
have just heard from two previous speakers, while they relate to parts
of this conference report, they do not relate to the defense
appropriations bill, which is the main vehicle that we are voting on
tonight. So I would just hope that Members will understand we are at
war, we need to do a lot for our national security. We need to do a lot
for the men and women who provide for that national security and wear
our uniform and who go to war, and I just hope that we can give them a
strong vote of confidence with a strong vote on this bill.
Mr. DICKS. Mr. Speaker, as we consider the FY 2006 Defense
Appropriations Act today in the House of Representatives, I would like
to bring to my colleagues' attention the important contributions of the
Ready Reserve Fleet of U.S. ships that helps to multiply the dollars we
appropriate each year to the Department of Defense. The Military
Sealift Command calls upon American shipping companies to assist in the
deployment of forces overseas, providing a critical supplement to the
military's cargo transportation capability. These arrangements are most
essential at times when the defense equipment supply chain extends for
8,000 miles, as it does with our current deployments in Afghanistan and
Iraq. Clearly we would not have sufficient capability within the Navy
to accomplish the enormous task of keeping our troops supplied without
the Ready Reserve Fleet. I mention this because I have recently
received a copy of a letter from the Commander of the U.S.
Transportation Command to a company in my congressional district, Totem
Ocean Trailer Express, Inc. (TOTE), expressing thanks for the
contributions made by one of the firm's ships to Operation Iraqi
Freedom. In the letter, General Norton Schwartz commended the officers
and crew of TOTE's ``SS Northern Lights'' for making 25 voyages and 49
port calls during its continuous deployment, which lasted longer than
any other ship, government-owned or commercial. This is a tremendous
accomplishment, Mr. Speaker, and as a strong and consistent advocate
for maintaining our U.S. maritime shipping capability, I am proud to
submit the TRANSCOM letter for the Record in order to document the
contributions of the ``Northern Lights'' and of the entire U.S. Ready
Reserve Fleet.
United States
Transportation Command,
Scott Air Force Base, IL, Oct. 26, 2005.
Robert Magee,
Totem Ocean Trailer Express, Inc.,
Federal Way, Tacoma, Washington.
Dear Mr. Magee: As we near the end of our charter for SS
Northern Lights, I want to recognize and thank you, your
company, and the officers and crew of SS Northern Lights for
your superior support.
Early in the Iraq deployment, the Military Sealift Command
(MSC) sought commercial support and your company answered the
call. Since 18 February 2003, six weeks after the start of
the deployment of forces to Iraq, SS Northern Lights was
under charter to MSC. She continuously operated in support of
U.S. forces since that time, never missing a commitment. No
other ship, government-owned or commercial, has operated as
long in support of these critical operations.
During the charter period SS Northern Lights made 25
voyages and 49 port calls. She carried 12,200 pieces of
military gear totaling 81,000 short tons and covering over 2
million square feet.
Those statistics clearly demonstrate the value that the
U.S. flag shipping industry brings to the Defense
Transportation System. At 200,000 sq ft of cargo space, this
ship has nearly the capacity of the Fast Sealift Ships, has
speeds approaching those of the Navy's Large, Medium Speed
RoRo Ships, and had a perfect record of reliability. Having
this asset enabled us to improve readiness by keeping ships
of the Ready Reserve Fleet available for other contingencies
as needed.
You and your team of professionals showcased the U.S. flag
industry at its best. Again, thanks for a job well done.
Thank you.
Norton A. Schwartz,
General, USAF, Commander.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker. let me begin by noting the
time here in the Capitol. Across our country, people are quietly
sleeping in their beds. Half way around the world, however, our
soldiers are awake, patrolling the streets of Iraq, under the constant
danger of enemy attack. (Iraq is 8 hours ahead of our time.) I don't
know if they have CSPAN over there, but if so, I hope they will listen
to this debate and understand what the Republicans are doing here. The
Republicans are using you, our troops, as a weapon to accomplish things
that are unpopular with the American people. At a time of war, it is
outrageous that the Republican leadership would abuse their power by
holding our troops hostage to sneak in last minute special interest
gifts.
Everyone in this house tonight cares deeply about our armed forces,
and about the security of this nation, but we are being put in a lose-
lose situation. Among other things, H.R. 2863 tucks in a provision to
provide virtually unlimited liability protection to the drug industry,
while providing illusory and unfunded compensation to any potential
victims. An adequately funding compensation program is needed to
protect all those, but especially health care workers and other first
responders in case of a flu pandemic, so that they can be ready to help
the public. The Republican bill uses the threat of a flu pandemic as an
excuse to push the Administration's agenda of giving unwarranted and
broad liability protection to the drug industry for a broad array of
products.
In addition, the bill does not step up to the plate when it comes to
aid to Hurricane Katrina families and divisive school voucher plan for
the Gulf Coast. In a time of much needed help, the bill only provides
$5 to $6 billion in new funding for Katrina relief--not nearly enough
to begin the huge rebuilding needed in light of the enormous
devastation for the Gulf Coast. Any additional funds from last-minute
negotiations relating to Arctic Refuge and spectrum savings are highly
speculative. The Republican leaders of Congress are also attaching a
meager and unnecessarily complicated aid package for Gulf Coast schools
that includes an ill-conceived, divisive school voucher plan. It
includes $645 million in aid to displaced students, which can be used
as vouchers paid to private schools--sending federal taxpayer dollars
to private and religious schools. Not only does this violate the
separation of church and state, but it also includes no accountability
requirements on the part of private schools.
It is also very important that I make mention of the fact that H.R.
2863 possibly contains an across-the-board cut totaling more than $8
billion that will impact all FY 06 discretionary spending, excluding
veterans. Examples of programs impacted are:
No child left behind (cut by $799 million); Federal Bureau of
Investigations (cut by $57 million); Homeland Security Programs (cut by
$300 million across the board); Local Law Enforcement Block Grants (cut
by $315 million across the board); Job and Employment Assistance (cut
by 437 million); Community Development Block Grants (cut by nearly $400
million across the board).
