[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 88 (Tuesday, June 28, 2005)]
[House]
[Pages H5281-H5300]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS
APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2006
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 341 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 3057.
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In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 3057) making appropriations for foreign operations, export
financing, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September
30, 2006, and for other purposes, with Mr. Thornberry in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered as having
been read the first time.
Under the rule, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe).
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am very pleased to present to the House H.R. 3057, the fiscal year
2006 appropriations bill for foreign operations, export financing, and
related programs. This bill provides important funding for programs
that support the global war on terror, the battle against HIV/AIDS and
other infectious diseases, and the national interests of the United
States.
The bill includes a total of $20.3 billion in new budget authority
for fiscal year 2006. This represents a reduction of $2.6 billion, or
11 percent, from the President's budget request. The bill is $533
million above the fiscal year 2005-enacted level, not including the
most recent supplemental appropriations of 2005. With all of the
supplemental appropriations of last year included, the recommendation
represents a decrease of $2 billion from the 2005 level.
As to whether this amount is considered adequate, I quote from two
headlines in Associated Press articles that appeared after the
subcommittee markup of June 14. The first reads: ``Lawmakers Propose
U.S. Foreign Aid Boost,'' and less than an hour later the headline
reads: ``GOP-Led Panel Slashes Foreign Aid Program.'' Those were
headlines an hour apart. So Members can lend their support to this bill
because it increases foreign aid, or they can oppose it because it
slashes foreign aid, or they can do either way with either one of those
ideas.
It is important to state at the outset that the bill was developed in
a bipartisan manner. I give enormous credit to the gentlewoman from New
York (Mrs. Lowey), my ranking minority member, for engaging in a
process that resulted in agreement on the basic components of this
package, even if funding compromises had to be found on both sides.
We have made a focus of this year's proposal greater oversight of the
expenditure of taxpayers' dollars. The report accompanying this bill
includes language that requires more accountability of our foreign
assistance dollars by urging the Department to set transparent goals
and in tangible ways that measure progress toward these goals. Results,
rather than resource levels, should be the yardstick for measuring U.S.
assistance programs.
Furthermore, this bill and report include many requirements for the
submission of financial plans, limiting expenditures until certain
reforms are
[[Page H5282]]
implemented, and continuation of congressional notification
requirements prior to the obligation or expenditure of funds.
With that, let me turn to some of the highlights of the bill.
First, the Millennium Challenge Corporation. The administration
requests $3 billion for MCC. That would have doubled our $1.5 billion
appropriation last year. We are funding it at $1.75 billion, or an
increase of $250 million, 17 percent, over 2005, but $1.25 billion less
than the President asked for.
As chairman of the subcommittee, I have made the MCC a priority in
this bill. I believe in the President's vision for a new form of
development assistance, where a country's commitment to fighting
corruption, its commitment to reform, its commitment to investing in
its people is complemented by an assistance package from the United
States, negotiated by the country in the form of a signed compact.
On the Global Environmental Facility, the budget included a $107
million request for the GEF, up from $106 million last year. Our bill
has no appropriation for GEF. As part of this multilateral agreement
with donors in 2002, the GEF agreed to establish a performance-based
allocation system for the disbursement of funds. Despite this
agreement, GEF has resisted attempts to establish this performance-
based allocation system, and I think our reduction, not including any
funds for this, sends a clear message about the imperative of reform to
GEF.
On Afghanistan, the budget included a $430 million request for
Economic Support Funds, ESF, for Afghanistan, an increase of $205
million over the 2005 level. It also included a request for $260
million for International Counternarcotics and Law Enforcement, an
increase of $170 million over the 2005 level. This bill fully funds the
$430 million in ESF and $211 million in INCLE for police and
counternarcotics programs in Afghanistan. The bill also limits
expenditures of about half of the ESF funds, or $225 million, until the
Secretary of State certifies to the committee that the government of
Afghanistan, at both the national and the local level, is fully
cooperating with the United States-funded narcotics eradication and
interdiction efforts.
On the West Bank and Gaza, the budget included a $150 million request
in ESF for the West Bank. The bill funds the request and retains the
fiscal year 2005 prohibitions and restrictions on the expenditure of
these funds, including a GAO audit of U.S. assistance. Neither the
request nor the bill includes any direct budgetary support of the
Palestinian Authority.
On the Emergency Plan for Aids Relief, the bill includes $2.695
billion for the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the third year of this
effort. This funding level is $131 million over the President's request
and $502 million over the fiscal year 2005 level. The bill includes not
less than $400 million, twice the amount requested by the President,
for a U.S. contribution to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis
and Malaria. Mr. Chairman, no one in this body, no one in this country,
should doubt the commitment of this Congress to fighting the global
AIDS battle.
Anti-corruption provisions. Following through on strengthening our
oversight role, the bill includes a new anti-corruption measure, a
provision that withholds 25 percent of the funds made available for the
U.S. contribution to the World Bank's International Development
Association, or IDA, until the Secretary of the Treasury certifies that
the World Bank has incorporated certain procurement guidelines,
withdraws its proposals concerning increasing the use of country
systems procurement, establishes a threshold for competitive bidding
and, subjects competitive bidding provisions to public advertisement.
On Iraq, the budget included a request for a total of $485 million
for Iraq. Our bill includes no new appropriation for this request. We
are not slighting Iraq. Instead, we assume these requirements can be
financed from the nearly $5 billion that remains in unobligated funds
previously appropriated in the November 2003 Iraq Relief and
Reconstruction Fund in the emergency supplemental bill.
On the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, or ACI, the bill fully funds
the budget of $734 million for the multiyear Andean Counterdrug
Initiative, ACI. That is an increase of $9.3 million over the current
fiscal year. The United States leads the international fight against
coca and poppy cultivation overseas. The narcotics industry has become
a source of funding for terrorists, especially in countries like
Colombia and Afghanistan. As part of the war on terror, the bill funds
the President's counterdrug initiatives for eradication, narcotics
interdiction and alternative livelihood programs.
On the Conflict Response Fund, the bill does not include the
administration's request for $100 million for a Conflict Response Fund,
but it does have a new provision that allows the Secretary of State to
reprogram and transfer funds as necessary for the purposes identified
for the fund; and in other legislation, funds for the administration of
that office and that program are included.
On Sudan, the bill includes $391 million, as requested, for
assistance to Sudan, including $69 million for the terrible tragedy
occurring in the western part of that country known as Darfur; but the
assistance may only be given to the coalition government if it is in
direct support of the comprehensive peace agreement with the southern
part of Sudan. Development assistance to the government in the south
and our humanitarian assistance in Darfur will continue unabated.
In preparing this bill, we were also faced with decreases in some
areas of the budget, including for some key non-HIV/AIDS health
programs and in the development assistance account. We have restored
most of those reductions, and in the case of development assistance,
added funds for basic education. I believe our development assistance
program is a key component of our national security strategy and is
critical to a positive U.S. image in foreign countries.
Basic education has become a signature issue for my ranking minority
member, and I salute her for her commitment to this; but I will leave
it to her to describe the details of our recommendation in this regard.
Suffice it to say that I fully support her efforts to provide more
educational opportunities to the impoverished youth of the world,
especially women and girls.
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This bill recommends $465 million for basic education activities, and
that is an increase of $65 million over the amount provided last year.
The bill also fully supports USAID's work to support the
microenterprise lending. Report language accompanying the bill
expresses the committee's expectation that USAID programs reach the
largest possible number of microenterprises and recommends $200 million
for this program.
We continue an emphasis in this bill on helping developing countries
build their capacity to participate in the international trading
system. We have $214 million for trade capacity building efforts, an
increase of $15 million over last year. Of this amount, $40 million is
made available for labor and environmental capacity building activities
related to the free trade agreement with the countries of Central
America and the Dominican Republic.
The bill fully funds the export finance agencies to promote U.S.
investment overseas and create jobs in the United States' export
sectors. The committee bill provides $311 million for these agencies,
including the Eximbank, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation,
and the Trade and Development Agency, and $275 million of that is
offset by collections.
The bill provides $791 million for migration and refugee assistance
programs, continuing the United States' leadership in the world for
providing humanitarian responses to refugee crises. This amount is $27
million over the 2005 level but $102 million less than the request.
Finally, the bill mostly restores the large proposed reduction to the
child survival and health program, providing $1.5 billion for these
programs, an increase of $246 million over the President's request.
We have had to reduce sums by almost $2.6 billion from the
President's request to meet our allocation for this bill. Therefore, we
could not provide funding for a number of new and expanded initiatives,
though requested by the President or brought to this committee's
attention by committee members and other Members of Congress and
outside groups.
[[Page H5283]]
The major reductions to the President's budget includes a cut of
$1.25 billion for the Millennium Challenge Corporation, which I have
already spoken of, $458 million from various programs in Iraq, and $300
million from the President's proposed local food purchases. This latter
recognizes the decision to maintain U.S. food purchases through the PL-
480 program funded in the agricultural appropriations bill. And,
finally, the $100 million I spoke of from the President's proposed
conflict are a transfer of funds instead of a new appropriation.
I believe this is a balanced bill, one that provides important
support for our most critical national security needs while
substantially increasing funding to respond to the global HIV/AIDS
pandemic. It also embraces our support for overseas development
assistance and humanitarian assistance activities. It meets the high
priority needs of the President in these areas and accommodates
congressional concerns as well.
As I said, this bill was developed in a bipartisan manner and it
should have the bipartisan support of this House. So, Mr. Chairman, I
urge a ``yes'' vote on this important legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3057, the fiscal year
2006 foreign operations appropriations bill, and I want to thank the
chairman of our subcommittee, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe)
for his hard work in putting together this bill. The good working
relationship we share is evident in the product we present to the House
today.
The President's fiscal year 2006 request, when compared with the
subcommittee's 302(b) allocation, presented us with an array of
difficult choices. Our allocation is a full $2.55 billion below the
request level, and into this reduced allocation we had to fit increases
in administration priorities, such as the Millennium Challenge
Corporation and the President's emergency plan for AIDS relief.
While I do believe that the bill reflects, for the most part, a
bipartisan compromise on the distribution of resources, I feel that
this allocation fails to meet our overall foreign policy and national
security needs at a time when the world is facing greater instability
due to disease, deprivation and conflict.
The world's attention is focused on the upcoming G-8 Summit, in which
wealthy nations will announce new commitments to achieve development
progress. It is in this context that we must consider the bill before
us today. We must ask if it is sufficient to lead the community of
developed nations in creating a new compact for global development; if
it will make the United States the standard bearer in a renewed effort
to lift the least fortunate among us out of poverty; if it represents
the commitment we must make to achieving the good governance and
adequate financial resources to address the world's challenges.
My colleagues, we did the best we could with what we had, and I
commend the chairman for that, but it is not enough. We are missing an
opportunity today to demonstrate that the United States understands not
just the need but the urgency of beating back the AIDS pandemic,
getting children in school, encouraging reformers and oppressive
societies, an opportunity to show that we understand business as usual
simply will not do the job and that we are willing to take dramatic
steps to bring the rest of the world on board.
This bill will do a great deal of good for a lot of people. It will
address many of the challenges around the world that most directly
affect U.S. national security, but it is not the bold statement that we
all know it could be. Nevertheless, I generally agree with my chairman
on the spending levels recommended within the reduced allocation. We
worked closely together to ensure that in the face of these devastating
cuts, we at least level-funded child survival and health and
development assistance priorities.
We provided an increase over the President's request for HIV/AIDS,
doubling his request for the Global Fund to fight AIDS, TB and malaria.
Although I wish we could have done more for the Global Fund, I believe
we are doing the best we can with the resources we have. We provided
$465 million for basic education. We continued the U.S. reconstruction
program in Afghanistan, and we fully funded our commitments in the
Middle East, a powerful statement at such a critical time in the peace
process.
The message we have sent with this bill is clear: In contrast with
the President's request, Congress will not increase funding for MCC and
PEPFAR on the backs of our core development accounts.
I am pleased that we were also able to restore deep cuts the
President requested in reproductive health programs. This bill provides
$432 million of bilateral funding, the fiscal year 2005 House-passed
level, and earmarks an additional $25 million in International
Organizations and Program funds for the United Nations Population Fund.
The bill further specifies that any funds for the UNFPA that cannot be
spent should be transferred to USAID specifically for bilateral family
planning programs, a provision we carried in the fiscal year 2004 bill
as well.
As I said, I am also pleased that this bill provides a total of $465
million for basic education, $65 million more than the fiscal year 2005
level. And, once again, we provide $15 million for a pilot program to
eliminate school fees and, for the first time, require a GAO study on
our education programs to ensure that we maximize the effectiveness of
our aid dollars.
This bill fully funds Israel's annual economic and military aid
package, including early disbursal of these funds within 30 days of the
bill's passage. It also includes language carried in previous years,
placing conditions on U.S. support for any future Palestinian state.
This year, the bill includes an additional provision requiring a GAO
audit of the fiscal year 2006 West Bank and Gaza program, as well as a
project-by-project plan from the State Department on how these funds
are being spent. And it extends a reporting requirement included in the
fiscal year 2005 supplemental on the Palestinians' progress in
reforming their security services, dismantling terrorist groups, and
ending incitement against Israel. I agree with the chairman that these
provisions are critical to monitoring the results we achieve as well as
the money we disburse.
