[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 137 (Tuesday, October 25, 2005)]
[House]
[Pages H9077-H9078]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PRICE-MILLER RESOLUTION ON IRAQ
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Sodrel). Under a previous order of the
House, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price) is recognized for
5 minutes.
Mr. PRICE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Price-Miller
resolution, which we have introduced today, to require the President to
submit to Congress a plan for the withdrawal of United States troops
from Iraq in the wake of the October 15 constitutional
[[Page H9078]]
referendum, beginning with an initial drawdown.
This is not a requirement I propose lightly. As many in this Chamber
and in my home State know, I have been an outspoken critic of the Bush
administration's policies in Iraq, and I voted against giving the
President authority to invade Iraq, regarding it as an abdication of
congressional responsibility.
I have supported funding for troops in the field and for Iraqi
reconstruction, while calling for an exit strategy, including
benchmarks to which the administration should be held accountable, and
major policy changes that would increase the probability of achieving
at least some of our goals.
But there is no evidence that President Bush has heeded anyone who
does not accept his glib assurances and his stay-the-course rhetoric.
As a result, the mistakes that have marred this effort from the
beginning, poor or nonexistent planning, for example, and weak
international participation, have been compounded.
Such failures must not become a rationale for extending our
occupation of Iraq. In fact, our presence itself is a target of the
insurgents and a magnet for international terrorists. And it may be
encouraging some elements of the Iraqi leadership to defer essential
decisions and compromises that are necessary if their country is to
assume responsibility for its own future.
So we must leave. How we leave does matter: in a away that spares the
lives of American troops and Iraqi noncombatants, in a way that
minimizes the chance that Iraq will descend into massacres, ethnic
cleansing or civil war, and in a way that maximizes the chances for
Iraqi self-defense and self-government.
But we must end the occupation, and the approval of the Constitution
offers us an opportunity to begin that process. It is an opportunity we
must seize. There are no guarantees in this enterprise. Iraq could rise
to this challenge with the Kurds and the Shia more fully accommodating
the essential interests of Sunnis in changes to the Constitution early
next year, based on input from a newly elected Sunni Parliament after
December, or Iraq could further descend into sectarian violence.
Our country cannot absolve ourselves of responsibility for creating
this quagmire, or for helping avoid the worst-case possibilities going
forward, but we must understand, and the President must tell the world
we understand, that a sustained American military presence is not part
of the solution. It is not feasible. In some ways it exacerbates the
difficulties, and it must be ended.
Our resolution draws in concept and content on one introduced in the
Senate by Mr. Feingold on June 14. It updates that resolution by taking
explicit account of the constitutional referendum and proposing an
initial immediate drawdown of troops.
Mr. Speaker, we should never have started this war. We should have
and could have utilized other means of containing and controlling
whatever threat Saddam Hussein represented. No ideal option is
available to us now in ending it, but the October 15 vote offers the
best opportunity we are likely to have to begin the process of
withdrawal credibly, and hopefully to turn the responsibility for
Iraq's future over to the Iraqis themselves, and to repair the
diplomacy and foreign policy from which the invasion of Iraq has been
such a tragic departure for our country.
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