[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 104 (Wednesday, July 27, 2005)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1619-E1620]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       GAZA: TEST CASE FOR PEACE

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. BARNEY FRANK

                            of massachusetts

                    in the house of representatives

                         Tuesday, July 26, 2005

  Mr. FRANK of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, last week I opposed an 
amendment to the State Department Authorization Bill that would have 
put restrictions on the ability of the President to decide on the 
appropriate flow of aid to the Palestinian Authority, because I believe 
that a Palestinian Authority both willing and able to confront violent 
opposition to the peace process with Israel is essential for peace to 
succeed. Later that day, after our debate, I read--a bit tardily--an 
excellent article that had been published in the Washington Post, for 
Wednesday, July 20, by the Israeli Ambassador to the United States, 
Daniel Ayalon. I believe that Ambassador Ayalon is an extremely able 
diplomat, who is himself a dedicated supporter of a rational process 
leading to a genuine two state solution in the Middle East. The article 
he wrote underlines the importance of a commitment by the Palestinian 
Authority to take the steps necessary to curtail the activities of 
those in the Palestinian community who are determined to bring the 
peace process to a violent halt.
  As Ambassador Ayalon notes, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has 
confronted those within Israel who are opposed to the peace process in 
general, and very specifically to the withdrawal of Jewish settlers 
from Gaza. This is of course, as the Ambassador points out, a cause of 
great anguish within Israel, and Prime Minister Sharon and his allies 
ought to be commended for the dedication to peace they are showing in 
their willingness to confront this opposition. It is entirely 
reasonable for Israel to ask, as Ambassador Ayalon does, for a 
comparable level of effort from President Abbas of the Palestinian 
Authority.
  I do not mean by this to equate the opposition faced by President 
Abbas on the one hand and Prime Minister Sharon on the other. While I 
disagree strongly with those settlers who are seeking to derail the 
peace process, they have not in any significant degree resorted to the 
kind of murderous violence that has been the response of Hamas and 
others within the Palestinian community seeking to put an end to peace. 
I say that they are people seeking to put an end to the peace process, 
Mr. Speaker, because there is no other explanation for the decision to 
engage in terrorist murders of Israelis within Gaza while the Israeli 
Government is in fact in the process of withdrawing from Gaza. 
Individual Israelis are not the only victims of these murders--the 
peace process is also an intended victim.
  I believe it is important for the United States to provide strong 
support for all those trying to go forward with this difficult peace 
process, and I think it is fair for Ambassador Ayalon to point out that 
the effort so far of President Abbas have fallen short of what Israel 
has a right to expect.
  I will continue to oppose, as I did last week, measures that seem to 
me to undercut President Abbas' ability to go forward with this 
admittedly difficult task. At the same time, I think it is important 
for those of us who are strong supporters of the peace process to join 
in reminding President Abbas of the importance of his being more 
successful than he has in the past in this regard.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask that Daniel Ayalon's article be printed here.

               [From the Washington Post, July 20, 2005]

                     In Gaza, a Test Case for Peace

                           (By Daniel Ayalon)