I am proud that the bill and report carry a number of provisions
aimed at increasing the U.S. commitment to fighting gender-based
violence around the world, including in areas with high HIV infection
rates and in areas undergoing conflict and civil strife. I want to
thank the chairman for including a provision requiring police,
judicial, and military training programs funded in the bill to develop
training curricula on how to prevent and deal with victims of gender-
based violence. And I am pleased that we were able to increase funding
for UNIFEM and the UNIFEM Trust Fund to a total of $5 million.
I want to point out a few specific concerns, however, I have with the
bill. First, it provides no funding to the Global Environmental
Facility, GEF. The GEF is the largest single funder of projects to
improve the global environment, and every dollar invested by the U.S.
in the GEF leverages $14 from other sources.
I do understand why the chairman has proposed this cut. The GEF has
dragged its feet in implementing a performance-based allocation system.
And while I agree with the chairman's desire to send a message that we
are serious about reform, I do believe cutting funding is not the right
way to accomplish this. I hope we will have the opportunity to restore
funding to the GEF as this bill moves to the Senate and through
conference.
I am also concerned that the bill places no conditionality whatsoever
on U.S. military assistance to Indonesia and international military
education and training for Guatemala. For the first time since
Indonesian military-backed militias laid waste to East Timor in the
wake of its August 1999 independence referendum, we will provide FMF to
Indonesia free of any conditions. And despite the Guatemalan
government's noncompliance with military reform stipulated in the Peace
Accords, we have removed IMET restrictions on that country as well.
I regret that we were not able to fully fund the President's request
for
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refugees and peacekeeping. The reduced allocation simply made it
impossible. I am pleased that we were able to provide additional
funding as part of the fiscal year 2005 supplemental, and I am
optimistic we can increase funding for these accounts in conference.
Let me also say that even though this bill provides no funding for
Iraq reconstruction, I take seriously the role this committee plays in
exercising oversight over this effort. Reports of wasted money and poor
accounting for taxpayer funds are certainly alarming. Congress, and
particularly this subcommittee, has a responsibility to ensure that
these funds are used properly and efficiently, and the chairman and I
will continue to make this a priority.
Finally, I would like to point out that the Senate's allocation for
foreign operations is a full $1.6 billion above the House. It is my
hope that this allocation will enable us to significantly increase
funding for a number of critical priorities in the final conference
measure.
I want to thank the chairman once again for being such a good partner
in the process. I particularly want to thank him and wish him a very
happy birthday from all of us. With few exceptions, I believe we have
put together a good bill within the context of our difficult
allocation.
I appreciate the gentleman's help and the work of the staff, Nisha,
Betsy, Alice, Rodney, Rob, Lori, Sean, and Beth, in bringing this bill
to the floor and I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KOLBE. I yield to the gentleman from Idaho.
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman from Arizona
yielding to me for the purposes of a colloquy on an issue of report
language that accompanies H.R. 3057, the foreign ops appropriation
bill, and for his willingness to work with me through conference on
this report language.
Mr. Chairman, report language appears for a reason. It is meant to
send a strong message to Federal agencies; in this case, the Export-
Import Bank. I am greatly concerned about the message this report
language sends. I am worried it has the appearance of trying to
encourage the approval of a loan that does not meet the statutory
requirements.
Before a loan should be brought before the board for a vote, it must
meet the congressionally-mandated test for export additionality,
foreign competition, and net benefit to the U.S. economy. If we want to
consider changes to the statutory requirements, those changes should be
addressed during the reauthorization of the Export-Import Bank that is
scheduled to occur next year.
I look forward to working with the chairman and the Senate in
conference regarding the committee's intent of any report language
addressing this issue.
{time} 1400
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I want to say to the gentleman from Idaho
(Mr. Simpson) that I sympathize with his statement. He makes his case
with passion and knowledge. I want to clarify my intent with respect to
the language in the committee report referring to applications from the
U.S. Export-Import Bank.
The report language urged the Export-Import Bank to act promptly on
requests for assistance. It also asked for the bank to report on the
status of pending applications.
The report further noted the committee's request for ``an explanation
for any rejection of any requests for assistance, specifically
applications affecting the semiconductor industry.'' This sentence
could be misconstrued as prejudicing or prejudging possible
applications for bank assistance.
Let me be clear. It was not and is not my intention to prejudice or
prejudge the outcome of any pending application at the bank. This
language is not intended to influence in any way any matter that is
pending before the bank or reflect negatively on any decision made by
the chairman or any other board member regarding any pending or past
matter.
Loans brought before the bank must meet the bank's criteria for
export additionality, foreign competition, and net benefit for the
American economy. The Export-Import Bank has five full-time board
members whose job it is to assess whether applications meet the bank's
criteria for export additionality, foreign competition, and net benefit
to the U.S. economy.
They are the ones who should make the judgments about which
transactions the bank will support and those it would turn down. The
committee report language in no way is intended to influence those
judgments. I understand the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. Simpson) still
has some concerns with the language, and I will be happy to work with
the gentleman and the Senate in conference regarding the committee's
intent.
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Knollenberg).
Mr. KNOLLENBERG. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of this bill,
the fiscal year 2006 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act.
Let me begin by commending the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) for
his work as chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export
Financing and Related Programs. Every year he puts a great deal of
effort into examining the issues thoroughly and giving sincere
consideration to Members' requests. Thanks to his efforts, we have
before us today an excellent bill.
I also commend the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the
ranking member. She and I have worked together on a number of issues
over the years, and together we have achieved some important results.
I also want to thank all of the staff for their hard work and the
research they have done over the weeks and months to address the many
issues in this bill. Their organization and discipline has made this
year's process move more smoothly.
As Members of Congress, we have a responsibility to exercise our
oversight to ensure taxpayer dollars are spent as effectively as
possible. Oversight has been a primary focus of the Subcommittee on
Foreign Operations this year, and there are important provisions in
this bill to help make our foreign assistance programs more
accountable.
This bill requires the administration and international organizations
to set transparent goals and measure progress towards these goals in
tangible ways. The bill also limits spending until certain reforms are
implemented. Because of this oversight, the committee has been able to
produce a bill that is $2.5 billion below the administration's request
and still focuses on the important priorities.
Assistance to the Middle East is always a central part of this bill.
For fiscal year 2006, Israel will receive $2.28 billion in military
assistance, $240 million in economic assistance, and $40 million to
help resettle Jewish refugees in Israel. I strongly support all of this
funding.
I am also pleased that the bill provides $40 million for assistance
to Lebanon, which is an increase of $5 million from last year. With
Syria's military withdrawal from Lebanon and the recent elections,
there is an opportunity for positive change. This extra funding will
give the State Department and USAID some flexibility to take advantage
of this opportunity.
There are also a variety of important programs in the bill that
provide support to reform efforts within the countries of the broader
Middle East, including $85 million for the Middle East Partnership
Initiative.
Regarding Armenia, the bill provides $67.5 million in economic
assistance. Unfortunately, Turkey and Azerbaijan continue to seal the
transportation routes into and out of Armenia, so this funding is
important to offset this economic blockade.
The bill also maintains parity in military assistance to Armenia and
Azerbaijan, which is critical to our overall policy toward the South
Caucasus.
There are other valuable programs in this bill, including the
Millennium Challenge Corporation and funding to fight the scourge of
HIV/AIDS.
But in addition to what this bill does include, what is equally
important is what this bill does not include.
Specifically, this bill does not include any funding for the Global
Environmental Facility. Plain and simple,
[[Page H5285]]
this is a matter of accountability, and we cannot afford to waste money
on organizations that refuse to implement good-government reforms.
Mr. Chairman, this is a responsive bill. It is the result of
significant oversight. It is fiscally sound, and it focuses on
priorities that will advance our interests. For all of these reasons, I
strongly support this bill, and I urge all of my colleagues to join me
in supporting it on the floor today.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Michigan (Ms. Kilpatrick), a distinguished member of the subcommittee.
(Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan asked and was given permission to revise
and extend her remarks.)
Ms. KILPATRICK of Michigan. Mr. Chairman, I thank our ranking member,
the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for yielding me this time
and wish a happy birthday to our chairman and thank the gentleman from
Arizona for his leadership as we work for the world right here in this
Chamber.
I also want to thank the gentleman from California (Chairman Lewis)
and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member, for
helping us to fashion a bill that is fair. Yes, we could use more
money. Our 302(b) allocations limit what we can do, but I think it is a
perfect start. The Senate has $1.5 billion more to spend than we have
in our bill, and I believe in conference we will see a better bill.
I want to highlight a few things about why I strongly support this
bill. Everyone says it is not enough. It is never enough. HIV/AIDS is
funded at the highest level it has been. I want to commend the
leadership of the subcommittee. We are over a billion dollars more than
the President requested for HIV and AIDS.
The Sudan and peacekeeping operations there, we are going in the
right direction. We believe with this money to help Sudan we will be
able to see some stability in that region soon.
I want to speak about the Middle East. I am a strong proponent of
peace in the Middle East. We must have that, and our partners there are
working for that.
I recently visited Egypt on my second visit there, and found that
Egypt, which I already knew, some 70-plus million people, is our
strongest military ally in the region. Egypt purchases our weapons and
does our training and also stabilizes the other countries: Israel, with
3 to 4 million people; Jordan with 7 or 8 million people; Lebanon,
Syria. The government of Egypt and President Mubarak are the
peacekeepers and have been very instrumental in the Abbas-Sharon talks,
as well as the Lebanon and Syria talks. So I would hope we continue to
fund Egypt to work with Egypt to make sure that they keep their
commitments to the Middle East as well as to this government. I am very
confident that as we work together with Egypt and with the Middle East,
we will hope to see peace as we work there.
This bill also provides educational opportunities for thousands of
young people all over the world who are unable to fund their own
education. We know education is the difference between success and
failure in young people's lives; and the better the education, the more
options young people have.
Mr. Chairman, let us continue to work to build a better, stronger
world. The U.S. is the largest country, the strongest country in the
world. I would not want to be anywhere else. We have a responsibility
to build, to grow, and to be good foreign partners. I believe this
foreign ops bill for 2006 continues that effort. I urge a ``yes'' vote
on the foreign operations bill. It is not perfect, but it is certainly
a good piece of legislation as it moves through Congress.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3057, the Foreign Operations
Appropriations bill for FY 2006. As a member of the House
Appropriations Committee, subcommittee on foreign operations, I want to
commend subcommittee Chairman Jim Kolbe and Ranking Member Nita Lowey,
Appropriations Committee Chairman Jerry Lewis and Ranking Member David
Obey for fashioning a bill that reflects consensus and a commitment to
supporting the needs of the global community.
Our work on this bill was difficult given the limited 302(b)
allocation that was imposed on the subcommittee. Despite the allocation
constraints, the subcommittee members developed a bill that was roughly
$2.5 billion below the president's request of $22.8 billion. Our bill
recommends a funding level of $20.3 billion and includes a number of
strong provisions.
Our bill provides substantial funding for HIV/AIDS, including a plus
up of $131 million above the president's request. The Global Fund is
funded at $400 million, and is an increase of $200 million above the
president's request. The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief
(PEPFAR) is funded at $1.72 billion which is $150 million less than the
president's request, and HIV/AIDS in the Child, Survival and Health
(CSH) account is funded at $350 million, including $20 million in
bilateral assistance to non-focus countries. Other HIV/AIDS funding
totals $55 million. The level of funding in the bill reflects an
awareness of the dimensions of the global pandemic and the necessity to
commit resources to global communities that are being ravaged by the
disease.
I am also pleased that my colleagues recognized the importance of
funding peacekeeping operations (PKO) in Sudan. The conflicts in the
north/south and Darfur necessitate a financial and peacekeeping
commitment to mitigate the proliferating violence, despair and disease
that is rampant in Sudan.
Given the prevailing tensions in the Middle East, particularly as
those tensions relate to peace negotiations between Israel and the
Palestinians, I am pleased about the level of funding provided to
support the Palestinian Authority (PA) and for our allies in Egypt and
Jordan. Our funding to the region reflects the importance the committee
attaches to supporting countries that are committed to the goals of
democratization and fighting terrorism. I also want to remind my
colleagues that it is imperative that we continue to send the message
to our allies in the Middle East and the Gulf region that their efforts
to aggressively support democratization and to provide military
security are greatly appreciated and reflected in our ongoing financial
support.
Despite the good news in this bill, I want to stress my concern that
U.S. foreign assistance comprises only 1 percent of our Federal budget.
I believe more could be done around the world if our Nation did not
have to contend with a spiraling deficit that continues to balloon
because we are entrenched in a military engagement in Iraq that costs
roughly $150 million per day, $5 billion per month and $60 billion per
year. I am very dismayed by these figures because they highlight the
reality that there is no prospect for the removal of our troops from
harm's way in the near term.
Mr. Chairman, the bill before us, I believe, represents a good faith
effort to address the foreign assistance needs of our global neighbors.
