[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 146 (Monday, November 7, 2005)]
[Senate]
[Page S12422]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE DETENTION AND INTERROGATION
OPERATIONS
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, in my judgment, a further investigation is
simply unnecessary. The Department of Defense has conducted 12 major
investigations. Over 400 criminal investigations and hundreds more
informal investigations have been or are being conducted to determine
the responsibility and, if appropriate, culpability and accountability.
The combined investigations are unprecedented in scope. The CIA and
the Department of Justice are also conducting investigations into the
actions of their employees related to detention and interrogation
activities.
Responsibility and accountability have been assessed. Over 400
criminal investigations have been conducted and 168 remain open; 95
military personnel have been criminally charged with misconduct, and 75
have been convicted to date. In addition, 177 military personnel have
been administratively disciplined. Almost 20 percent of those
disciplined have been officers.
Congress has held 30 open hearings, received over 40 closed
briefings, and countless staff briefings. The Department has been very
forthcoming, providing complete investigations that include over 2,800
interviews and over 16,000 pages of related documents.
The combined investigations have made 442 recommendations, over 300
of which have been implemented, and the rest are in progress, including
standardization policy and procedures for detention and interrogation
operations, revising policies regarding the International Committee of
the Red Cross visits and reports, improved training and clear policy
guidance for interagency detention activities.
Investigations have universally concluded that there was no policy of
abuse and that no policy led to abuse. As the Schlesinger report
stated--that was a commission established by the Secretary of Defense,
indeed at the urging of the Congress and our committee, but it was
Secretary Schlesinger and Secretary Harold Brown, both former
Secretaries of Defense, one a Republican and one a Democrat, men who
have had extraordinary reputations throughout their lives. I feel that
was one of the major landmark investigations connected with this
ongoing problem. They stated:
No approved procedures call for or allow the kind of abuse
that, in fact, occurred. There is no evidence of a policy of
abuse promulgated by senior officials or military
authorities.
Any discussion of detainee abuse must be kept in perspective.
Substantiated cases of abusive conduct by DOD personnel are small in
comparison to the 70,000 persons who have been detained and the
hundreds of thousands of interrogations that have been conducted
humanely, safely, and effectively over the past 4 years.
An independent commission would send potentially the wrong message to
our Armed Forces of our lack of confidence in their conduct and would
seriously undermine ongoing intelligence-gathering activities.
On a daily basis, we collect intelligence from detainees that
provides valuable information to our troops in the field, whether it is
Iraq or Afghanistan or other farflung posts. Simply put, this
information saves American lives, certainly of the men and women in
uniform, and I firmly believe it has helped prevent further serious
attack, such as 9/11, on our Nation.
The investigative process has reassured the American people,
strengthened the Armed Forces, and demonstrated to the world that we
are a nation of laws. Last month, 90 Senators voted in the affirmative
for an amendment that required civilized treatment of prisoners at
detention facilities. That is the McCain amendment, and I have been a
partner with him in the very initiation of those efforts.
The amendment banned cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment. That
vote sent a strong signal. Who among us was not affected when Senator
McCain said that he and fellow prisoners in Hanoi knew and took great
strength from the belief that ``we were different from our enemies,
that we were better than they, that we, if the roles were reversed,
would not disgrace ourselves by committing or countenancing such
mistreatment of them.''
Move on we must to win this war in Iraq and Afghanistan. Replaying
these dreadful and inexcusable instances again in public forum will
bring no remarkable insights and no lessons learned, nor will it do
anything to reduce the fighting. It will, in fact, draw resources from
the war effort by placing a heavy burden on senior commanders and key
civilian leaders.
The Committee on Armed Services held over half a dozen hearings on
this issue. We still have these matters under review. Still, the
question of accountability remains, but we have to wait until there is
a conclusion of more of the military cases before I think we probably
will do our final work on this chapter, a chapter that I characterize--
that is Abu Ghraib--as one of the most serious I ever witnessed in my
many years of public service, either in the Pentagon or in the Senate
as a member of the Armed Services Committee.
Mr. President, I see the distinguished Senator from Georgia. For that
purpose, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia is recognized.
Mr. CHAMBLISS. Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Pryor, Senator
Isakson, and myself, I rise to call up amendment No. 2433 to S. 1042
and request that Senator Landrieu be added as a cosponsor. I believe
the amendment is at the desk.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator should be advised that the bill is
not currently pending.
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, on that point, I suggest that we now go to
the bill. I believe there is a pending amendment which requires a UC to
be laid aside; am I not correct?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is correct.
Mr. WARNER. I so ask at this time.
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