       Next month thousands of Israelis will be uprooted from 
     their homes in 25 settlements, against the backdrop of 
     widespread political opposition and intensifying Palestinian 
     terrorism. Israel faces difficult days ahead.
       Prime Minister Ariel Sharon is boldly determined to move 
     forward with disengagement from Gaza and the northern West 
     Bank out of a deep conviction that it is critical to Israel's 
     future. Unfortunately, the Palestinian leadership has failed 
     to meet him halfway. The Palestinian Authority's refusal to 
     disarm terrorist organizations has enabled the terrorists to 
     regroup and renew deadly attacks against Israelis, 
     compounding the difficulties of this engagement and casting 
     an ominous shadow on the possibility of future progress.
       The sharp increase in Palestinian terrorist attacks, 
     particularly in the past week, underscores the precariousness 
     of the situation. While Israel is committed to completing the 
     disengagement as planned, we will not sit idly by while our 
     civilians are under attack. Time is running out for the 
     Palestinian leadership to confront the terrorists. Should it 
     fail to do so, Israel will be forced to take the necessary 
     steps to defend its people. Lest the Palestinians miss 
     another historic opportunity, the world should insist that 
     they crack down on terrorism now.
       After numerous failed attempts by Israelis and Palestinians 
     to reach peaceful accommodation over the past 15 years, 
     Sharon decided to embark on a different course. Disengagement 
     is an immense political, strategic and indeed historical 
     undertaking, aimed at reducing friction between Israelis and 
     Palestinians, jump-starting the peace process and providing 
     the Palestinians with a unique opportunity to build 
     institutions of responsible self-governance.
       At the same time, it puts a terrible burden on thousands of 
     Israelis called on to leave their homes against their will. 
     Many have lived there for more than three generations. 
     Specially trained, unarmed units will move from house to 
     house as part of a massive logistical operation involving 
     some 50,000 security personnel, accompanied by teams of 
     social workers and psychologists. Living, breathing 
     communities, some more than 30 years old, will simply vanish. 
     Businesses, factories and farms will be shut down. Schools, 
     synagogues and cemeteries will be relocated. The removal of 
     graves, including those of terrorism victims, will be 
     especially heart-wrenching.
       The trauma of disengagement has unleashed dangerous rifts 
     in Israeli society. While the withdrawal is supported by most 
     of the public, many Israelis deeply oppose it on moral, 
     religious and security grounds. Sharon has demonstrated 
     steadfast leadership in the face of an unprecedented 
     political backlash from his traditional supporters. Given the 
     intense political opposition and growing civil disobedience, 
     the prospect of violent resistance cannot be ruled out. 
     Regardless of the outcome, the repercussions of disengagement 
     will be felt in Israel for years. At stake is not only the 
     success of disengagement but also the very fabric of Israeli 
     society.
       Adding fuel to the fire, public anxiety in Israel has 
     increased because of the resurgence of Palestinian terrorism, 
     including suicide bombings, drive-by shootings and rocket 
     attacks. Rather than confront the terrorist organizations and 
     disarm them, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has invited 
     Hamas into his government, thereby providing a terrorist 
     organization with an official seal of approval. The result 
     has been an emboldened Hamas, a further weakening of the 
     Palestinian Authority and a potentially disastrous perception 
     that disengagement is a victory for terrorism rather than an 
     opportunity for peace.
       Abbas must seize the moment and lead the Palestinians 
     toward peace. The terrorist organizations must be disarmed as 
     called for in the ``road map'' if Palestinian statehood is to 
     be achieved. This is nonnegotiable. Gaza is both the 
     opportunity and the test for the Palestinian leadership. Will 
     that leadership

[[Page E1620]]

     prove itself capable of governing a functioning democratic 
     society, free from terrorism and focused on improving the 
     lives of its citizens, or will it squander yet another 
     opportunity? After leaving Gaza, Israel will no longer 
     provide an easy excuse for Palestinian failure.
       The rock-solid, principled and bipartisan support for 
     Israel in the United States has been vital to our ability to 
     overcome terrorism and prepare the ground for a political 
     initiative. The notion of disengagement would have been 
     unthinkable had Israel not prevailed in the latest round of 
     sustained terrorism waged by the Palestinians since September 
     2000.
       The stakes for Israel are enormous. We are a strong but 
     small country facing a largely hostile region roughly 500 
     times our size. We can ill afford to make mistakes. Iran's 
     nuclear weapons program is imminent, posing an existential 
     threat. Syria and Iran promote and support Palestinian 
     terrorist groups sworn to our destruction. Hezbollah has 
     intensified terrorist attacks against Israel from Lebanon, 
     opening a second front aimed at derailing any progress. 
     Despite these challenges, Israel has shown it is prepared to 
     take difficult steps to achieve President Bush's vision for 
     peace in the Middle East. The world should insist on no less 
     from the Palestinians.
       The writer is Israel's ambassador to the United States.

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