Before closing, it is important for me to take a moment to speak on
the issue of ANWR. For many years I have been a strong proponent of
exploration and development. As a matter of fact, I was successful in
having an amendment attached to H.R. 6 (energy bill 1) earlier this
year that required the Secretary of Interior, in consultation with the
heads of other appropriate federal agencies to conduct a study every
two years which will assess the contents of natural gas and oil
deposits at existing drilling sites off the coasts of Texas and
Louisiana. As a Member representing a district that is full of energy
companies, I am highly concerned with the energy crisis this country is
facing. Many factors, ranging from the war in Iraq, to increased demand
from China and India have caused a spike in prices. While the factors
may vary, the results are constant. Many Americans are suffering from
the high cost of gasoline which has exceeded $3 dollars a gallon in
some areas. In addition, as winter approaches the price of natural gas
is also expected to be exceedingly high which will further increase the
burden Americans, particularly those who fall into low income brackets,
will have to shoulder as they figure out how to pay for gas to get to
work and electricity to heat their homes.
All of the just mentioned factors suggest that we need to take
serious steps to locate new sources of oil in this country. Despite
this fact, I am not sure that ANWR is the way to go, particularly on
this bill. A majority of Americans believe that we should not sacrifice
one of our most magnificent places for the sake of, in effect, a
thimble-full of oil--six months' supply, 10 years from now. The Arctic
Refuge is one of the last, wild, untouched places left in the United
States--with an abundance
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and variety of wildlife including caribou, polar bears, snow geese,
migratory birds, eagles, wolves, and muskoxen. This is a special
interest giveaway that has no place in the defense spending bill. We
need more open debate on this important issue. This Arctic Refuge
drilling proposal has no business in the Defense Appropriations bill.
Mr. SALAZAR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my frustration over
the abuse of procedures in the House of Representatives. For the past
day we have waited for a chance to debate and vote on the Defense
Appropriations Bill. Now, in the early morning, we will do so without
any of us having had a chance to thoroughly review the bill. I will
vote for the bill--I believe it is right to support our troops as well
as Hurricane Katrina and Rita relief efforts. However, I do not support
the last minute moves to open up ANWR for drilling by inserting
language into an unrelated bill which requires an up or down vote. If
ANWR has such widespread support as some argue, then why is it being
pushed through on the 11th hour?
Our focus should be on how we can best protect our nation and our
troops deployed overseas. I am troubled that the Leadership would use
our troops as a weapon to accomplish something which is so unpopular
with the American people. I have heard this belief on ANWR drilling
expressed over and over again as I travel throughout the district. Yet,
somehow, this unpopular provision still found its way into the bill. It
is a sad day when our troops are held hostage to a last-minute rider.
It is a special interest giveaway that has no place in the defense
spending bill.
We have just a few unspoiled lands remaining in our country and we
need to protect them. Nobody really knows how much oil ANWR holds, and
unfortunately, it will require a significant amount of drilling and
testing to find out. Once the exploration starts, we'll have already
destroyed part of the environment.
I realize our country has a fundamental imbalance between supply and
demand, but drilling in ANWR will provide little relief of that demand.
We cannot drill our way out of current energy problems. Likewise, we
cannot conserve our way out of our current energy problems. We must
diversify our energy portfolio. On my farm, I do not grow just one
crop. I must diversify my farming operation to be able handle the ups
and downs of the agriculture markets, and that is also what we need to
do to with our energy supply. By diversifying our energy portfolio, our
country can better handle the volatility of the energy markets.
I know each of us is concerned about how to shape our future energy
policy. I can tell you that it should not include ANWR and I will
continue on my mission to promote a diverse energy portfolio, one that
includes renewable energy sources. It is my hope that we will have a
chance to revisit this issue in the near future.
As for the Defense Appropriations Bill, we cannot delay any longer.
While I have some serious concerns with the bill, it contains critical
funding for our nation's defense and the safety of the brave men and
women fighting in our Armed Forces. It would be a disservice to these
men and women for Congress to adjourn for the year without passing a
funding bill. It would also be a disservice to our fellow Americans in
the Gulf Coast Region who have been waiting for months to receive aid.
Hurricanes Rita and Katrina may have washed away homes and a lifetime
of belongings, but they did not wash away our compassion for others in
need. Together we can move forward--together we can do better.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, since President Bush took office in 2001 I
have voted to support every annual defense authorization and
appropriations bill that has come before this House. Congress has an
obligation to act responsibly in providing necessary resources to the
troops to carry out the missions authorized by their government. Our
troops are under a tremendous strain in Iraq, Afghanistan, and in the
global war on terrorism. They have performed admirably, made enormous
sacrifices on behalf of their country, and have served longer
deployments than expected. Congress also should act responsibly to
provide adequate housing and benefits to military families, and to
ensure that our veterans returning home to the United States receive
the best medical care available.
I am therefore outraged, Mr. Speaker, that the House leadership has
played politics with this bill in a time of war--a bill that is more
than two months overdue--and has added extraneous provisions to this
bill that have nothing to do with military spending, the war on
terrorism, or the ongoing war in Iraq and Afghanistan. The House
leadership is shamefully using this military spending bill as a shield
for offensive provisions that could never pass in the light of day,
such as drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and more than
$8 billion in across-the-board spending cuts, including a $4 billion
cut in defense spending, along with cuts in homeland security,
education and health care.
In this breakdown of the democratic process, after midnight we were
given a few hours to review a 465-page bill. Members cannot possibly
have a clear picture of what they are voting on in these circumstances,
and we must read about what is really in this bill in the newspapers
later this week.
One extraneous provision that was slipped into this military spending
bill is a provision authorizing oil and gas drilling in Alaska. I have
consistently voted against drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge. We must establish a comprehensive energy policy that will not
only help consumers in the short term, but also strengthen our nation's
long term energy supply while simultaneously protecting our
environment. The stated rationale for drilling in ANWR is achieving the
admirable goal of American energy independence, but the oil reserves
that may lie beneath ANWR would last a relatively short time based on
current levels of energy consumption. There are also far more effective
ways to achieve energy independence, through conservation and use of
alternative energy sources. In the long run, gaining the oil that may
lie below ANWR simply does not warrant the permanent environmental
destruction and pollution that drilling would bring to this area.