And while I wish that more resources were available to support worthy
programs, we were limited in our allocation. Given current economic
realities, this bill represents a good faith effort to fund essential
programs around the world. The Senate allocation for foreign assistance
is $1.5 billion higher than the House figure, so I am hopeful that
perhaps even greater levels of funding will be provided for other
critical areas of need. I am pleased to support this bill and encourage
my colleagues to vote ``aye'' on H.R. 3057.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Kirk), an outstanding member of the subcommittee.
Mr. KIRK. Mr. Chairman, I congratulate the gentleman from Arizona on
his birthday, rise in support of this bill, and compliment the ranking
member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), for her work.
This bill is vital to winning the war on terror. I am particularly
happy that we have focused the soft power of the United States, USAID,
the Board for International Broadcasting, et cetera, on key parts of
Pakistan where the leaders of al Qaeda are hiding.
I do want to strike one note of warning, though. In the last 2 years,
we have witnessed an explosion of heroin production in Afghanistan.
Last year, drug lords in Afghanistan made over $6 billion in drug
profits with some of the proceeds supporting terrorist groups. Al Qaeda
and the Taliban now depend on the sale of heroin to wage their war on
terror. Two years ago, drug profits sustained just two terror groups.
Today, drug profits sustain four terror groups.
Last year, more drug money arrived in Afghanistan than it had in any
other country, including Colombia, in history. Two years ago, only 8
percent of Afghan heroin arrived in the United States; now it is up to
12 percent, a 50 percent increase. Two months ago, the United States
arrested Osama bin Laden's banker, Haji Bashir Noorzai, for attempting
to smuggle $50 million of heroin into the United States. His attempt
provides a stark warning that if Afghan drug dealers can smuggle heroin
into the United States, they can also smuggle terrorists.
[[Page H5286]]
To date, our program to reduce the Afghan heroin crop has failed.
From a low of only a few hundred acres in 2001, the Afghan heroin crop
topped over 200,000 acres last year.
Alternative development programs for Afghan farmers are key, and we
fully fund such programs to help farmers switch from poppies to the
traditional products of Afghanistan, like wheat. But even the best
legal crop can only command one-twelfth the price of heroin, so we also
must fund enforcement programs.
Congress approved $92 million in the fiscal year 2005 supplemental to
provide helicopters for the Afghan police to catch drug lords. The
program inside the administration is now adrift, and we have wasted 6
months in designing a helicopter program to help Afghan police
officers. Repeatedly, some in the administration have proposed cutting
this program by half to fund other programs, proposing that we largely
ignore the narcoterror threat in Afghanistan.
Mr. Chairman, Afghanistan now teeters on the brink of becoming a
failed narco-state. Violence against American and other NATO
peacekeepers is picking up, much of it funded by narcoterrorists. As
our full committee chairman, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis),
advised Secretary Zoellick, Congress is looking for strong action
against Afghan heroin; and we want the fiscal year 2005 funding for the
helicopter program to move forward, and an end to rumors that the
administration is cutting the fiscal year 2007 budget for this
activity.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah), a distinguished new member of the committee.
Mr. FATTAH. Mr. Chairman, I rise to thank the gentleman from Arizona
(Mr. Kolbe) and the ranking member, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey). In working on this bill, we found agreement on an initiative
that is very important to me, and I think important to our efforts in
Africa in terms of combating some of the difficulties there,
particularly related to HIV and the growing threat of AIDS.
We have report language that accompanies this bill that the chairman
and his staff were willing to agree to that would bring together a
number of our more capable agencies, including the Centers for Disease
Control, the USAID and others, and have them develop a plan to take a
nonincremental approach at creating a healthier blood supply in Africa.
In Africa, millions of people who have contracted AIDS have done so
through tainted blood transfusions, particularly pediatric AIDS cases.
The ranking member and the chairman and the staff have helped us move
forward an initiative to focus on this problem. I rise to thank them.
Secondly, the bill also talks about creating a more coordinated and
comprehensive effort on infectious diseases and health challenges on
the continent of Africa, particularly in the sub-Saharan region.
Also, I have had a chance to speak to the gentleman from California
(Mr. Lewis) and his top staffer, Frank Cushing, on this matter; and I
really appreciate the majority's willingness to look anew at some of
these issues and think through how we can approach this matter in a
creative way. I thank the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) and his
staff and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) and her staff.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume
for the purpose of a colloquy.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KOLBE. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Chairman, I think the gentleman from Arizona (Mr.
Kolbe) has done well to craft a bill in a very difficult budgetary
environment. It prioritizes funding for important programs. I believe
his and the ranking member's efforts are appreciated.
{time} 1415
I do, however, rise to express concerns about the Global Environment
Facility, or GEF, whose funding is eliminated in this bill. As co-chair
of the House International Conservation Caucus, I am keenly interested
in conservation programs because I believe that how nations of the
world manage their natural resources is a vital U.S. interest,
impacting our efforts to help create a more secure and prosperous
world.
The GEF is the largest international funding source for programs and
support good natural resource management around the world. In the
roughly 15 years since its creation, the GEF has implemented 1,500
projects in 140 countries, with biodiversity and habitat conservation
being the largest single area of focus. Importantly, U.S. funding has
leveraged at least $14 for every $1 we have contributed. I believe this
model where our resources are matched many times over by other public
and private donors is a good approach. However, I strongly agree with
the chairman's push for reform at the GEF. The United States should
always be pushing for transparency and accountability at multilateral
institutions, and the GEF is no exception. As the chairman knows, at
the request of the U.S. Treasury and other donor nations, the GEF has
been working to implement a variety of management improvements.
Currently, the GEF is in the final stages of adopting a major element
in this reform process, a system of prioritizing its funding decisions
called the Resource Allocation Framework.
The Council of the GEF is meeting in late August in a special session
to finalize the structure of this framework. The GEF Council recognizes
the need for reform and is meeting in less than 2 months to complete
work on the reform element most important to the U.S. Government.
And I would respectfully inquire whether the gentleman agrees that
the GEF's programs and projects are beneficial to conservation
worldwide and to the United States, and assuming that a framework is
finalized at the upcoming special meeting of the GEF, would that
constitute sufficient progress on reform to have the gentleman revisit
GEF funding in the conference?
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I thank the gentleman
from California for raising this important issue. I also support
international conservation efforts, and I applaud the gentleman for his
leadership as co-chair of the International Conservation Caucus.
I believe that the Global Environment Facility has done good work
over the years to help conserve the environment and to address some of
the more difficult international environmental problems that require
international cooperation to be solved. Nevertheless, I have been
concerned about the pace of reform within this organization.
My purpose in eliminating its funding is to ensure that the limited
amount of resources in this bill are used in the most efficient
possible way. My goal is not to definitively end U.S. contributions to
the GEF this year or in the future. However, until the final GEF
reforms are in place, I am concerned that GEF funding is not being used
optimally.
I appreciate the unique role that GEF can play in international
conservation, and I believe that a reformed and functioning GEF is
worthy of support. If the GEF agrees to implement a performance-based
allocation system at the August-September, 2005, Special Meeting of the
GEF Council, then I would be willing and will be willing to work with
the gentleman and the other body to help restore the U.S. contribution
to the GEF during conference.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his response.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to thank the gentleman from California for raising this
important issue. As I have said repeatedly throughout the process of
moving this bill to the House floor, I am deeply disappointed that this
bill does not fulfill the U.S. commitment to the Global Environmental
Facility.
Since its establishment in 1991, the GEF has provided $5 billion in
grants, leveraged $16 billion in co-financing for projects in 140
countries around the world, has provided more than 4,000 grants
directly to smaller organizations. The U.S. has provided close to $1
billion to the GEF over this same time frame.
The GEF is unique in its laser-like focus on environmental
sustainability. It is the most effective way for the United States and
other donor nations
[[Page H5287]]
to support biodiversity and prevent climate change.
House passage of the bill with no funding for the GEF will send a
strong message, but I hope not the wrong message. I agree with the
chairman that the U.S. should encourage transparency, responsibility,
and accountability of the institution. And I hope that is what the
international community takes away from today's debate.
However, I do believe that in cutting off all funding to the GEF, we
run the risk of sending the message that the United States no longer
supports the good work of the organization. I am pleased that today's
discussion will clarify that this is not true, and I join the chairman
and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) in looking forward to the
August GEF Council meeting, which will hopefully include the adoption
of a performance-based Resource Allocation Framework. I am optimistic
that the Senate will do the right thing by the GEF and that we will be
able to provide the requested levels in conference. I look forward to
working with the chairman and the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce)
to see that this happens.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
California (Mr. Farr), who has been a real advocate for the
environment.
Mr. FARR. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this
time.
I rise today to speak on an issue that is probably best spelled out
in The Los Angeles Times today by Sonni Efron, who is a writer for the
Times. The Times article is entitled ``Drug War Fails to Dent U.S.
Supply.''
I would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member for their
commitment to international development and improving our national
security by attacking the culture of poverty and injustice, which I
think are the root causes of terrorism in this world. I would also like
to thank the chairman for engaging in a debate with me during the full
committee markup regarding the increased funding for alternative
development in Colombia.
I had offered an amendment in committee that would have shifted
funding from the military and fumigation side of the Andean CounterDrug
Initiative to funding more alternative development programs. My
amendment would have shifted funds in five of the departments, which
are like ``states'' in Colombia that are receiving little or no
alternative development assistance; yet they are being heavily
fumigated. While we are using all stick and no carrot in these regions,
only spraying a farmer's crop but not providing for an alternative
livelihood is not a sustainable solution to a coca growing problem in
the Andean region.
Given the chairman's commitment to work in conference to increase the
funding for alternative development programs in Colombia and the Andean
region as a whole, I withdrew my amendment in committee.
I would like to take this opportunity to remind the chairman of his
commitment and thank him again for his efforts regarding the
alternative development in Colombia, and I know the chairman has been a
tireless supporter of development and security in Latin America. I look
forward to working with him and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey), ranking member, on these important issues and hope in
conference that they can restore the funding that I am sure the Senate
side will add to.
I would like to close by referring everyone to this L.A. Times
article today. I think it speaks to the point that America needs to
focus on working itself out of jobs, not making people dependent upon
American jobs to develop economic security in their own countries.
[From the Los Angeles Times, Jun. 28, 2005]
Drug War Fails to Dent U.S. Supply
(By Sonni Efron)
Washington.--The Bush administration and congressional
allies are gearing up to renew a plan for drug eradication in
Latin America despite some grim news: The $5.4 billion spent
on the plan since 2000 has made no dent in the availability
of cocaine on American streets and prices are at all-time
lows.
United Nations figures released this month show that coca
cultivation in the Andean region increased by 2 percent in
2004 as declines in Colombia were swamped by massive
increases in Peru and Bolivia. And the nonpartisan
Congressional Research Service said last week that the anti-
drug effort had had ``no effect'' on the price or purity of
drugs in the United States.
The findings have fueled skepticism in Congress, where
conservative groups have joined efforts to lobby against
continued funding. The National Taxpayers Union called the
anti-drug program a ``boondoggle.''
Nonetheless, a House committee last week approved the
administration's request for $734.5 million for next year as
part of a foreign aid bill. Debate on the bill could start as
early as today. President Bush also may unveil a renewed
multiyear commitment to South American anti-drug efforts this
year when Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, a staunch U.S.
ally, is expected to visit.
``We are heading in the right direction and we are
winning,'' the federal drug czar, John P. Walters, told
Congress last month.
``Plan Colombia''--a six-year effort by Washington and
Bogota to eliminate drug trafficking, end more than 40 years
of armed conflict with rebels and promote economic and legal
reform in Colombia--expires this year. The Bush
administration wants to continue it, a senior State
Department official said.
``You adjust your tactics and you adjust your resources,''
the official said. ``There's no inclination on the part of
our administration to give up just because it's tough.''
Negotiations with Bogota over details of a successor
program to Plan Colombia will begin next month, the official
said.
Administration and some congressional officials say Plan
Colombia has had some striking success. Killings, massacres
of villagers and other attacks blamed on drug trafficking all
have fallen sharply since 2002, and kidnappings have fallen
by half, according to Colombian Defense Ministry figures,
even though this year has seen a resurgence of violence.
Drug crop eradication and drug interdictions are cutting
into the profits of Colombia's right-wing paramilitaries and
leftist rebels, Walters told Congress last month.
Walters testified that ``cocaine production in the Andes
has declined by 29% since 2001, and Colombia's opium crop was
cut in half from 2003 to 2004.'' He said the reason that
price and availability had not been affected was the lag of
six months to a year between the time when the coca plant was
harvested and when its cocaine was available on American
streets.
The reports call the administration's assessment into
question. Whereas cocaine production fell 11% in Colombia in
2004, it soared by 23% in Peru and 35% in Bolivia, according
to the report by the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime. Overall,
coca cultivation in the region increased 2%, the U.N. study
said.
``The [U.N.] numbers are devastating,'' said Adam Isacson
of the Center for International Policy, which has argued that
eradication campaigns must be accompanied by large-scale
development efforts that offer peasants alternative
livelihoods.
