[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 150 (Monday, November 14, 2005)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12751-S12752]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
IRAQ
Mr. DAYTON. Mr. President, last Friday, on Veterans Day, President
Bush attacked those of us who questioned or criticized his conduct of
the Iraq war. Once again, he tried to portray his critics as opposing
our own troops or aiding their enemies. Once again, he was wrong. Once
again, he tried to blame others for his mistakes and for the failures
of his policies--mistakes and failures that have trapped 158,000 of
America's best and bravest soldiers in Iraq for over 2\1/2\ years,
since the fall of Saddam Hussein, with no end in sight.
Let's be clear that every person in this Senate supports our troops
1,000 percent. We provided every dollar requested for defense
authorizations, appropriations, and supplementals with overwhelming
bipartisan and often unanimous support. Some of us have tried to
provide more funding than the administration would support for our
[[Page S12752]]
returning troops and veterans. We have never accused them of being
against our troops or un-American.
Together, on the Senate Armed Services Committee on which I am proud
to sit, Republicans and Democrats have repeatedly asked our civilian
and military commanders: What more do you need to win this war as soon
as possible? What do you need to bring our troops home as safely and
quickly as possible, with the victory that they won in 3 weeks in the
spring of 2003 secured, finally, by the Iraqis? Tell us what you need,
and it is yours.
This Senate has not failed our troops. This Senator, a critic of your
policies, has not failed our troops. You, sir, have failed our troops;
and you, sir, have failed the American people by the failures of your
policies in Iraq.
Last Friday, President Bush stood in front of a banner that said:
``Strategy For Victory.'' Two and a half years ago, he stood on the
aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln before a banner: ``Mission
Accomplished.'' Unfortunately, he had the banners mixed up. If he had a
``Strategy For Victory'' 2\1/2\ years ago, we would have ``Mission
Accomplished'' today.
The President accuses his critics of rewriting the history of this
war. Nonsense. The history of this war was clearly enunciated by this
administration and is available for all to reread. The President, the
Vice President, and their top advisers repeatedly presented their
rationales for this war and predicted its outcomes, and they were
repeatedly wrong. On just about everything, they were wrong. I say that
with sorrow because when the President of the United States is wrong,
all Americans suffer the consequences.
There is no better or worse summary of the administration's prewar
fallacies than the transcript of Vice President Cheney's appearance on
``Meet The Press'' with Tim Russert the Sunday before the invasion
began. I excerpted those remarks for brevity but without altering their
meaning.
The Vice President said on the program, as he had said repeatedly
during the past 7 months:
We believe Saddam Hussein has in fact reconstituted nuclear
weapons.
We know he's out trying once again to produce nuclear
weapons and we know he has a longstanding relationship with
various terrorist groups, including the al-Qaida
organization.
When Mr. Russert queried:
And even though the International Atomic Energy Agency said
he does not have a nuclear program, we disagree?
Vice President Cheney replied:
I disagree, yes. . . .We believe he has, in fact,
reconstituted nuclear weapons. I think Mr. ElBaradei frankly
is wrong.
Mr. Russert: If your analysis is not correct, and we're not
treated as liberators, but as conquerors, and the Iraqis
begin to resist, particularly in Baghdad, do you think the
American people are prepared for a long, costly, and bloody
battle with significant American casualties?
Vice President Cheney: Well, I don't think it's likely to
unfold that way, Tim, because I really do believe that we
will be greeted as liberators. I've talked with a lot of
Iraqis in the last several months myself, had them to the
White House. . . . The read we get on the people of Iraq is
there is no question but what they want to get rid of Saddam
Hussein and they will welcome as liberators the United States
when we come to do that.
Mr. Russert: The army's top general said that we would have
to have several hundred thousand troops there for several
years in order to maintain stability.
Vice President Cheney: I disagree. . . . But to suggest
that we need several hundred thousand troops there after
military operations cease, after the conflict ends, I don't
think is accurate. I think that's an overstatement.
Mr. Russert: We have had 50,000 troops in Kosovo for
several years, a country of just five million people. This is
a country of 23 million people. It will take a lot in order
to secure it.
Vice President Cheney: . . . There's no question but what
we'll have to have a presence there for a period of time.
It is difficult now to specify how long. We will clearly
want to take on responsibilities in addition to conducting
military operations and eliminating Saddam Hussein's
regime. We need to be prepared to provide humanitarian
assistance, medical care, food, all of those other things
that are required to have Iraq up and running again. And
we are well-equipped to do that. We have got a lot of
effort that's gone into that.
Mr. Russert: Every analysis said this war itself would cost
over $80 billion, recovery of Baghdad, perhaps of Iraq, about
$10 billion per year. We should expect as American citizens
that this would cost at least $100 billion for a two-year
involvement.
Vice President Cheney: I can't say that, Tim. . . . In Iraq
you've got a nation that's got the second-largest oil
reserves in the world, second only to Saudi Arabia. It will
generate billions of dollars a year in cash flow if they get
back to their production of roughly three million barrels of
oil a day, in the relatively near future.
On every one of those key assertions, Vice President Cheney was
wrong. Whether he was misinformed, misguided, mistaken, or knowingly
misleading the American people, I cannot say. I can say that he was
consistently wrong. And because he and the President were wrong, over
2,000 of our best and bravest Americans have lost their lives in Iraq.
Many thousands more have returned home wounded or maimed for life.
Hundreds of thousands more have been separated from their families for
years, with more separations for more years still to come.
Because the Bush administration's assumptions and expectations were
wrong, because their preparations for post-Saddam Hussein Iraq were
wrong, and because their predictions before and after the war began
were wrong, America's standing in the world is worse than before. The
terrorist organizations that hate the United States are stronger than
before, and our national security is tragically and terribly weaker
than before this war began.
When I voted against the Iraq war resolution in October of 2002, I
said I hoped I was wrong and the war's proponents were right because
the stakes were too high for partisanship. When I disagreed with
President Bush's decision to invade Iraq in March of 2003, I said I
hoped I was wrong and he was right because the stakes were too high for
anything but patriotism.
I deeply regret when he has been wrong. I deeply regret the mistakes
of his policies and the failures of his practices because a President's
mistakes and failures become America's mistakes and failures. And
America, the greatest Nation on Earth, the leader of the world's hopes
and opportunities for peace and prosperity, America cannot afford
mistakes and failures in this difficult and dangerous world, and this
world cannot afford America's mistakes and failures.
Two and a half years after our troops toppled Saddam Hussein is too
long for 158,000 of Americas's soldiers, the world's best and bravest,
to still be doing the patroling, the policing, the fighting, the
bleeding, and the dying in Iraq--too long, and there is no end in
sight. It is because we support our troops, because they are our sons
and daughters and we love them, that we want to bring them home safely
as soon as possible with their military successes of 2\1/2\ years ago
secured by Iraqis, not Americans.
The President and the Vice President could show their support for our
troops by telling them and us what the strategy for victory in Iraq
really is and how and when we will achieve it and what are the
timetables and measures of that success or lack of it so our courageous
fighting men and women and their families and their fellow Americans
can know how they will win, when they will win. Those are the answers
they and we deserve.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cornyn). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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