This legislation also contains an unacceptable one percent across-
the-board cut for most non-defense discretionary spending. Because of
the billions of dollars in tax cuts contained in earlier budget
reconciliation legislation, these budget cuts will not even pay down
the deficit or cover the costs of rebuilding in the aftermath of
Katrina. Instead, this bill will make unconscionable cuts in critical
domestic services, in a bill that is supposed to provide funding for
our military in a time of war.
These one percent cuts will have real impact: for example, with an
additional one percent across-the-board cut, No Child Left Behind
funding will be cut by $1 billion this year.
This bill cuts funding for the FBI by $57 million, at a time when we
need to make additional investments in homeland security. Homeland
security programs face a $300 million cut from this bill.
In a winter when home heating costs are projected to soar by 44
percent for natural gas and 24 percent for home heating oil, this bill
will cut vital LIHEAP funding by $21 million. The House also rejected
an effort to add $2 billion in additional funds for LIHEAP.
While 7.6 million Americans are out of work, this bill will bring the
total cuts to adult and youth job training and help for dislocated
workers to $529 million, affecting 2 million Americans who would lose
critical adult and youth job training, as well as assistance for
dislocated workers.
This legislation also omits critical funds needed to meet America's
commitment to protect human rights. I am disappointed that this
legislation does not contain, as I have requested to the President in a
letter last week, $50 million for the African Union (AU) peacekeepers
that are trying to stop the ongoing genocide in the Darfur region of
the Sudan. The United States has committed to provide these funds but
has yet to provide them.
I therefore cannot support this legislation.
By way of contrast, Mr. Speaker, I will support H.R. 1815, the
Defense Authorization bill for FY '06. I commend Armed Services
Committee Chairman Hunter and Ranking Member Skelton for working on a
bipartisan basis to produce this' legislation. This legislation
provides an average 3.1 percent pay increase for military personnel,
and funds certain special pay and bonuses for reserve personnel. This
bill also reduces the pay gap between the military and private sector,
increases payments to survivors of deceased military personnel to
$100,000 from $12,000, and further increases military health care
(TRICARE) coverage for reservists and their families.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this legislation to
fund the functions of our Nation's military and our brave men and women
in uniform, but am deeply opposed to the Republican leadership's
decision to attach unrelated and controversial language, including
drilling in the Arctic and school vouchers.
As a member of the House Armed Services Committee, I know how vital
the Defense Appropriations Act is for the security of our Nation and
the safety of our servicemembers. I
[[Page H12264]]
would like to thank the chairman, the gentleman from Florida, Mr.
Young, and the ranking member, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr.
Murtha, for their steadfast support for our military and for supporting
a number of initiatives important to our Nation and to my constituents
in Rhode Island. The measure contains important force protection funds,
including $1.2 billion for gear such as body armor; $8 billion for
equipment such as up-armored Humvees, tactical wheeled-vehicles, and
night-vision devices; and $363 million for improvised explosive device
(IED) jammers. The legislation also includes much-needed assistance to
areas devastated by this year's hurricanes--funds that are sorely
needed by our Gulf Coast communities.
However, I must admit that I am greatly disappointed by the House
Republican leadership's decision to attach controversial provisions to
this essential legislation, most notably Arctic drilling. Since I was
elected to Congress in 2000, I have consistently opposed efforts to
open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to energy exploration, and I
have repeatedly cosponsored legislation to designate lands within the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge as wilderness to prevent the
destruction of this environmentally fragile area. Despite claims that
we have heard tonight, drilling in the Arctic would have no appreciable
effect on gas prices nor would it improve our Nation's energy
independence. We cannot drill, dig, or mine our way out of the problem
we have created for ourselves. Instead, we should be encouraging energy
conservation efforts, including an increase in vehicle fuel efficiency
standards and the development of clean and renewable sources of energy,
such as solar and wind power. The American public recognizes the value
of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and has consistently opposed
endangering it by opening it to oil and gas exploration. However, since
proponents have never been able to muster the votes to pass the bill on
its own merits, they have attached it to this vital piece of
legislation, demonstrating their desire to win at any cost, as well as
potentially jeopardizing the ability of this bill to be signed into
law.
Furthermore, this legislation is reported to contain controversial
language regarding education assistance for Hurricane Katrina victims--
including the implementation of a national voucher program--as well as
liability exemptions for the pharmaceutical industry in the section
intended to guard against avian flu. As the ranking Democrat on the
House Homeland Security Subcommittee for the Prevention of Nuclear and
Biological Attack, I understand our Nation's vulnerabilities with
regard to pandemics and have been working with my colleagues to shore
up our Nation's defense. However, rather than address these questions
in the light of day, we must vote on them in the dead of night with
limited ability to debate the specifics of the measure. I am
disappointed and frustrated by the majority's refusal to conduct its
business in an open and forthright manner, instead opting for midnight
backroom deals.
It is one of Congress's greatest responsibilities to protect our
Nation by establishing a well-trained and well-equipped military. For
that reason, I must support this measure despite my objections to some
of the extraneous provisions. I will vote for this legislation, but do
not condone the process that directed it to the House floor.
Mr. DEAL of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the provisions
in this bill called the Public Readiness and Emergency Preparedness
Act. This is absolutely critical legislation. It addresses parts of the
important speech given by the President to address the threat of
pandemic flu and other bioterror threats.
The Health Subcommittee of the Energy and Commerce Committee has held
several hearings on this important threat and the need to begin to have
the manufacturing capacity to produce pandemic flu vaccine.
Unfortunately, there is no business model that would have vaccine
manufacturers take on the tremendous liability risks to produce such a
vaccine. We must address this concern or we will have none. It's really
that simple.
This legislation does not actually provide any liability protection.
What the legislation does is provide authority to the Secretary the
ability to declare limited liability protection. The Secretary can use
these declarations to make sure the vaccine gets developed and to make
sure doctors are willing to give it when the time comes.
These are, of course, hypothetical circumstances. So why are we
passing this legislation? It's simple. We cannot afford not to take the
important steps of making sure we can get and deliver a vaccine.
We have also provided the outline of a compensation fund to address
any adverse serious physical injury that might be caused by a vaccine
itself. But again, this is a hypothetical. We don't have a vaccine yet.
There is no pandemic flu yet. And no declaration of liability
protection has been issued.