``The spraying, when it isn't accompanied by any
alternative development, doesn't seem to discourage [coca
farmers] from trying again, because there just aren't a lot
of other good choices out there,'' Isacson said.
Peasants have responded by planting even more coca, hiding
it under trees and among other crops, and turning to
varieties that produce a higher yield, the U.N. report said.
Whether or not the anti-drug effort is succeeding, the U.S.
foreign aid budget is under new scrutiny, especially with the
war in Iraq costing more than $4 billion a month and a $379-
billion deficit looming for 2006. Colombia, the fifth-largest
recipient of U.S. aid after Iraq, Israel, Egypt and
Afghanistan, could be a target for cuts.
The Congressional Research Service tallied State Department
and Defense Department spending on the Andean Counterdrug
Initiative at $5.4 billion since 2000. Though the anti-drug
program aids Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Brazil, Panama and
Venezuela, Colombia has received most of the money, about
$4.5 billion. ``While there has been measurable progress in
Colombia's internal security, as indicated by decreases in
violence, and in the eradication of drug crops, no effect has
been seen with regard to price, purity and availability of
cocaine and heroin in the United States,'' the research
agency report said.
The report said Colombia was no closer to ending its
decades-long armed strife. The conservative National
Taxpayers Union last week called for the program to be cut
back or killed.
``By all measurable criteria, Plan Colombia's effectiveness
is dubious,'' said Paul Gessing, governmental affairs
director of the anti-tax group. ``It's a big taxpayer
boondoggle.''
Liberals also contend that the program is wasteful. Rep.
James P. McGovern (D-Mass.) plans to offer an amendment to
the foreign aid bill that would slash $100 million in U.S.
military and security aid to Colombia.
One senior U.S. government policy advisor, who spoke on
condition of anonymity out of fear he would be excluded from
administration policy discussions, agreed with many of the
critics.
``It's a complete waste of money,'' the advisor said. ``You
have to ask yourself, why are we in Colombia?''
He added: ``The bottom line is not how much they produce or
how much we eradicate, the bottom line is, is there enough
supply to meet the demand [in the United States], and there
always is. . . . The traffickers are always one step ahead of
us.''
[[Page H5288]]
Plan Colombia began under the Clinton administration
primarily to fight drugs. But after the Sept. 11, 2001,
attacks, the Bush administration has emphasized counter-
terrorism and regional security.
While some conservatives wish to cut funding for Colombia,
many Democrats want to spend less on its military and more on
rural economic development. Democratic critics also wonder
whether the U.S. has an exit strategy for Colombia.
Rep. Sam Farr (D-Carmel), a former Peace Corps volunteer in
Colombia, said the U.S. effort there violates a key principle
of international aid: ``Work yourself out of a job.''
After five years of U.S. funding, American military
advisors are still training Colombian troops and American
companies are still being paid to maintain expensive U.S.
Black Hawk helicopters, Farr said.
``Look at how much attention is being paid to building
local capacity in Iraq so we can leave,'' Farr said. ``This
is where we're failing in the war on drugs, because we're not
developing the capacity of these countries to handle their
own problems.''
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Cunningham), a distinguished member of the full
committee.
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank the ranking
member and the chairman for this bill.
It is easy for some people to vote against foreign ops until they
understand what it is. There are four legs of a table: the military
foreign ops, intel, and homeland security; and probably a fifth now
with the rising cost of fuel, energy.
Foreign ops is critical in that security table. Why? If we think
about the position of the Palestinian-Israeli issue with Sharon, for
the first time, I heard the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman)
speak that we have hope in the Middle East, hope. If we take a look, it
is easy to think about cutting certain countries, but think of what a
thin edge they are on right now. Look at Indonesia with its problems,
how they help us. Look at Saudi Arabia that is moving more and more
toward a moderate state. Do they have problems? Yes. Look at Egypt, and
it would be easy for someone to come up and have an amendment to cut
them. But in Saudi Arabia I sure do not want ``King Osama bin Laden,''
or in Indonesia, if we look at the thin thread. Or Pakistan. In
Pakistan take a look at Hamboli; KSM, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who was a
guy who planned 9/11. We just caught Abu al-Libbi, who is the guy who
took Khalid Sheikh Mohammed's position. And they have stopped major
events and attacks within the United States because of our foreign
operations bill.
Look at Sudan. They ethically cleansed probably as many people as
Saddam Hussein or in Kosovo or Bosnia, and that brings world peace.
But even worse, look at the HIV threat. There are more deaths in HIV
in Africa than during the plagues, and if we support that, A, it makes
a safer America, but it also protects and stabilizes Africa itself.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3\1/4\ minutes to the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our distinguished minority leader, who has
been a strong advocate for the United States' increased role in the
world today.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me this
time. This is an important bill. The United States is the leader of the
free world, and, frankly, the United States is far behind many in the
industrialized world in investing in the peace and security of the
international community.
Mr. Chairman, for several years, however, I have expressed serious
concerns about the amount of dollars that we give to Egypt. Egypt is a
friend and an ally. Egypt is number two in terms of the dollars that we
invest, both in military and economic aid. However, Egypt has one of
the largest and most modern militaries in the Middle East, with
approximately $2.4 billion in annual defense spending. More than half
of that funding, $1.3 billion in this bill, is provided by the United
States.
Notwithstanding that, however, I do not believe that Egypt and its
leadership is conducting itself in a way consistent with its alliance
with this country. Nearly one out of five Egyptians live in poverty;
yet we give very little economic aid, relatively speaking. Roughly half
of Egypt's adults are illiterate. Unemployment is in double figures,
and the country has a per capita income of just $700 per year.
In this context, Mr. Chairman, I am concerned that the United States
provides almost three times the amount of military assistance to Egypt
than we provide in economic assistance, $1.3 billion to $495 million in
this bill.
That is not my principal concern. My principal concern is the
relationship between the extraordinary investment that America makes in
Egypt and the lack of cooperation as it relates to some of their
policies not only on the military side, but on the human rights and
discrimination side.
Regional stability and the efforts to stem the development of
terrorist organizations are served not only by providing for Egypt's
military strength, but also by ensuring prosperity and economic
opportunities for the people of Egypt, and having Egypt cooperate in
bringing down the level of hatred, discrimination, and prejudice in its
own country and in the Middle East. Mr. Chairman, I would hope that we
would make that message clear to our friends in Egypt.
I offered an amendment in committee. That amendment would have
shifted $40 million from military assistance to the economic
assistance. That, in my opinion, would have had the effect of educating
more Egyptian children, bringing more Egyptians out of poverty, perhaps
investing greater amounts in the economic development and job creation
seen in Egypt. That would, in my opinion, have been a very positive
step forward.
My friend, the chairman of the Foreign Operations, Export Financing,
and Related Programs Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations
urged me not to do that. And as a result of his urging, I withdrew that
amendment.
One of the reasons I withdrew that amendment is because Egypt is an
important ally. But I would hope that our Egyptian friends would
address the issues of anti-Americanism, anti-Semitism, anti-Catholic/
Christian, prejudice, and destabilization within their own country and
within the Middle East. We need to continue to send that message.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Rothman), distinguished member of the subcommittee.
(Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Chairman, I thank the ranking member for yielding me
this time.
Let me just say at first that this bill is a well-crafted bill that I
support within the confines of the amount of money that the majority
has chosen to give us to work with.
{time} 1430
I also want to acknowledge the extraordinary bipartisan work that has
taken place here, and I want to thank our chairman and his staff for
reaching out to us in the minority to include our priorities as well. I
think this is a real bipartisan effort, and I am grateful for that.
I also want to acknowledge the support of our ranking member, the
gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), and I want to thank our chairman,
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis), for all their support of the
foreign operations bill this year and over the years.
Mr. Chairman, most Americans believe that America spends 10 to 15
percent of its budget on foreign aid. That is simply not the case,
though. We only spend about 1 percent of our budget on foreign aid, and
that 1 percent is very well spent.
We use that money, that foreign assistance, to help fellow
democracies stay strong and secure. We help struggling democracies who
are undergoing tough times because of the neighborhood they live in or
because of their own economies. We also help people who want to be free
and live in a democracy help create democracies.
Why do we care about democracies, other than being Americans and we
believe everyone has a right to live free? Because we know that
democracies are good trading partners and they do not go to war against
one another. So there is a very practical reason for our foreign
assistance program.
Beyond that, of course, is the humanitarian obligation, the moral
obligation that we have to help people in need. Virtually every major
religion in the world acknowledges our moral obligation to help poor
people and those in need of charity and compassion.
[[Page H5289]]
So for all those reasons, Mr. Chairman, I believe this foreign aid
bill is important. I do regret that the Global Environmental Facility
is not being funded under this bill, and I look forward, as the
chairman suggests, to that money perhaps being included in conference.
That would make this bill complete. Then, of course, if there were as
much money as the other body is designating for this foreign
assistance, that would be even better.
But this is a good, bipartisan bill, because foreign assistance is in
America's vital national interest, and also because it is the right
thing to do.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley), who has been very
active in a whole range of issues involving our foreign aid program.
(Mr. CROWLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding me this
time. I want to commend her and the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe)
for their fine work on this balanced and bipartisan bill.
Under tight budgetary restrictions, they have crafted an important
bill which addresses the priorities that affect the developing world
while also shoring up our global allies. I thank the chairman and
ranking member for supporting priorities of mine, including the Asian
University For Women that is located in Bangladesh, and increased
funding for Peace and Reconciliation programs in this legislation as
well.
One of the groups included in the Peace and Reconciliation program is
Project Children and Cooperation Ireland. Many of my colleagues have
taken on interns from this program, and the young men and women from
the north of Ireland have benefited greatly from these internships. As
progress in the peace accord remains unsteady, we in the United States
must continue to support programs that bring together the future
leaders of the north of Ireland and show them their differences are not
insurmountable. I hope the House conferees will work with the Senate to
see that this program is funded during the conference committee.
This bill also includes $34 million for the U.N. Population Fund; but
as has become a norm under this administration, the restrictions on
providing this important funding will not be released by this
administration. The administration seems determined to hinder the
health of women around the world; and while I am troubled that this
detrimental policy continues, there is much good in this bill,
particularly when you look at the Middle East.
I strongly support the increase of $60 million to the State of Israel
for a total of $2.3 billion in foreign military financing and economic
aid in this bill. I believe the United States must do more, though, to
combat the anti-Israeli and Western stances taken by our supposed
allies like Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia still has not lived up to the
test of the President's ``you are either with us or against us.'' It is
time for this administration to start treating Saudi Arabia like the
supporter of terrorists that they are. We must take a stand in this
House and let the Saudis know that their time of extremism is over,
because we will not stand for it anymore.
Mr. Chairman--I want to commend my colleague Chairman Jim Kolbe and
my good friend Nita Lowey for their work to craft a fair and balanced
bipartisan bill.
Representing one of the most diverse Congressional districts, I know
how important U.S. foreign assistance is to nations around the World
and I have seen the success of our assistance firsthand.
Under tight budgetary restrictions they have crafted an important
bill which addresses the priorities that affect the developing world
while also shoring up our global allies.
I was proud to work with the Chairman and Ranking Member on several
initiatives that are important to my constituents and their families
overseas.
I thank the Chairman and Ranking Member for supporting priorities of
mine including the Asian University for Women that is located in
Bangladesh and increased funding for the Peace and Reconciliation
programs in this legislation.
One of the groups included in the Peace and Reconciliation program is
Project Children and Cooperation Ireland.
Many of my colleagues have taken on interns from this program and the
young men and woman of the north of Ireland have benefited greatly from
these interns.
As progress in the peace accords remains unsteady we in the States
must continue to support programs that bring together the future
leaders of the north of Ireland and show them that their differences
are not insurmountable.
I hope the House conferees will work with the Senate to see that this
program is funded during the conference committee.
I believe these types of programs are a step in the right direction
to help solve some of the problems that we face around the world.
This bill also includes $34 million for the United Nations Population
Fund, but, as has become a norm under this administration, the
restrictions on providing this important funding will not be released
by this Administration
The administration seems determined to hinder the health of women
around the world.
While I remain troubled that this detrimental policy continues there
is much good in this bill, particularly when you look at the Middle
East.
I strongly support the increase of $60 million to Israel, for a total
of $2.3 billion in foreign military financing and economic aid in this
bill.
As Prime Minister Sharon begins the courageous disengagement plan of
removing Israeli settlers from the Gaza Strip, this funding is more
needed than ever to help Israel's security and shore up civil society
programs in the Palestinian Authority.
As we continue to support our friend Israel from outside threats, I
believe it is time to start to rethink the way we provide aid to Egypt.
In the House International Relations Committee recent markup of the
Foreign Relations Authorization Act the way aid is given to Egypt was
changed by our Chairman and Ranking Member.
Egypt is at peace with all of its neighbors and I see no external
threats against them that warrant the need for keeping military
assistance constant.
The real threat in Egypt is from within, the limited amount of
freedom that exists for her people as the level of poverty increases is
a dangerous mix.
The Government of President Mubarrak has shown that it is quite quick
to throw dissidents into jail, discriminate against the Catholic
Minority, tolerate anti Semitism and anti Zionism in the official
press, throw gay Egyptians into jail and some of my colleagues say this
is ok, that the devil you know is better than the devil you don't know.
