[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 115 (Wednesday, September 14, 2005)]
[House]
[Pages H7929-H7930]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DOWNING STREET MEMOS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. HINCHEY. Mr. Speaker, today, the occupation of Iraq continues and
we learn that another bomb blast, in fact a series of bomb blasts in
Iraq have resulted in the loss of more than 100 lives. So far, the loss
of American servicemen and women's lives is almost 2,000. We have lost
almost 2,000 American servicemen and women in Iraq.
The American people are asking now with greater frequency a very
significant question: Why did we invade Iraq and why are we continuing
to occupy that country?
Today, the House Committee on International Relations defeated a
Resolution of Inquiry, which I introduced, and that defeat came
essentially along party lines. Every Democratic member of the House
Committee on International Relations voted for the resolution; one
Republican voted for it; one Republican did not oppose it. But the
resolution lost by one vote because all of the other Republicans on the
committee opposed it.
What this resolution asked was simply this. It asked the
administration, the White House, and the Defense Department to provide
to the Congress information with regard to that information which is
contained in the so-called Downing Street memos.
The Downing Street memos are very interesting. They were first
revealed by the Sunday Times of London on May 1, 2005. What these
Downing Street memos are, are high-level communications between some of
the most significant members of the British Government, including Prime
Minister Tony Blair; Richard Dearlove, who was the head of British
intelligence; Jack Straw, the foreign secretary; and others.
These Downing Street memos were communications between these high-
ranking officials of the British Government. They reveal the essence of
conversations which took place between members of the British
Government and members of the Bush administration here in Washington,
including Condoleezza Rice, Vice President Cheney, Secretary of Defense
Rumsfeld, and others.
What the Downing Street memos reveal is that, from the very
beginning, the Bush administration was obsessed with Saddam Hussein and
that they used the attack of September 11 not to go after the
perpetrators of that attack, Osama bin Laden and the al Qaeda network,
but to twist and distort the facts in order to justify an attack
against Iraq, given the obsession that they had with Saddam Hussein.
So the resolution that I introduced today, and which was defeated by
the House Committee on International Relations, called upon the
executive branch of government, the White House and the Defense
Department, to provide to the Congress information with regard to those
conversations from the American perspective. All we have now is the
British perspective. And the British perspective is quite damning
indeed, damning of the intentions of the Bush administration and the
way in which this ensuing occupation has been carried out.
The Downing Street memos make it clear that high-ranking members of
the Bush administration were determined to twist and distort the
intelligence and the facts to fit the policy which they had already
decided to put into action; and that policy, of course, was to attack
Iraq and to remove Saddam Hussein as the head of that government.
Many people across our country, including an increasing number of the
House of Representatives, and I believe the Senate as well, are asking
the question: How could that attack be justified when we now know that
the ostensible justification, the justification which was set forth by
the administration, was completely false?
First, that justification was that Iraq had something to do with the
attack of September 11. Then the administration had to back off from
that assertion when it became clear to almost everyone that there was
no validity in that assertion whatsoever. Rapidly, the administration
moved to an assertion that it was important for us to attack Iraq
because Iraq possessed so-called weapons of mass destruction,
biological and chemical weapons. And the suggestion was even made over
and over and over again, by the highest ranking officials of the Bush
administration, that the Iraqi government was acquiring nuclear
weapons, that they had imported enriched uranium from Niger into Iraq
in order to manufacture atomic bombs, and that we were in danger of
having those nuclear weapons used against us. So, therefore, they
sought in that way to justify an attack against Iraq.
It is now clear to almost everyone, even the most myopic of persons,
that Iraq possessed no weapons of mass destruction program and was
nowhere near the development of any nuclear weapons.
And as is made clear by the information that is possessed in these
Downing Street memos, other countries were much more dangerous,
including Libya, Iran, and North Korea, because they were much closer
to developing nuclear weapons than was Iraq, which had essentially
abandoned all of its large-scale weapons programs in 1991. That
information had been made clear as a result of investigations which
were carried out by the International Atomic Energy Agency and by
weapons inspections teams, two of them in fact from the United States.
They found no evidence of any weapons of mass destruction.
So information from the administration about these Downing Street
memos is essential. Why the Committee on International Relations
defeated that resolution today remains to be seen, but we will be back.
We will be
[[Page H7930]]
back until we get the truth about what started this war in Iraq, why it
was instigated in the first place, and why it is continuing to be
carried out in such a failing manner.
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