Those who argue we are deficient because we have not yet put money in
the compensation fund don't get it. You really can't do that until
there is a reason to do so. If there is no pandemic flu, there will be
no reason for a vaccine to be administered. Indeed, we can't really
produce an effective flu vaccine until we have the specific pandemic
strain. Right now there is no need for any compensation funding at all.
Those who imply there is such a need are simply not relaying these
facts properly to the American people.
So what we have tried to do is think through the issues, provide the
authority and be prepared, so that the Secretary and any Congress faced
with the real deal can act quickly and responsibly.
This legislation also provides billions of dollars in preparedness
money to prepare for the threat of a possible pandemic flu, including
upgrading the domestic manufacturing capability for a vaccine.
This is the call of the President and I am pleased that Congress is
supporting the President in making the Nation more secure from the
threat of pandemic flu and other bioterror threats.
Mr. POMBO. Mr. Speaker, the adoption of this conference report will
allow America to develop the vast oil and gas resources of the Arctic
Coastal Plain and help ensure our energy security for ourselves and our
children. It is without exaggeration that I say that the bipartisan
provision allowing ANWR's oil and gas to flow to would not have been
included in this conference report without the tireless work of Daniel
Val Kish.
Dan has a long history with Alaska provisions, having been Chief of
Staff for the Resources Committee under Chairman Don Young. He later
worked for Senator Frank Murkowski on the Senate nergy and Natural
Resources Committee before becoming my key senior advisors on energy
policy. Dan was here in 1986 when efforts were first made to embargo
this important energy resource. Dan was here when we unlocked ANWR in
1995, only to see it vetoed by President Clinton. These experiences,
coupled with Dan's keen intellect, his hard work and his charm and wit,
have helped produce this milestone today. Dan is a modest man, but his
achievements today are far from modest.
I thank Dan for his vision, his perseverance, his dedication and his
loyalty. All of America owes a debt of gratitude to this seasoned
staffer.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to oppose the Department of
Defense Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2006.
I am deeply troubled by the process that has brought us to where we
are today with this important bill. Just hours ago, the final text of
this bill was made available to members of Congress and the public.
This has ensured that members will not only not have time to fully
consider or analyze the provisions within this bill we didn't even have
time to read it. This is a poor way to govern and I am disappointed
that the majority has chosen to abuse the process so badly on what is
traditionally a mostly bipartisan bill.
I supported the version of this bill that we passed in the House over
the summer. That version appropriated more than $400 billion for the
Department of Defense. It would have helped to keep faith with our
service members by providing them with a much needed pay increase. That
bill also provided funding for our service members on the ground in
Iraq and Afghanistan who are waiting for additional body armor and up
armored HUMVEEs.
Unfortunately, the majority decided to destroy that bill by loading
it up with special interests goodies. What they've done is the height
of irresponsibility. Our service members should have every resource
they need to do their job to protect, and defend the American people
and they should be able to rely on Congress to do its job ethically and
thoroughly. But the Republican leadership has chosen to play politics
with our soldiers and our country's national security.
This bill before us now contains important funding for various
defense related programs, but it also contains a one percent across-
the-board cut in all discretionary spending, except for the Department
of Veteran Affairs. This means cuts to food assistance programs, home
heating oil assistance, local law enforcement grants, first responder
grants, special education programs, the FBI, the No Child Left Behind
Act, job and employment assistance grants, and environmental clean up
regardless of the problems they cause.
Further, it contains a provisions allowing for a voucher program for
schools, and drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR).
Both were tucked in this bill at the last moment.
Mr. Speaker, we can do better.
Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my
displeasure with the last minute political maneuvering that occurred
early this morning marring the Defense Appropriations Bill. The
majority has included in this year's Defense Appropriations bill a
provision that would open the Arctic National Wildlife Reserve (ANWR)
to drilling. As bad as that
[[Page H12265]]
idea is, it pales in comparison to the means by which it was brought to
the floor for consideration.
By tying the delivery of appropriations to our troops to a misguided
oil drilling scheme that failed to pass in the energy bill, the
majority is holding our troops hostage. Eitllet we must vote to harm
our environment or to short our troops. We should say `no' to this bill
and work together to produce a better bill that does not permanently
damage our environment for ill-conceived short term goals.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, in the normal course of events, I had
intended to support the Conference Report on FY06 Defense
Appropriations Act, H.R. 2863.
I believe America's uniformed men and women deserve the very best in
training, equipment, communications, logistical support, health care
and pay.
Unfortunately, the Republican leadership has decided to include in
this Conference Report controversial items not related to our national
defense.
In addition, other controversial bills have been attached to the
defense appropriations bill--transforming it into the vehicle for an
omnibus appropriations bill--that I simply cannot support.
Therefore, I will cast my vote against the Conference Report on H.R.
2863, but I want to emphasize my vote is not against genuine defense
appropriations, but several of the extraneous, non-defense provisions
and bills that are included in this omnibus measure.
Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my opposition
to the Katrina education proposal because it unwisely contains vouchers
for displaced students attending private schools. While the Supreme
Court has addressed the constitutionality of school voucher proposals,
I continue to oppose them because I believe they take away much needed
resources and attention from our public schools. Even under the
extraordinary circumstances of hurricane Katrina, I continue to believe
that vouchers for displaced students to attend private schools is a
misguided policy.
I offer into the Record a letter from Americans United for Separation
of Church and State that further discusses problems inherent in this
legislation.
Americans United for Separation of Church and State,
Washington, DC., December 16, 2005.
Dear Senator: Americans United for Separation of Church and
State, representing more than 75,000 individual members and
9,500 clergy nationwide, as well as cooperating houses of
worship and other religious bodies committed to the
preservation of religious liberty, urges you to oppose a
Hurricane Katrina education proposal that includes private
school vouchers and aid to restart private school operations.
We understand that this proposal will be attached to the
Department of Defense Appropriations bill and we urge your
opposition to including it in that measure.
Originally attached to the Senate-passed Budget
Reconciliation legislation, the education package, sponsored
by Senators Alexander (R-TN), Enzi (R-WY), Kennedy (D-MA) and
Dodd (D-CT), constitutes the first national educational
voucher program--authorizing funding at $1.2 billion--and
sets a dangerous precedent that undermines America's
commitment to fully funding the Nation's public schools.