The United States must do more to help end this dangerous mix before
the problem creates instability.
Egypt has been a strong friend and ally and has done much to help
bring about a peaceful solution to the Israeli Palestinian conflict but
we cannot allow that to cloud our judgment.
I believe the United States must do more to combat the anti Israeli
and Western stances taken by our supposed allies like Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia has still not lived up to the test of the Presidents you
are either with us or against us.
It is time for this administration to start treating Saudi Arabia
like the supporter of terrorists they are.
We must take a stand in this House and let the Saudis know that their
time of extremism is over because we will not stand for it anymore.
I also commend my colleagues for holding this Administration
accountable on their lack of distribution of funds in the Millennium
Challenge Account. The MCA created with great fanfare, has not lived up
to the expectations set by this Administration.
I will hope that during the next few months of the Conference this
Administration will work with Congress to insure that the MCA reaches
the potential it was created under.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mrs. MALONEY. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 3057, the
FY06 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act.
I am pleased that the bill includes $55 million in funding for Afghan
women, including $5 million for the Afghan Independent Human Rights
Commission. This funding builds upon funding for Afghan women and girls
included in an amendment that I offered to the FY04 Emergency
Supplemental Appropriations bill.
Over the past four years, the United States has invested in the
reconstruction and development of Afghanistan both because it is the
right thing to do and because it is critical to our security.
Afghan women were brutally oppressed by the Taliban regime, but they
have been reclaiming their role in society, in part because of critical
U.S. assistance provided to Afghanistan. Millions of girls are
attending primary schools, equal rights for women are guaranteed in the
constitution, and approximately three million women voted in the
election held last year. These victories are especially important given
that women comprise 55-60 percent of the total Afghan population and
should be a driving force in Afghanistan's economic and political
viability.
[[Page H5290]]
However, while women are vastly better off than they were, many
continue to endure many hardships including targeted violence, limited
mobility, illiteracy, and the highest rate of maternal mortality in the
world. By improving health care facilities and by giving women access
to the skills and opportunities that they need to become partners in
creating Afghanistan's future, we will ensure that women will no longer
be second-class citizens.
While I hope that all the aid for Afghanistan will help women, I
commend the Appropriations Committee for continuing to recognize the
needs of Afghan women.
I also am pleased that the bill includes $34 million for the life
saving work of UNFPA, the United Nations Population Fund. UNFPA is a
global leader in providing reproductive health care, including family
planning services to the world's poorest women. UNFPA helps women
undergo pregnancy and childbirth safely and helps women and men to plan
their families and avoid unintended pregnancies and protect themselves
from HIV/AIDS infections.
UNFPA also is a leader in addressing the reproductive health care
needs of women in emergencies. Humanitarian crises are often
reproductive health disasters. Complications of pregnancy and
childbirth are the leading causes of death for displaced women of
childbearing age, and UNFPA takes the lead in providing supplies and
services to protect the reproductive health of people in crisis. Most
notably, UNFPA has played an instrumental role in helping to save the
lives of women in Afghanistan by providing mobile health facilities as
well as rebuilding maternity hospitals. The Afghan government was so
grateful for this assistance they gave UNFPA a symbolic donation of
$100 to support their work.
As we are all aware, for each of the last three years, President Bush
has refused to release the funding that Congress has appropriated for
this vital program due to this Administrations' unproven assertions
that UNFPA supports coercive abortion in China. It has been estimated
that the loss of each year's funding could prevent 2 million unintended
pregnancies; nearly 800,000 abortions, 4,700 maternal deaths, nearly
60,000 cases of serious maternal illness; and more than 77,000 infant
and child deaths. The Bush administration's refusal to release these
funds puts at risk the very lives and health of women and children in
the world's poorest regions.
It is my hope that this year, President Bush reconsiders the impact
of his decision and releases the life-saving funding that this chamber
is wisely approving today.
Mr. NUSSLE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3057, the Foreign
Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs Appropriations Act
for Fiscal Year 2005, which funds programs and activities carried out
by the Departments of State, Treasury and Agriculture, the United
States Agency for International Development, the Millennium Challenge
Corporation, and the Export-Import Bank, among others.
This measure is the tenth appropriations bill to be considered under
the fiscal year 2006 budget resolution, and provides for the foreign
operations and export financing needs of our nation, clearly national
priorities in a time of war.
I am pleased to report that it is consistent with the levels
established by the conference report to H. Con. Res. 95, the concurrent
resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2006.
H.R. 3057 provides $20.3 billion in appropriations for Foreign
Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs for fiscal year 2006.
The bill provides $571 million in funding above fiscal year 2005, but
it is $2.6 billion below the President's request.
The bill provides $1.25 billion less then requested for the
Millennium Challenge Corporation, $478 million less in Economic Support
Funds and $146 million less in Foreign Military Financing funding. In
addition, the bill recommends no funding for Iraq--a reduction of $459
million--as over $5 billion in funds previously appropriated for Iraq
relief and reconstruction remain unobligated and could be used to fund
the requirements presented in the fiscal year 2006 request. H.R. 3057
also provides no funding for the World Bank's Global Environment
Facility until it adopts a performance-based allocation system--a
reduction of $107 million from fiscal year 2005.
H.R. 3057 provides a record level of $2.7 billion in funding to
combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria: $131 million more than
requested by the President land $502 million, or 23 percent, more than
provided in fiscal year 2005. Of this total, $2.3 billion is provided
specifically for HIV/AIDS programs. The bill also fully funds the
President's request of $2.5 billion in assistance for Israel, $1.8
billion in assistance for Egypt, $1 billion in assistance to support
reconstruction and democratization activities in Afghanistan. In
addition, $437 million in funding is provided for International
Narcotics Control and Law Enforcement, an increase of $111 million, or
34 percent, over fiscal year 2005.
H.R. 3057 does not contain any emergency-designated budget authority
or advance appropriations, but it does include a rescission of $64
million in previously enacted discretionary budget authority.
With total fiscal year 2006 appropriations equal to its allocation,
the bill conforms with the budget resolution. Accordingly, the bill
complies with section 302(f) of the Budget Act, which prohibits
consideration of bills in excess of an Appropriations subcommittee's
302(b) allocation of budget authority and outlays established in the
budget resolution.
In conclusion, I express my support for H.R. 3057.
Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I want to start by saying that
I support H.R. 3057, and intend to vote for it in its current form. I
also want to recognize the majority and minority subcommittee staff for
their dedicated and professional work in meeting the demands of all
subcommittee members despite scarce resources.
However, in a forum such as this, I would be remiss if I did not
raise the following issues that I have consistently raised over the
last several years in every relevant hearing, mark-up and floor debate
of this committee.
Yesterday, around the world, 15-20 thousand people died of extreme
poverty. Today, around the world, 15-20 thousand people will die of
extreme poverty. Tomorrow, around the world 15-20 thousand people will
die of extreme poverty. Extreme poverty, like malnutrition and
disease,--not conflict--are claiming these lives.
The Foreign Operations Appropriations bill has a real opportunity to
turn around these numbers. Look at what has been done to date. Smallpox
eradication begun in the 1960s. Control of river blindness in the
1970s. Increased child immunizations in the 1980s. Initiatives to fight
Guinea worm, trachoma and leprosy in the 1990s. And the effort to end
polio in this decade. Measurable results produced with the dollars the
Foreign Operations subcommittee provides.
But more can be done.
There is a phrase that former Labor-HHS Chairman Porter, a member of
the Foreign Ops. subcommittee, was fond of saying, ``Noblesse oblige,
the belief that the wealthy and privileged are obliged to help those
less fortunate. In Luke, chapter 12, verse 48, Jesus simply says, ``To
who much is given, much is expected.''
We are the wealthiest country in the world. We spend more money on
our military than the entire world combined with the sole mission of
protecting this country, its citizens and advancing U.S. interests.
We protect this country and advance U.S. interests by embracing the
three Ds to a successful foreign policy: diplomacy, democracy and
development. However, looking at all of FY 06 discretionary spending, I
think we have been strongly emphasizing diplomacy and democracy and
only given cursory treatment to development.
Providing significantly more resources to development would only
further the dollars we spend on defense. Last year, Vice Admiral Lowell
Jacoby of the Defense Intelligence Agency said, ``a number of factors
virtually assure a terrorist threat for years to come . . . Despite
recent reforms, terrorist organizations draw from societies with poor
or failing economies, ineffective governments and inadequate education
systems.''
I don't want anyone to misunderstand me. Given the circumstances,
this bill is a tremendous effort. Chairman Kolbe, Ranking Member Lowey
and the subcommittee staff have put forward a laudable product.
But more should be done.
I keep hearing members of this committee and the House leadership say
that this is a tight budget year. This tight budget year was not
created by immaculate conception. Congress voted to make it a tough
budget year. Congress approved the budget resolution. Saying it is
going to be a tough budget year is like a farmer saying he is going to
have a bad harvest because he didn't plant any seeds. Mr. Chairman,
when Congress approved the FY '06 budget resolution we didn't plant any
seeds. The budget allocation given to this subcommittee is not a
natural disaster like a drought. This disaster was of our making.
In Matthew chapter 6, verse 21 , Jesus said, ``For where your
treasure is, there will your heart be also.'' If this verse is true,
what does it say about us, about Congress, about our government that we
pass budget resolutions each year that spend almost $400 billion on
defense, and hundreds of billions on all kinds of tax cuts for the most
well off, yet we can't even match the President's request for
international development. I have a masters in theology from the
Chicago Theological Seminary and have read my bible from cover to
cover, and nowhere does it say, ``only take care of the poor if it fits
into your annual budget resolution.''
Noblesse oblige Mr. Chairman.
In 1984, referring to Marxist-ruled Ethiopia, President Ronald Reagan
said, ``a hungry child knows no politics.'' I would also add that
[[Page H5291]]
a hungry child doesn't know a 302(b) allocations from a point-of-
order.'' All he knows is that he is hungry.
Again, I plan to support this bill.
But more needs to be done.
Mr. UDALL of New Mexico. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to voice my
support for the Global Environment Facility. The Global Environment
Facility, GEF, is the primary financing mechanism for addressing global
threats to the environment. After only a little more than a decade, the
GEF has already established an outstanding record for cost-effective
assistance to developing countries struggling with critical issues such
as land-degradation, toxic pollution, energy efficiency, the
elimination of ozone depleting chemicals, and the difficult task of
facilitating sustainable development.
The GEF puts money into countries whose stability matters to us, and
our participation in the GEF builds partnerships and a sense of
cooperation with other donors in tackling global environmental issues.
In addition to furthering U.S. interests, the GEF deserves support for
the simple reason that it works. In the Middle East, for example, the
GEF is crossing borders, bringing countries together to protect vital
water and wetland resources.
U.S. leadership has played an important role in the GEF both as its
leading donor and as a powerful voice for reform. Largely because of
the United States, the GEF is now more effective, transparent and
accountable than ever before. The institution has already met most of
the reform criteria we have put forward, and the governing Council is
nearing a compromise on the issue of performance-based allocation.
Reaffirming our commitment in the current budget cycle will also send a
positive signal for the next phase of GEF operations in which U.S.
leadership will remain critical.
Clearly, I appreciate the tough decisions that this subcommittee has
had to make with the allocation they were given. But we cannot allow
the GEF to fail on our watch. I would like to thank Chairman Kolbe for
his consideration in giving the GEF Council the opportunity to adopt
pending reforms and, if they do so, in being willing to work to restore
funding in conference for the GEF. I would also like to acknowledge the
good work of my fellow cochairs of the International Conservation
Caucus, Clay Shaw, John Tanner, and especially Mr. Ed Royce, for their
good work on this issue.
Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to voice my
support for this bill, the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act for
Fiscal Year 2006.
A strong foreign operations budget enables the U.S. to confront
national security threats such as international terrorism and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as strengthen
relations with other countries, address challenges like the genocide in
Darfur, help safeguard human rights, and address problems such as
hunger and AIDS.
I am especially pleased with the strong and continued support in this
bill for our close ally, Israel. This bill provides $2.5 billion in
assistance for Israel, including $2.3 billion for military grants, and
$240 million in economic assistance.
As Israel takes bold steps to promote the peace process by
disengaging from Gaza and parts of the West Bank, relinquishing
security control of West Bank towns, and releasing hundreds of
Palestinian prisoners, this funding will be essential to Israel's
security and economic well-being.
This bill also includes an important provision expressing the sense
of Congress that Arab League countries should immediately end the
boycott against Israel and its trading partners, and calls on President
Bush to consider a country's participation in the boycott when
determining whether to sell U.S. weapons to the country.
The bill also withholds U.S. funds for the International Red Cross
headquarters building in Geneva until the organization recognizes the
Magen David Adom Society as the national humanitarian society of
Israel. Finally, the measure includes $40 million for the resettlement
of refugees from the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and Ethiopia
to Israel, provided through the Migration and Refugee Assistance
Account.
To uphold our commitment to the only true democracy in the Middle
East and America's closest ally in the war on terror, Congress must
ensure Israel has the means necessary to defend herself.