The current proposal allows up to $6,000 per displaced
student (or up to $7,500 per displaced student with a
disability) to be sent to any public, private, or religious
school nationwide of the displaced family's choice in order
to defray tuition costs. Under the bill, funds from the
Federal Government would go through State structures to the
Local Education Agencies (LEAs), which would hold the money
for distribution. The Federal funds would then be distributed
from the LEA to any school educating an eligible child on a
per-capita basis. As a result, per-capita funding would go
from a governmental entity (the LEA) to public, private, and
religious schools, depending on where displaced families have
decided to educate their children. This is the very essence
of a school voucher program, which allows families to decide
where students will be educated and then drives government
money to those schools on a per capita basis. As a result,
this is a school voucher program, regardless of the
terminology used under the bill. There is no analytical
difference between the funding structure under this bill and
traditional, ``pure'' school voucher programs. It would mark
the first national Federally-funded voucher program in
everything but name.
Although Americans United opposed the Senate-passed Enzi-
Kennedy legislation as attached to the Senate Budget
Reconciliation bill, the newly crafted compromise eliminates
all religious liberty protections afforded to displaced
students in that legislation. The Enzi-Kennedy legislation
contained some provisions that attempted to ensure that
government funds will not be used for ``religious
instruction, proselytization, or worship.'' However, these
provisions have been completely removed from the current
draft. In addition, the Enzi-Kennedy legislation contained a
provision to protect students from being required to
participate in religious worship or religious classes. This
``Opt-In'' provision has been replaced with an ``Opt-Out''
requirement, placing the entire burden on the displaced
parents to object to any religious proselytization and
indoctrination of their children.
In addition, neither the Enzi-Kennedy legislation nor the
new draft contain a requirement to provide both parents and
students notice of their rights regarding participation in
religious activities. Although both proposals contain a
prohibition against religious discrimination as to students,
both fail to provide enforcement mechanisms or to ensure that
displaced students are informed of their right to not be
discriminated against for any refusal to participate in
religious activity. The argument has been made that some
religious schools are the only option for displaced students.
It is all the more reason to ensure that any measure contain
strong and effective religious liberty protections to ensure
that rights of displaced students are protected.
This voucher program could also authorize government-funded
religious discrimination in staffing. The bill contains no
provision barring religious schools from hiring co-
religionists only or requiring that employees' personal
conduct conform to the tenets and teachings of the schools'
associated faiths. Vouchers may well result in publicly
supported employment discrimination, not only on religious
grounds, but also on the basis of gender, sexual orientation,
or other protected classes.
In addition, the Enzi-Kennedy legislation provided $450
million in ``immediate aid to restart school operations''
solely for public schools. The current proposal provides the
same level of funding but allows--for the first time--private
and religious schools to receive aid. These funds are
designated for recovery of student data, purchasing
instructional materials and textbooks, and rental of mobile
educational units with the requirement that purchased
equipment and materials ``shall be secular, neutral, and
nonideological.'' Although we acknowledge the provision
attempts to maintain current law against using Federal funds
to buy religious materials, we are deeply troubled by the
underlying proposal of allowing scarce Federal dollars to be
funneled to private and religious schools for start-up costs.
Americans United is committed to the protection of public
education. However, we strongly believe that the Nation's
civil liberties must be upheld even in difficult
circumstances, including natural disasters. It is
inappropriate to capitalize on the Katrina disaster by
attempting to push through Congress a divisive and unsound
vouchers policy that would severely undermine American's
longstanding commitment to public education. It is the public
schools that have long served as the safety net for all
displaced school children. Billions of dollars set aside for
these voucher and restart programs should be invested instead
into our public schools for the benefit of all students.
If you have any questions about this legislative proposal
or would like further information on any other issue of
importance to Americans United, please contact Aaron D.
Schuham, Legislative Director, at (202) 466-3234, extension
240.
Sincerely,
Rev. Barry W. Lynn,
Executive Director.
Mr. CASTLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong opposition to the
decision to attach drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to
the Defense Appropriations Act conference report. This is a clear abuse
of process and I urge my colleagues to join me in opposing this rule,
which would allow it.
The Deficit Reduction Act was an inappropriate venue to debate this
important environmental issue and the Defense Appropriations Act
conference report is no different. The inclusion of drilling in the
Arctic Refuge is the determination of a few individuals who are willing
to put national policy priorities aside for a special-interest agenda.
Drilling in the Arctic Refuge will scarcely make a ripple on our
dependence on foreign oil, nor will it increase our national security.
Even by the most optimistic estimates, oil from the Refuge will never
meet more than two percent of the energy needs in America.
The Arctic Refuge represents one of the last large pristine natural
environments left in our country. I strongly believe that the debate on
drilling in the Arctic Refuge should be done on its own merits, not as
a tagalong to the essential funding for our troops in Iraq and
Afghanistan and for relief to hurricane victims.
To include drilling in the Arctic Refuge in a must pass defense
appropriations bill, at a time of war, is an abomination. The American
people strongly support protecting the Arctic Refuge and I urge my
colleagues to vote no on this rule.
Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, tonight, Congress will pass the Department
of Defense Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2006. This comes not a
moment too soon for our troops serving bravely overseas during this
holiday season. Passage of this critical legislation will ensure that
our servicemen and women in Iraq and Afghanistan will receive much
needed supplies, protective equipment and health benefits.
While I wholeheartedly support the underlying bill, I vehemently
oppose a last minute amendment that was added by Senate and
[[Page H12266]]
House Republicans that will open up a portion of the Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge for drilling. This controversial environmental matter
should never be attached to a defense bill. Surely the Senate is acting
in the mistrusted tradition the American people call Christmas tree
bills. This ANWR ramrod fits the description perfectly. Seemingly not
content to leave town before selling out to Big Oil one last time,
Republican leaders in both chambers have decided to play politics with
this must-pass bill and attach to it a provision that is soundly
opposed by majorities in both the House and Senate, and, not
insignificantly, by the American people. This ANWR ramrod is a mistake.
It is a mistake procedurally. It is a mistake morally. And it is a
mistake environmentally. Opening the refuge to oil exploration will
disturb a delicate environmental balance and threaten a way of life for
the native peoples whose livelihoods depend on that balance. That is
why I have consistently supported legislative efforts to ban oil and
gas exploration along the northern coastal plain of the refuge.
Moreover, this sets a terrible precedent for the future. America's last
remaining major oil and gas reserves should not be opened up in this
way, nor used at this time. They should be preserved for a true
national emergency. And that emergency does not exist today.
In my twenty-three years of Congress I have never seen the crucial
Defense spending bill used as a catch-all for pushing forward
legislation that would not otherwise pass on its own merits. By
allowing these unrelated drilling provisions, Republican leaders are
subverting the will of this House. No Member, including this one,
should be forced to choose between providing for our troops and
protecting the environment. No, we should not play politics when it
comes to supporting our troops. We owe it to the men and women who
serve our country to provide the best training, equipment services and
support in a timely fashion.
Proponents of the plan say that opening ANWR to oil and gas interests
will help ease our reliance on imported oil and gas. I could not
disagree more. Opening ANWR is merely a temporary stop-gap--not a
solution. Congress must pass meaningful legislation to address the
serious energy crises that face our nation especially our dangerous
reliance on imported oil and our unwillingness to put ourselves on a
10-year program to become energy independent again. That would take
real Presidential and Congressional leadership, and we sure aren't
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight in strong opposition to this
$453 billion defense appropriations conference report.
As the proud daughter of a veteran of two wars, I believe that our
nation is best defended by funding priorities that truly make our
nation and world safer.
But what does it say about our priorities when Congress puts another
$50 billion downpayment for the Bush administration's unnecessary war
in Iraq?
This is outrageous particularly when the administration has failed to
articulate a clear strategy for bringing our troops home or conduct any
oversight on the war or demand accountability for funds spent to date.
And the Bush administration is set to come back for another $100
billion war supplemental in January. Where does it end?
The main purpose of this funding bill is to provide for our national
defense.
Yet in the same way that the war in Iraq has made us less safe, the
funding priorities in this bill are for weapons systems and military
contractors, and billions of additional funds are unaccounted for in
waste, fraud, and abuse.
This only undermines our national interest.
But what's even worse, Mr. Speaker, is not only does this bill fail
to address our security priorities, with the inclusion of provisions to
open the pristine Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to commercial
drilling, it's also a prime example of how the Republican majority pays
off its generous campaign contributors in the energy industry.
Mr. Speaker, we must get our funding priorities right. It's
incredible to me that we are provoking unnecessary wars and pursuing
outdated defense paradigms while at the same time we are sacrificing
the funding needs for our critical efforts here in America like
housing, healthcare, and education and our environment.
That's why, I strongly urge my colleagues to vote against this
conference report.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the
rule for this conference report and for the underlying conference
report.
This bill will make our nation's military stronger, by providing
funding for the equipment, salaries, and materials we need to prosecute
the War on Terror around the world and the War in Iraq.
On behalf of my constituents, particularly those in our armed
services, I have committed to never cutting off support while they are
serving in a war zone.
Congress authorized the President to act, based on numerous
assurances about the nature of the threat from Saddam. Much of that
information turned out to be wrong, and as a result, the responsibility
for the war now rests with the Administration's civilian leadership.
Congress' role should be to provide the necessary support and conduct
vigorous oversight of our activities.
This appropriations bill also provides beneficial hurricane relief
and improves our national energy security by providing access to ANWR
for oil and gas exploration and production.
I want to thank the appropriators for hearing the concern of Texas,
which has been hit indirectly by Hurricane Katrina and directly by
Hurricane Rita. We have 150,000 evacuees in Houston, but funding and
red-tape are still major burdens.
On the topic of ANWR, our nation's energy crisis this year proved we
need a more robust supply of petroleum, because hurricanes can disrupt
vital production in the Gulf of Mexico.
I encourage supporters of oil and gas exploration and production in
ANWR to support the rule and support this conference report because
this is a historic opportunity to finally achieve what many Congresses
could not achieve.
This legislation may not be the ideal vehicle, and I would have
preferred to do this on the energy bill.
However, a majority of the House and a majority of the Senate support
opening ANWR, but procedural moves in the other body have stood in the
way of our energy security.
As a result we need this procedural maneuver to get ANWR done, to
provide energy and jobs for America.
I have visited the North Slope on several occasions and I can
personally attest to the strong environmental protections.
Unfortunately, ANWR has become a symbolic issue for
environmentalists, blown far out of proportion to the actual affects of
oil and gas production on this coastal plain.
History will likely prove their dire predictions of environmental
problems to be incorrect.
In closing, Mr. Speaker, I encourage all Members to support the rule
and support the underlying conference report for Fiscal Year 2006 DOD
Appropriations.
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant opposition to the
Conference Report to the Fiscal Year (FY) 2006 Department of Defense
Appropriations Act. Earlier this evening, I voted in favor of the FY
2006 Defense Authorization bill because it was a good bill,
unencumbered by controversial and non-defense related items.
I oppose this bill for several reasons. First, evidence indicates
that this bill does not provide what Defense Department officials
already know our forces will require in the field. Today, officials in
our Army headquarters are working on a new request for money from
taxpayers far in excess of what is provided in this Conference Report.
Authoritative press accounts indicate that the Department has already
identified ``urgent'' needs exceeding $100 billion above the amounts
included in this legislation. This bill only provides half that amount.
No doubt we will consider additional appropriations in the spring. We
should have done it here and now.
Common sense would dictate that the Congress should include these
funds in a bill not yet passed if the Army already knows its current
funding request before Congress will fall far short of what uniformed
Americans in the field need. It would appear that instead, we may pass
this bill--already known to be inadequate to our needs--and then ask
for more money under procedures that waive the budget and will
automatically add every dollar in new appropriations to our deficit.
Deliberate and stable management of our defense budget demands
better. So do our men and women in uniform. If we know they have urgent
needs in the field, it is our duty to meet them.
I oppose this bill for another reason. The calm, stable
administration of appropriations follows the rules of the House,
precedent, and common sense. Our rules mandate that matters not germane
to a bill be excluded. Hence, this should be a defense appropriations
bill, nothing else. Our House rules normally exclude matters from final
consideration that have not been attached to the bill in either the
House or the Senate. That requires elected representatives of at least
one chamber to review all matters for consideration in a House-Senate
conference. This bill includes extraneous issues not related to the
defense of the Nation. It sets a bad precedent that could bog down
other defense bills with controversial, non-defense issues not
considered by either chamber. This unusual procedure has prevented
nearly all members of both the House and Senate from considering these
contentious issues.