Mr. Chairman, this bill provides these funds and reaffirms our
dedication to Israel's well being, and for that reason, I urge my
colleagues to join me in supporting it.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
The CHAIRMAN. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule. During consideration of the bill for
amendment, the Chair may accord priority in recognition to a Member
offering an amendment that he has printed in the designated place in
the Congressional Record. Those amendments will be considered read.
The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 3057
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
following sums are appropriated, out of any money in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the fiscal year
ending September 30, 2006, and for other purposes, namely:
TITLE I--EXPORT AND INVESTMENT ASSISTANCE
Export-Import Bank of the United States
The Export-Import Bank of the United States is authorized
to make such expenditures within the limits of funds and
borrowing authority available to such corporation, and in
accordance with law, and to make such contracts and
commitments without regard to fiscal year limitations, as
provided by section 104 of the Government Corporation Control
Act, as may be necessary in carrying out the program for the
current fiscal year for such corporation: Provided, That none
of the funds available during the current fiscal year may be
used to make expenditures, contracts, or commitments for the
export of nuclear equipment, fuel, or technology to any
country, other than a nuclear-weapon state as defined in
Article IX of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons eligible to receive economic or military assistance
under this Act, that has detonated a nuclear explosive after
the date of the enactment of this Act: Provided further, That
notwithstanding section 1(c) of Public Law 103-428, as
amended, sections 1(a) and (b) of Public Law 103-428 shall
remain in effect through October 1, 2006.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word
for the purpose of entering into colloquy with the distinguished
chairman of the Subcommittee on Foreign Operations of the Committee on
Appropriations regarding the fiscal year 2006 budget for
counternarcotics programs in Peru.
Mr. Chairman, as chairman of the Committee on International Relations
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, I have been extensively
involved in United States counternarcotics efforts in Central and South
America. As a result, I was deeply disappointed to see that the
President's fiscal year 2006 request for the Andean Counterdrug
Initiative for Peru is 16 percent below last year's enacted level. The
President's budget aims to reduce the U.S. assistance for Peruvian
counternarcotic eradication and interdiction from a level of $62
million enacted in 2005 to a request of $54 million in 2006, and
reduces alternative development funds from a level of $54 million to
$43 million.
I believe this is absolutely the wrong time for such a cut and such a
low level of funding, if enacted, will only jeopardize the gains we
have made in Peru in the areas of coca eradication, interdiction and
alternative development.
In 2004, with the assistance of the United States, Peru eradicated
almost 10,000 hectares of coca, of which 7,500 hectares were eradicated
manually by the Peruvian police, and another 2,500 hectares were
voluntarily eradicated by Peruvian communities in exchange for
community development programs. Moreover, alternative development
programs supported legally grown crops on almost 20,000 more hectares
of Peruvian farmland.
Historically, Colombian narcotraffickers sent cocaine base from Peru
to Colombia for conversion into cocaine HCL, but in recent years the
traffickers have relied more on coca cultivation and base production in
Colombia. But the traffickers in Colombia are under increasing pressure
from the Colombian Government, thanks to the successes of Plan
Colombia.
So far we have successfully avoided a so-called ``balloon effect''
from the successes of Plan Colombia in terms of seeing Colombian
traffickers substantially shifting cultivation of narcotics crops back
to Peru. But there are warning signs, indications that coca cultivation
is starting to spring up outside the traditional cultivation zones in
Peru that point to this happening if we do not take steps to prevent
it.
Additionally, there is good intelligence that appears to indicate an
upward trend in terms of poppy cultivation in Peru regarding heroin. I
have spoken to officials in Peru, and they are deeply concerned about
these warning signs, as well as the emerging opium threat.
Recent Ministry of Peru data indicates that Peru now may have 1,400
[[Page H5292]]
hectares of opium crops, mostly in the north near the Ecuadorian and
Colombian borders, and there are strong indications that opium latex is
now being moved by Colombian drug dealers through Ecuador into Colombia
for processing into heroin. A recent seizure of 4,440 kilos of opium in
Peru, nearly half a ton of opium, potentially 40 kilos of processed
heroin, shows just how serious the growth of opium is becoming.
Taken as a whole, I believe, as do my colleagues in Peru, that this
data indicate that enacting drastic cuts for Peruvian counternarcotic
efforts at this time would seriously undermine Peru's coca eradication
efforts in the long term and the ability of Peru to implement a similar
opium eradication program.
So, Mr. Chairman, the government and, more importantly, the people of
Peru have recognized the dangers of narcotics to their society. Public
polls last year consistently found that Peruvians see narcotics as the
second most serious problem in the country after the state of the
economy. The people of Peru have taken a courageous stand against the
drug traffickers; and like the people of Colombia, they are taking
their country back from the criminals and terrorists. Now is not the
time to reduce U.S. support for their efforts.
I would like to yield to my colleague from Arizona to hear his views
about this funding.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I am
happy to respond. I want to thank the gentleman for his stalwart
efforts in fighting narcoterrorism in Latin America. I share the
gentleman's concerns and thank him for raising this issue here today.
Since 2002, Peru's budget under ACI has decreased slightly each year,
but the decrease in the 2006 request was for an astounding 16 percent.
Therefore, the committee included language in the House report
rejecting these cuts and directing that not less than $61 million be
made available for eradication and interdiction for Peru and not less
than $53 million shall be available for alternative development and
institution-building in Peru.
When the committee proceeds to conference negotiations with the
Senate later this summer or fall, I commit to the gentleman that we
will push for this funding in the final agreement.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I thank the
gentleman. I really appreciate his hard work in this effort. We can
count on the gentleman, I know.
Mr. BAIRD. Mr. Chairman, I rise to strike the last word to engage the
Chairman in a colloquy for the purpose of discussing the international
narcotics control in methamphetamine.
Mr. Chairman, 2 weeks ago, Members of both sides of the aisle joined
me in affirming this body's strong support for combating international
methamphetamine trafficking. Today, I would like to thank the Chair and
ranking members for their work on the foreign operations approps bill
and for supporting the State Department's international narcotics
control and law enforcement efforts above the FY 2005 level,
particularly the $40 million in programs for Mexico.
As you know, the effects of international methamphetamine trafficking
have invaded our communities and homes. SONDCP reported earlier this
year that approximately two-thirds of meth production comes from large
labs increasingly from Mexico. The trade also has origins in China,
India, Germany, and the Czech Republic in the form of precursor
manufacturing.
Recently, the Oregonian reported that only nine factories manufacture
the bulk of the world's supply. We simply must get a handle on this
situation in order to stop the sweep of this drug across this country
and prevent it from infesting our areas.
I see mention in this bill report language on poppy cultivation and
heroin trafficking. However, I do not see any explicit language on the
importance of controlling the importation of meth precursors such as
sudafedrine and efforts to train international customs officials to
better control these imports.
Has the chairman considered addressing this issue in report language
of this legislation?
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BAIRD. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. The report language does not specifically raise the topic
raised by the gentleman from Washington. I am certainly glad that he
has taken this moment on the floor because of his interest in this
issue, and I agree with him about the importance of our
counternarcotics and law enforcement assistance in Mexico.
He correctly points out that the bill includes $40 million in
international narcotics and law enforcement assistance for the country
of Mexico. Part of this represents a restoration of funding to last
year's level. The President had only requested $30 million for this
purpose in this year's bill.
So I would be happy to work with the gentleman from Washington as we
move forward with this bill with the Senate and in conference. We can
work together to make sure that the issue of methamphetamine
trafficking as it relates to Mexico is forthrightly addressed in the
administration's request or in the final budget account. In
representing a district right along the border, I understand fully the
importance of this issue.
Mr. BAIRD. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I thank the gentleman
for his leadership on this issue and his willingness to work together
on this and appreciate the time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word for the
purpose of a colloquy.
Mr. Chairman, 25 years ago this April, the breakaway British colony
of Rhodesia emerged from years of guerilla conflict as the new nation
of Zimbabwe. The United States and many other Western nations were
hopeful that Zimbabwe's new President, Robert Mugabe, who came to
prominence as a guerrilla leader in the 1970s, would moderate his
Marxist views and build a better future for all Zimbabwe citizens.
{time} 1445
Zimbabwe's people also had high hopes. The country had considerable
natural wealth and, despite years of bitter warfare, many in the
business community opted to remain, providing crucial economic
stability. Zimbabwe's people were determined not to share in the fate
of so many of their neighbors, who had also emerged from colonialism
amid fanfare and high expectations.
Now, after a quarter century of tyrannical and frequently bizarre
misrule by Mr. Mugabe, Zimbabwe is shattered. Its inflation rate is the
highest in the world, unemployment estimates range up to 80 percent,
with seven in 10 Zimbabweans living below the poverty line. Zimbabwe
has one of Africa's highest HIV/AIDS infection rates, with more than a
quarter of the adult population infected.
While the Mugabe regime has frequently resorted to Draconian internal
security laws and plain old thuggery to suppress and divide the
Zimbabwe opposition, Harare's intimidation tactics have taken an
especially nasty turn in the last 3 months since the country held
parliamentary elections at the end of March.
Those elections, which were won by Mugabe's ruling party, were
fraudulent and widened the schism between Zimbabwe's urban masses, who
tend to support the opposition, and rural voters, who make up the bulk
of the ruling party supporters.
To punish his opponents, Mr. Mugabe's government has waged a 6-week
campaign, revealingly called ``Operation Drive Out Trash,'' against
opposition strongholds in Zimbabwe's cities. Tens of thousands of
bewildered families have been forced into the open of the cold winter
after police torched and bulldozed their shanty town homes on the
flimsiest of pretexts. Street markets were also targeted and left
smoldering in ruins.
Last week, the government, in a nation facing severe food shortages,
moved on to vegetable gardens planted by the poor in vacant lots around
Harare. Authorities claimed the gardens threatened the environment.
International human rights groups say at least 300,000 people have
lost their homes by conservative estimates. The United Nations puts the
figure as high as 1.5 million.
Mr. Chairman, I know that many of our colleagues share my anger and
my sorrow at a state of affairs that is beginning to look eerily like
Cambodia
[[Page H5293]]
after the Khmer Rouge came to power in 1975. I have no desire to cut
U.S. aid that goes to help the people of Zimbabwe and their struggles
against HIV/AIDS and one-party rule, but I feel that we cannot stand by
and watch Zimbabwe become a failed State.
I am especially frustrated by the failure of the African Union and
SADC, the Southern African Development Community, to confront the
horrors going on in Zimbabwe. I hope that the AU will, at the weekend
summit in Sirte, Libya, take a firm stand against the Mugabe regime's
excesses, and I urge President Bush to make it clear at next week's G-8
meeting that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, who has refused to
confront Mr. Mugabe and we hope Mr. Mbeki will take a strong and
unequivocal stand against the Zimbabwe regime.
Will the chairman work with me and the chairman of the full Committee
on International Relations and other interested Members in developing
policies that continue to assist the Zimbabwe people while putting
additional pressure on the Mugabe regime?
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. SCHIFF. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I want to say that I share my colleague's
abhorrence regarding the rule in Zimbabwe, and he has outlined it, I
think, extraordinarily well. Through his mismanagement and outright
oppression, he has driven Zimbabwe, once known as the bread basket of
southern Africa, into the greatest source of instability in the region.
I want to make it clear that no funding, no funding from this bill will
be used to support Mr. Mugabe's government.
The bill does include $15 million to help the people of Zimbabwe. I
feel strongly that this assistance is critical and must be sustained.
Over $11 million of this is for HIV/AIDS and other health programs.
Most of the rest is used to help strengthen citizen groups and other
organizations, so one day the people may have an effective voice
against Mr. Mugabe and his cronies.
Democratic change must be driven by the people. As we have seen in
Georgia and Ukraine, our democracy programs can be effective in
supporting that process. And, the people of Zimbabwe must not feel that
the international community has given up on them.
While I feel strongly that our assistance to the Zimbabwean people
must be sustained, I will be happy to work with the gentleman to find
ways to increase pressure on President Mugabe.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his leadership.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I want to commend the gentleman from California for
raising this issue. I too am very concerned about the repressive and
totalitarian turns that Zimbabwe has taken in recent years under Mr.
Mugabe.
The decision to evict thousands of poor people from their homes and
bulldoze their property is one of the worst forms of brutality Mr.
Mugabe has used against his own people, who are already suffering from
food shortages and economic stagnation. He is truly relentless in his
effort to quash any opposition he perceives.
As the chairman has said, there is no U.S. funding for Mr. Mugabe's
regime contained in the bill. However, at a time when Zimbabweans are
suffering so much, I am loathe to place conditions or limitations on
any assistance that might help the beleaguered people of the country
and ease their isolation from the rest of the international community.
I am particularly concerned about any limitations on HIV/AIDS programs
which comprise the bulk of our assistance to Zimbabwe.
Once again, I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff) for
raising this issue, and I hope to work with him and the chairman as the
bill progresses.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
(Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Chairman, last year I joined the chairman and the
ranking member here on the floor to send a clear and, I thought,
bipartisan message that it is not in the national interest, nor in the
national security interest, of the United States to slash our
development funding to our neighbors in our own front yard here in the
Western Hemisphere.