A key controversial issue included in this bill authorizes the
opening of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling. It was
not considered in either the House or the Senate bills. It is not
germane to legislation making appropriations for national defense. Like
many ``Green Republican'' members who support the protection of the
Refuge, I oppose this bill
[[Page H12267]]
because it includes this controversial, unpassed and non-germane
attachment to the Defense Appropriations bill.
This bill does not provide the full funding that the Army already
knows is necessary for our troops in the field. The bill runs against
House rules by including controversial matters not attached by either
the House or Senate. It also has provisions totally unrelated to
defense issues, opening the door for future defense bills to be slowed
by unnecessary controversy.
Mr. Speaker, I have never voted against a defense authorization or
appropriation bill. My record is still perfect having always supported
all Defense Authorization bills. As a Member of Congress and a naval
officer, I have dedicated a good portion of my life to our national
safety. My hope on the coming vote tonight is that we can redraft this
appropriations bill to add funds the Army already knows it needs while
stripping extraneous and controversial provisions from the conference
report.
When we do so, we should find a way to pass a defense appropriations
final bill that does not open the Arctic Refuge to oil drilling and
does not provide school vouchers to religious schools only because they
are located in the Gulf Coast region.
Mr. FRELINGUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2863,
legislation making appropriations for fiscal year 2006 for the programs
under the jurisdiction of the Subcommittee on Defense. And ask
unanimous consent to revise and extend my remarks.
At the outset, I want to commend the Chairman of the Subcommittee,
Mr. Young of Florida and the Ranking Member, the gentleman from
Pennsylvania, Mr. Murtha for their leadership on this bipartisan bill,
and their staffs.
As my colleagues have noted, H.R. 2863 includes over $403 billion in
discretionary funding in the base appropriations bill. An additional
$50 billion is provided in a critical ``bridge fund'' to support
ongoing operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Over 80 percent of this
funding will go to the Army and Marine units that are taking the fight
directly to our enemies in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as funds to
our Naval and Air Force and Special Forces over there.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the conferees for good work in tight
fiscal times. Our Committee's allocation was $3.3 billion below the
President's request. The Senate's allocation was even more difficult
than that--$7 billion below the level sought by the President. We
compromised and pegged our top line spending level at approximately $5
billion below the Administration.
This presented the Conference with some significant challenges. We
looked carefully at programs in the President's budget and made
selected reductions. And we also recommended less funding for programs
encountering technological problems and development delays. With the
many competing challenges facing our military as we prosecute the
Global War on Terror, this was not an easy task. But we believe we have
made appropriate choices to allow us to deter our enemies and to
enhance the high-intensity combat capability of the U.S. armed forces.
Mr. Speaker, as we consider this important legislation, we must
remain mindful that our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan (all
volunteers--active duty, Guard and Reserve) are on the battlefield, as
we speak--brave men and women fighting a new kind of war. Everyone is
on the ``front line.'' There is no ``rear area.''
And the sooner these new resources reach them, the better!
As we all know, the Army and the Marines are carrying the brunt of
the battle in Iraq and Afghanistan with an unprecedented level of
partnership by their Guard and Reserve components. And young men and
women from the Air Force and Navy stand beside them!
Their service and dedication on the battlefields of Iraq and
Afghanistan is making our nation safer from terrorists who seek to do
us and other freedom-loving nations harm.
Make no mistake--our success in Iraq is hugely important. And our
enemies in Iraq are ``thinking'' enemies. They are adaptable and would
like nothing better than to see us ``cut and run,'' set arbitrary dates
for withdrawal and then come back after our departure to re-install a
new version of Saddam Hussein or a regime even more oppressive, more
fanatical, more horrendous AND more dangerous than the last.
We should never forget that the soldiers we support through this
appropriations bill have freed nearly 50 million people in Iraq and
Afghanistan from killer regimes where protest and dissent were answered
by killing fields and genocide, where women were denied basic freedoms,
education, health care and the vote.
Of course, the loss of any young soldier from our ranks is
heartbreaking. So are the deaths of innocent civilians killed by
roadside bombs.
But we are dealing with Saddam loyalists, jihadists, imported
terrorists and domestic criminals who play by no rules and do not
hesitate to bomb Iraqi weddings, funerals and gatherings of school
children as a common tactic.
Since we are engaged in a Global War on Terrorism, with Iraq and
Afghanistan being countries of conflict and violence, our soldiers and
Marines need every possible advantage.
This legislation provides our fighting men and women with the
resources they need to be more deployable, more agile, more flexible,
more interoperable, and more lethal in the execution of their missions.
It provides for better training, better equipment, better weapons,
paychecks and support for their families at home.
But this Conference Report also provides funding for new equipment,
additional trucks, radios, electronic jammers, and up-armored Humvees,
attack helicopters, warships and fighter aircraft. Most important, this
bill provides an additional $1.2 billion for personnel protection
items, such as body armor. As troops rotate in and out of the theater,
they need the latest equipment and weapons system.
It is imperative that we support this Defense Appropriations
Conference Report today--our warfighters are depending on us.
In this regard I would note that the bill contains nearly $1.9
billion for the activities of the Joint IED Defeat Task Force. These
are the men and women who carry the burden of keeping our troops one,
two or several steps ahead of the terrorist insurgents who murder and
maim by using lethal standoff roadside bombs and vehicle-borne bombs.
This bill provides the resources. Now this member will be expecting
the Task Force to provide effective new tools to our soldiers and
Marines in a timely fashion.
Mr. Speaker, I welcome increased funding for research and
development. Our bill exceeds the President's budget by $2.3 billion so
that we can speed important new technology from the drawing board to
the laboratory to the testbed and into the arsenal of our warfighters.
My colleagues, the Global War on Terror will not be short. It will
require deep and enduring commitment.
And looking down the road, we face many potential and real threats.
We cannot know what hostile forces we will face next year, much less
five years from now! So we must take care to ensure that we have laid
the proper foundation for a secure national defense. Investments now
will pay off in more capability in the future.