Yet, I find myself here once again to send the same exact message. To
be frank, it makes me question whether the administration was listening
to what Congress said last year.
As the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
and as a member of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, and as an
American, I was outraged when the President, in his proposed fiscal
year 2006 budget, slashed core development funding to Latin America by
over 12 percent.
In his fiscal year 2005 budget, Latin America was the only region in
the world, the only region in the world, to be cut in both total
economic and development aid, and total narcotic and military aid. In
his fiscal year 2006 budget, the President once again broke his pledge
to the people of the Western Hemisphere. So much for looking southward,
not as an afterthought, in U.S. foreign policy, an integral part of a
forward-looking vision we were promised, this certainly is not it. So
much for being an amigo, a friend of Latin America.
And, if we look below the broad 12 percent cuts, we find even more
disturbing trends. Under the administration's proposed budget, basic
education funding would be cut by over 20 percent and adult literacy
funding would be cut by 28 percent, as compared to the fiscal year 2004
budget. In the midst of the debate on CAFTA, the President cuts
development assistance funding to El Salvador by over 30 percent, and
child survival and health funding to the Dominican Republic by over 18
percent. This will only exacerbate the gap between those who have and
have not.
At a time when Latin American presidents are being toppled left and
right by crowds frustrated with the failure of government to provide
them with adequate education, housing, and health care; at a time when
anti-Americanism is on the rise throughout the hemisphere; at a time
when our hemisphere is growing smaller, when infectious diseases move
throughout the hemisphere, when crime penetrates borders, when
terrorists may use failed States as safe havens, these cuts are the
wrong policy for the United States of America.
Let me be clear: a stable, safe, and prosperous neighborhood is in
the national interest and national security interest of the United
States. It is in the national interest of the United States to increase
demand for U.S. goods in a region of 500 million people by enhancing
economic development. It is in the national interest and national
security interest of the United States to create greater economic
growth in Latin America so that people will not seek to leave their
homes out of despair. It is in the national interest and national
security interest of the United States to increase stability in our
hemisphere, because chaos and insecurity creates unwanted opportunity
for terrorists and criminals throughout the region. That is the
reality.
So I want to take this opportunity, as I express these frustrations
and these criticisms, at the same time to commend the gentleman from
Arizona (Chairman Kolbe) and the gentlewoman from New York (Ranking
Member Lowey) for their bipartisan effort on this issue, particularly
for including language which restores funding specifically to Central
America directly in the bill text, since similar report language in our
statements on the floor have been ignored in the past. I also hope our
friends in the administration understand that the report language
disagrees with the deep cuts to development assistance for the entire
hemisphere.
I believe that we should restore all development funding that was cut
to the hemisphere, not just to Central America. It has been static for
so many years, and then we cut it in addition to that. It is woefully
inadequate for the national interest and security interest of the
United States.
But I do not believe that restoring funding to fiscal year 2005
levels is enough. In fact, that would be an overall decrease, even
then, since there is no increase that accounts for inflation.
So I hope that we can move in a different direction. I know that
Hispanic Americans in this country are increasingly paying attention to
this issue. We are going to hear a lot of debate
[[Page H5294]]
about Central America and the Central America Free Trade Agreement at
the same time we are eviscerating the very programs that can help
create stability and opportunity within the hemisphere.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs.
Lowey) is recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman for raising
this important issue today. I agree with him that ensuring a robust
level of funding for all of Latin America, particularly in the Child
Survival and Development Assistance account, serves U.S. national
interests. We need to remember that the challenges of development are
not only found halfway around the world, they exist in America's own
backyard as well.
I want the gentleman to know that the chairman and I worked hard to
restore cuts proposed to these two accounts in the President's budget
request, and it would be my expectation that the funding in this bill
is sufficient to ensure that at least the fiscal year 2005 levels would
be achieved. That was certainly our intent in working to avoid the
proposed cuts.
I thank the gentleman again for raising this very important issue.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I just want to make one point to the membership on both
sides of the aisle. As has been the case with most appropriation bills
this year, we are trying to work our way to a unanimous consent
agreement that will limit time for discussion of amendments to this
bill in such a way that we can finish this bill today.
Right now, the unanimous consent agreement which is being worked on
would result, if you take into account the debate time plus the
slippage time that occurs between each speech, we would probably be on
the floor for about 6 to 6\1/2\ hours, not counting vote time. That
means that we would be very lucky to finish this bill by 10 o'clock
tonight.
We are being asked to do so earlier if possible so that we can finish
the transportation bill by debating it on Wednesday and Thursday,
trying to avoid a Friday session before the July Fourth break.
We are getting, frankly, crossed signals from Members. Some Members
want to see to it that we get out by Thursday; other Members want to
see the time on their amendments extended. We cannot accomplish both
goals at the same time. So I ask Members to choose for themselves what
they want, whether they want to be here Friday or whether they would
like to reach a reasonably congenial agreement on time limits so that
we can finish this bill at a reasonable hour tonight and finish the
remaining appropriation bill by Thursday.
But this is really up to Members. We cannot control what Members
offer on the floor; all we can do is deliver the bad news.
{time} 1500
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
(Ms. SOLIS asked and was given permission to revise and extend her
remarks.)
Ms. SOLIS. Mr. Chairman, today I rise in strong support of the United
Nations Population Fund. Regrettably, the underlying bill continues the
Bush administration's policy of prohibiting the use of U.S. funds to
pay for vital family planning services for millions of women around the
world.
As we all know, UNFPA is the single largest global source of
multilateral funding for maternal health and family planning programs.
It works to provide support to over 150 countries by helping with the
delivery of healthy babies, providing prenatal care and educating men
and women about HIV and AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases so
people can live healthier lives.
This fund helps women and families in 30 countries in Latin America
and the Caribbean and many more in Asia, Africa and Arab countries. In
Nicaragua, Central America where my mother was born, families and poor
women in particular struggle for survival. Infant mortality rates there
are three times higher in the lowest income group and almost half of
all Nicaraguan girls become pregnant by the age of 19. These infant
mortality rates and teen pregnancy rates demonstrate the need for
maternal health care and family planning services through this fund.
Also, the underlying bill continues the global gag rule which
prohibits U.S. funding to any private or nongovernmental or
multilateral organization that uses its own funds to directly or
indirectly perform abortions abroad except in instances of rape and
incest.
Restoring the UNFPA funding could prevent 2 million unintended
pregnancies, nearly 800,000 abortions, 4,700 maternal deaths, and
nearly 66,000 cases of serious maternal illnesses and more than 77,000
infant and child deaths.
We must work together to restore this funding and improve the lives
of women all over the world.
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I may not be able to be here during the debate on an
amendment for veterans, and I wanted to speak to it. I want to offer a
little history, but I think it is a balanced history from both sides. I
remember when President Clinton's budget on the veterans, the VFW, the
American Legion, Vietnam veterans, all rallied against the budget
because it cut veterans health care. We worked with the other body,
both of us on both sides of the aisle; and even some of those that
voted with President Clinton on his budget voted with us to restore
that health care by $1 billion.
We have increased veterans health care by 16 percent. But it is not
enough. There is a shortfall and we must attend to it.
Historically, this body works with the other body in conference and I
believe that some of those dollars will come forward, maybe not what we
all want, but I believe some of those dollars will come together for
veterans health care.
I remember in 1993 when my colleagues occupied the White House, the
House and the Senate, veterans COLAs were cut. Military COLAs were cut.
And there was a tax increase on the middle income.
In 1994, when Republicans took the majority, together with
Republicans and Democrats, many of the same Democrats that voted with
the President on his budget restored the military COLAs. We worked
together to restore the veterans COLAs. And I would have to say
probably on this side we will take a little more credit for restoring
and reducing the tax on the middle class.
We have worked together, although we have not got what we want on
concurrent receipts. For 40 years my colleagues on the other side did
not address concurrent receipts. And we have. But at the same time,
when it has been addressed under a Republican majority, then the
Democrats have come forward and helped us.
Two different sessions we have passed bills on concurrent receipts
together. And now there is a bipartisan commission going forward to see
what direction we will write down.
I look at TRICARE for life, which we worked together on.
Subvention. I did not write the subvention bill, but my veterans in
San Diego, California wrote that bill and put it forward, basically,
where you can use Medicare dollars at VA health care.
The Filipino Veterans Equity Act. One of the gentlemen on the other
side I very rarely vote with. But we worked together to restore the
promise that was made to our Filipino veterans back during the
MacArthur days, and we have worked together on that as well.
You do not have to look far to see where we come together, and I do
not think any Member on either side of the aisle can look at another
one and say, you do not care about veterans; you do not care about our
military; you do not care about our Guard and Reserve. That is just not
true.
Some people vote against military issues. Maybe their district has
got extreme poverty and it is a way of funding their issues and their
problems. It does not mean they do not care about the military itself.
The Republican budget looked at many years of substantial increases
and almost every account, including veterans, including education and
health care. But we decided to get our arms around the deficit.
[[Page H5295]]
Many of my colleagues on both sides talk about the deficit and the
debt. If we, as Members, or you, Mr. Chairman, if you have got a
checkbook and you spend more than you are going to take in, you are
going to be bankrupt, and you are going to have less in the future to
spend. For us to get our arms around this budget and still fund our
priorities, I think we will when we come together with the other body.
A classic case of savings: the welfare reform bill passed many years
ago which was lauded by President Clinton as one of the best bills to
help people in this country. I also happen to agree with him.
But at the same time we have gone through these increases, we have
been fighting the war on terror. If you look at Kadafi, his nuclear
weapons are in the United States today. And even more important, we
have found the black market that supported North Korea, Pakistan,
India, and others. What kind of value is that to us, not just to our
veterans, but our military and our homeland security?
I mentioned a minute ago Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Hambali and Abu
Halibi, the people that were actually planning raids on the United
States. Now, those people are all made up of military that then become
veterans, and we owe them a priority.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise to ask the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) to
engage with me in a colloquy. And I take this opportunity to thank the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) for all of the fine work that
she has done on this appropriation. And I would like to thank the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) for the concern and care that he has
shown for Africa and on this issue of HIV/AIDS over the years. And I do
appreciate it.
But I rise today to talk about the fact that back in 2003, January
2003, the President made a commitment. If you recall in his State of
the Union address, he said he was going to provide $15 billion over 5
years. That is $3 billion a year for global HIV/AIDS programs.
In the past year, the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or
as it became known as PEPFAR, has been underfunded significantly. I do
appreciate the work that you have done. But in fiscal year 2003, we
only received $1.6 billion for global HIV/AIDS programs.
In fiscal year 2004, only $2.3 billion was provided for those
programs. We have done better in 2005, receiving $2.9 billion.
So the total funding for the last 3 years is only $6.8 billion.
Congress would have to appropriate $8.2 billion over the next 2 years
to complete the commitment for $15 billion for the 5-year commitment.
Why do I push this? I push this because every year 3 million people
die of AIDS. Every year 5 million people become infected with AIDS.
Over 25 million are living with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa and over
7 percent of the adults in sub-Saharan Africa are infected by this
deadly virus.
So while I thank you, I guess the question I am asking is can we do
more and can we even save this funding that is in the budget, given
that one of your Members, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King) is talking
about cutting it?
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
Ms. WATERS. I yield to the gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentlewoman for her comments and
for her kind remarks about my support for HIV/AIDS funding. It is a
commitment that I share with the gentlewoman from California. I believe
very strongly in the importance of this. In fact, when I became
chairman of this subcommittee, I said there were three primary things
that I wanted to do, and this was one of them.
I think the gentlewoman is forgetting something, and that is there is
funding in another appropriation bill for international AIDS, largely
in CDC and NIH, in the Labor-HHS bill. When you add those amounts in,
this year, we are at $3.2 billion total funding for HIV/AIDS and
international programs, so we are above. If you take the $15 billion
over 5 years that the President talked about, $3 billion would be a
level funding. We started off below that. This year in the third year
we are above it. We are not only on target to meet the $15 billion; we
will be above that by the end of the fifth year. So we are moving
clearly in that direction. And I believe that we are showing our
commitment.
We are $131 million this year above the amount requested by the
President. We are $502 million above the amount that was appropriated
in 2005. That is just in our particular appropriation bill.
So I do share the gentlewoman's concerns about this, and I believe,
however, that we are moving very strongly in that direction. And
perhaps the gentlewoman from New York would like to add something.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, I was referring to the
PEPFAR portion of this. It was my understanding that the $15 billion
commitment was above and beyond the other programs that you are
alluding to. But I do appreciate that.
Mr. KOLBE. If the gentlewoman would yield just for one clarification,
I think the gentlewoman is mistaken on that. The $15 billion was a
total for all HIV/AIDS programs, not just the PEPFAR's program. So when
you look at all the programs that were already under way in bilateral
programs, things being done in NIH and CDC as well as in the new PEPFAR
program, the global fund, all of that, we will be well above, I think
we will be considerably above the $15 billion.
Ms. WATERS. Well, I understand that and I appreciate the gentleman
correcting my thinking relative to where the money was to come from,
because in the AIDS activist community, we were all under the
impression that the PEPFAR fund alone would produce the $15 billion.