In the years ahead, we will have to evaluate and re-evaluate our
investment in such critically important areas as shipbuilding, aircraft
procurement, Army weapons systems, and our Air Force and Intel space
programs and the industrial base that supports them in both the public
and private sector.
My Colleagues, this is a critical bill, designed to preserve and
enhance our Armed Forces critical capabilities.
I am pleased to support this Conference Report and the soldiers who
proudly wear our Nation's uniform.
Mr. YOUNG of Florida.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Camp of Michigan). Without objection,
the previous question is ordered on the conference report.
There was no objection.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Obey
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the conference
report?
Mr. OBEY. I most certainly am. I am not opposed to the defense
portion of this budget, but I am opposed to the other provisions that I
described earlier.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. OBEY moves to recommit the conference report H. Rpt.
109-359 to the conference with instructions to the managers
on the part of the House not to include Chapter 8 of Title
III of Division B.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of adoption of the conference report.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 183,
nays 231, not voting 20, as follows:
[[Page H12268]]
[Roll No. 668]
YEAS--183
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Allen
Andrews
Baird
Baldwin
Barrow
Becerra
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Bishop (NY)
Blumenauer
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boyd
Brown (OH)
Brown, Corrine
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carnahan
Carson
Case
Chandler
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Cramer
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (TN)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle
Edwards
Engel
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Farr
Fattah
Filner
Ford
Frank (MA)
Gonzalez
Gordon
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Hastings (FL)
Herseth
Higgins
Hinchey
Hinojosa
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Inslee
Israel
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
Kucinich
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Lofgren, Zoe
Lowey
Lynch
Maloney
Markey
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McIntyre
McKinney
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller (NC)
Miller, George
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (VA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Ortiz
Owens
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Payne
Pelosi
Pomeroy
Price (NC)
Rahall
Rangel
Ross
Rothman
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sherman
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Solis
Spratt
Strickland
Stupak
Tanner
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
NAYS--231
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Bean
Beauprez
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boustany
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Cardoza
Carter
Castle
Chabot
Chocola
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Crenshaw
Cubin
Culberson
Davis (KY)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Doolittle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Ehlers
Emerson
English (PA)
Everett
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Gutknecht
Hall
Harris
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hensarling
Herger
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Issa
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Latham
LaTourette
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
LoBiondo
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McKeon
McMorris
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Mollohan
Moran (KS)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Osborne
Otter
Oxley
Paul
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Royce
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Saxton
Schmidt
Schwarz (MI)
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Sodrel
Souder
Stearns
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--20
Baca
Davis, Jo Ann
Emanuel
Feeney
Gutierrez
Harman
Hefley
Hostettler
Hyde
Istook
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kolbe
McGovern
Miller, Gary
Myrick
Radanovich
Reyes
Roybal-Allard
Stark
{time} 0455
Mr. MOLLOHAN, Mr. LUCAS, Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN, Messrs. BUYER, BURGESS and
WHITFIELD changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. COOPER, GEORGE MILLER of California, RANGEL, MILLER of North
Carolina and Ms. MCKINNEY changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I was inadvertently absent for the
rollcall votes on the motion to recommit on the Defense Appropriations
Conference Report and the Conference Report itself. If I were present,
I would have voted ``yes'' on the motion to recommit and ``no'' on
final passage of the conference report for the FY 06 Department of
Defense Appropriations.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Camp of Michigan). The question is on
the conference report.
Pursuant to clause 10 of rule XX, the yeas and nays are ordered.
This will be a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 308,
nays 106, answered ``present'' 2, not voting 18, as follows:
[Roll No. 669]
YEAS--308
Abercrombie
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Bachus
Baker
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bean
Beauprez
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Bono
Boozman
Boren
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (OH)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp (MI)
Campbell (CA)
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capuano
Cardoza
Carnahan
Carson
Carter
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coble
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Costa
Costello
Cramer
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Doolittle
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Duncan
Edwards
Emerson
English (PA)
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Fossella
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gohmert
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Gutknecht
Hall
Harris
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hensarling
Herger
Herseth
Higgins
Hinojosa
Hobson
Holden
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hunter
Inglis (SC)
Israel
Issa
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jenkins
Jindal
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kline
Knollenberg
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Linder
Lipinski
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McHenry
McHugh
McIntyre
McKeon
McMorris
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Melancon
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Mollohan
Moore (KS)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Musgrave
Neal (MA)
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Ortiz
Osborne
Otter
Oxley
Pascrell
Pearce
Pelosi
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Rahall
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reynolds
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Royce
Ruppersberger
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Salazar
Schiff
Schmidt
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Smith (TX)
Snyder
Sodrel
Souder
Spratt
Stearns
[[Page H12269]]
Strickland
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Turner
Upton
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Wolf
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NAYS--106
Ackerman
Andrews
Baird
Baldwin
Bass
Becerra
Blumenauer
Boswell
Capps
Cardin
Case
Castle
Conyers
Cooper
Cummings
Davis (IL)
DeGette
Delahunt
Dingell
Doggett
Ehlers
Engel
Eshoo
Farr
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Frank (MA)
Grijalva
Hastings (FL)
Hinchey
Hoekstra
Holt
Honda
Inslee
Jackson (IL)
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones (OH)
Kelly
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kirk
Kucinich
Leach
Lee
Lewis (GA)
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Maloney
Markey
McCollum (MN)
McDermott
McKinney
McNulty
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Michaud
Millender-McDonald
Miller, George
Moore (WI)
Nadler
Napolitano
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Pastor
Paul
Payne
Petri
Ramstad
Rangel
Rothman
Rush
Sabo
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Schakowsky
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Shays
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Solis
Stark
Stupak
Tauscher
Thompson (CA)
Tierney
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Weiner
Wexler
Woolsey
Wu
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--2
Burton (IN)
Saxton
NOT VOTING--18
Baca
Davis, Jo Ann
Emanuel
Gutierrez
Harman
Hefley
Hostettler
Hyde
Istook
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kolbe
McGovern
Miller, Gary
Myrick
Radanovich
Reyes
Roybal-Allard
{time} 0504
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ changed her vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the conference report was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________