But we will certainly take that information.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
The CHAIRMAN. Without objection, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr.
Kolbe) is recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, continuing this colloquy, just so you have
the numbers correct here as we see them here: in 2004, total
appropriations for international AIDS programs was $2.4 billion. In
2005 it was $2.9 billion; and in 2006, the current year that we are
funding, it is $3.2 billion. That gives you a total of $8.5 billion
which means that we have $6.5 billion left to do in the next 2 years in
order to reach the $15 billion. That would be slightly less, actually,
than $3 billion a year to meet that. So I do believe we are on target.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey).
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman and I want to thank
the gentlewoman for her commitment to combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
She has been a strong and constant voice championing the cause of the
poorest, and I agree with my colleague from California that more needs
to be done to help address the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
The gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Kolbe) discussed the funding in the
bill. However, we all agree, and I know the chairman agrees, that more
needs to be done. And the U.N. has estimated the total resources needed
to combat HIV/AIDS around the world to be $15 billion per year. An
additional $5 billion is needed to combat TB and malaria. And while I
do not believe that the United States can or should fulfill all of the
need on our own, the amount that we are currently contributing, about
15 percent of the total need, is not representative of what we are
capable of doing.
{time} 1515
So although the Chair has mentioned, and I would agree that we have
done as much as we possibly can in this bill, I would like to work with
him, you, and certainly with the Chair to make sure that we continue to
increase our commitment to HIV/AIDS. I thank the gentlewoman for
entering into this colloquy.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. KOLBE. I yield to the gentlewoman from California.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman for his
commitment. The gentleman has demonstrated his commitment to this issue
as much as anyone, more than most in the Congress of the United States.
And I am going to review the numbers and
[[Page H5296]]
take his representation of how that funding has come together and have
further discussions with the AIDS community. They are so concerned
because since the President's commitment, over 7 million people have
died. And also we will have an amendment coming up today from the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King), and although I do not want to preempt
the gentleman's presentation, I would hope the gentleman would join me
in helping to put that down because that would undermine all the work
that he has done.
Mr. KOLBE. I thank the gentlewoman for her comments.
My purpose in going through those numbers was simply to illustrate
that we are meeting this commitment, not as the gentlewoman from New
York (Mrs. Lowey) suggested, not that it is enough. There is not
enough. We are not doing enough. But I think we are meeting the
commitment we did make. This is a pandemic of absolutely unprecedented
proportions, and we need to be doing a lot more in Africa, in the
Caribbean, in Southeast Asia, now in countries like China and in Russia
where it is growing with great rapidity. So there is a lot more that
needs to be done. I thank the gentlewoman for highlighting that and
providing the clarion call today for this country and for the AIDS
community around the world to respond to this need in this pandemic.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
subsidy appropriation
For the cost of direct loans, loan guarantees, insurance,
and tied-aid grants as authorized by section 10 of the
Export-Import Bank Act of 1945, as amended, $125,000,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2009: Provided, That
such costs, including the cost of modifying such loans, shall
be as defined in section 502 of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974: Provided further, That such sums shall remain
available until September 30, 2024, for the disbursement of
direct loans, loan guarantees, insurance and tied-aid grants
obligated in fiscal years 2006, 2007, 2008, and 2009:
Provided further, That none of the funds appropriated by this
Act or any prior Act appropriating funds for foreign
operations, export financing, and related programs for tied-
aid credits or grants may be used for any other purpose
except through the regular notification procedures of the
Committees on Appropriations: Provided further, That funds
appropriated by this paragraph are made available
notwithstanding section 2(b)(2) of the Export-Import Bank Act
of 1945, in connection with the purchase or lease of any
product by any Eastern European country, any Baltic State or
any agency or national thereof.
administrative expenses
For administrative expenses to carry out the direct and
guaranteed loan and insurance programs, including hire of
passenger motor vehicles and services as authorized by 5
U.S.C. 3109, and not to exceed $30,000 for official reception
and representation expenses for members of the Board of
Directors, $73,200,000: Provided, That the Export-Import Bank
may accept, and use, payment or services provided by
transaction participants for legal, financial, or technical
services in connection with any transaction for which an
application for a loan, guarantee or insurance commitment has
been made: Provided further, That, notwithstanding subsection
(b) of section 117 of the Export Enhancement Act of 1992,
subsection (a) thereof shall remain in effect until October
1, 2006.
Amendment Offered by Ms. Hooley
Ms. HOOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Ms. Hooley:
Page 4, line 1, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $5,000,000)''.
Page 30, line 8, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $5,000,000)''.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I say to the gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms.
Hooley) that I am prepared to accept this amendment.
I have concerns about a large cut in Ex-Im Bank expenses, but I
certainly agree that the need in Mexico is very great to fight
methamphetamines, and I certainly am prepared to accept this amendment.
Ms. HOOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the chairman's willingness to
accept this amendment. I will be extremely brief.
Methamphetamine has traveled across this country. It is a huge
problem. There are many children who are being referred to other people
because of methamphetamine. In my State, 75 percent of the crime that
is committed is because of methamphetamine.
We know that roughly 200 tons of pseudoephedrine is needed to produce
all the meth sold in the United States. This pseudoephedrine from
Mexico can produce half of our Nation's supply of this deadly drug.
Again, we need to do everything we can to fight the spread of
methamphetamine.
My amendment would provide the State Department with additional
resources. With so much of meth in this country coming from Mexico, we
must take action to stop the production and importation of this
dangerous drug. As any cop in America will tell you, meth is destroying
our communities. This should be one of the top foreign policy items on
our bilateral agenda.
I thank the gentleman for accepting this amendment.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Hooley).
The amendment was agreed to.
Ms. BERKLEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today to discuss foreign aid, American tax
dollars that are going to the Palestinian Authority.
The problem the Palestinians have has nothing to do with money. The
problem is a complete failure of their leadership. The United States
has provided an average of $85 million a year per year since 1993. Not
counting inflation, this comes to over a billion dollars. We have
provided direct aid to the Palestinian Authority on three occasions,
$36 million in 1994, $20 million in 2003, and another $20 million again
in 2005.
Since 1975 we have given over $1.2 billion of assistance for the West
Bank and the Gaza. Between 1994 and 1998 American taxpayers gave $65
million to expand economic opportunity in the Palestinian controlled
areas and $85 million to help the Palestinian people establish their
own government.
Before Congress decides to spend another $150 million, I would just
like to know exactly what the Palestinian Authority has done with all
of this money. With all of the money the United States has spent, with
all of the international aid, the Palestinian people still live in
squalor. After decades of aid and billions of dollars, it boggles the
mind that there is no economic self-sufficiency and no improvement to
the quality of life.
How is that possible? Because it is not about the money. It is about
the Palestinian Authority failing to do what any responsible government
would have done with several billion dollars, build infrastructure,
improve health care, provide economic opportunities, improve education,
and move the Palestinian people into the 21st century.
The money is not going into housing. Palestinians continue to live in
wretched conditions in refugee camps with corrugated tin roofs and
dilapidated ramshackle huts. The money is not going to schools. If it
was, Palestinian children would not be rioting in the streets. They
would be sitting in classrooms being trained as the next generation of
doctors and engineers who will lead their people in the 21st century
instead of being trained as terrorists and suicide bombers.
Palestinian education is little more than anti-Israel, anti-Semitic
and anti-American rhetoric. The Palestinian Authority continues to be
financially corrupt and morally bankrupt and that is why the
Palestinian people turn to Hamas, the most dangerous terrorist
organization on the planet, to get their basic needs met.
The problem is not a lack of money. The Palestinian leadership is
either unable or unwilling to provide for basic needs of its people. It
is either unwilling or unable to lift them out of poverty. It is either
unwilling or unable to prepare them for statehood and self-sufficiency.
Until they disarm the terrorists and dismantle the terrorist
organizations, Abu Mazen and the Palestinian leadership are sentencing
their people to continued misery, continued hopelessness, continued
anger and continued self-loathing. Year after year, generation after
generation.
The problem is a lack of Palestinian leadership, a lack of vision, a
lack of hope for the future, not a lack of money. Mr. Chairman, if our
money has not been doing any good, why are we giving more? Until we get
some answers we should not give another penny to the Palestinian
Authority. As a matter of fact, we should be asking for a refund.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
[[Page H5297]]
Overseas Private Investment Corporation
Noncredit Account
The Overseas Private Investment Corporation is authorized
to make, without regard to fiscal year limitations, as
provided by 31 U.S.C. 9104, such expenditures and commitments
within the limits of funds available to it and in accordance
with law as may be necessary: Provided, That the amount
available for administrative expenses to carry out the credit
and insurance programs (including an amount for official
reception and representation expenses which shall not exceed
$35,000) shall not exceed $42,274,000: Provided further, That
project-specific transaction costs, including direct and
indirect costs incurred in claims settlements, and other
direct costs associated with services provided to specific
investors or potential investors pursuant to section 234 of
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, shall not be considered
administrative expenses for the purposes of this heading.
Program Account
For the cost of direct and guaranteed loans, $20,276,000,
as authorized by section 234 of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, to be derived by transfer from the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation Non-Credit Account: Provided, That
such costs, including the cost of modifying such loans, shall
be as defined in section 502 of the Congressional Budget Act
of 1974: Provided further, That such sums shall be available
for direct loan obligations and loan guaranty commitments
incurred or made during fiscal years 2006 and 2007: Provided
further, That such sums shall remain available through fiscal
year 2014 for the disbursement of direct and guaranteed loans
obligated in fiscal year 2006, and through fiscal year 2015
for the disbursement of direct and guaranteed loans obligated
in fiscal year 2007: Provided further, That notwithstanding
any provision of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation is authorized to
undertake any program authorized by title IV of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 in Iraq: Provided further, That funds
made available pursuant to the authority of the previous
proviso shall be subject to the regular notification
procedures of the Committees on Appropriations.
In addition, such sums as may be necessary for
administrative expenses to carry out the credit program may
be derived from amounts available for administrative expenses
to carry out the credit and insurance programs in the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation Noncredit Account and
merged with said account.
Funds Appropriated to the President
Trade and Development Agency
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
section 661 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961,
$50,900,000, to remain available until September 30, 2007.
TITLE II--BILATERAL ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE
Funds Appropriated to the President
For expenses necessary to enable the President to carry out
the provisions of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, and for
other purposes, to remain available until September 30, 2006,
unless otherwise specified herein, as follows:
United States Agency for International Development
Child Survival and Health Programs Fund
(including transfer of funds)
For necessary expenses to carry out the provisions of
chapters 1 and 10 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, for child survival, health, and family planning/
reproductive health activities, in addition to funds
otherwise available for such purposes, $1,497,000,000, to
remain available until September 30, 2007: Provided, That
this amount shall be made available for such activities as:
(1) immunization programs; (2) oral rehydration programs; (3)
health, nutrition, water and sanitation programs which
directly address the needs of mothers and children, and
related education programs; (4) assistance for children
displaced or orphaned by causes other than AIDS; (5) programs
for the prevention, treatment, control of, and research on
HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, polio, malaria, and other infectious
diseases, and for assistance to communities severely affected
by HIV/AIDS, including children displaced or orphaned by
AIDS; and (6) family planning/reproductive health: Provided
further, That none of the funds appropriated under this
heading may be made available for nonproject assistance,
except that funds may be made available for such assistance
for ongoing health activities: Provided further, That of the
funds appropriated under this heading, not to exceed
$250,000, in addition to funds otherwise available for such
purposes, may be used to monitor and provide oversight of
child survival, maternal and family planning/reproductive
health, and infectious disease programs: Provided further,
That the following amounts should be allocated as follows:
$347,000,000 for child survival and maternal health;
$25,000,000 for vulnerable children; $350,000,000 for HIV/
AIDS; $200,000,000 for other infectious diseases; and
$375,000,000 for family planning/reproductive health,
including in areas where population growth threatens
biodiversity or endangered species: Provided further, That of
the funds appropriated under this heading, and in addition to
funds allocated under the previous proviso, not less than
$200,000,000 shall be made available for a United States
contribution to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis
and Malaria (the ``Global Fund''), and shall be expended at
the minimum rate necessary to make timely payment for
projects and activities: Provided further, That up to 5
percent of the aggregate amount of funds made available to
the Global Fund in fiscal year 2006 may be made available to
the United States Agency for International Development for
technical assistance related to the activities of the Global
Fund: Provided further, That of the funds appropriated under
this heading, $65,000,000 should be made available for a
United States contribution to The Vaccine Fund, and up to
$6,000,000 may be transferred to and merged with funds
appropriated by this Act under the heading ``Operating
Expenses of the United States Agency for International
Development'' for costs directly related to international
health, but funds made available for such costs may not be
derived from amounts made available for contribution under
this and preceding provisos: Provided further, That none of
the funds made available in this Act nor any unobligated
balances from prior appropriations may be made available to
any organization or program which, as determined by the
President of the United States, supports or participates in
the management of a program of coercive abortion or
involuntary sterilization: Provided further, That none of the
funds made available under this Act may be used to pay for
the performance of abortion as a method of family planning or
to motivate or coerce any person to practice abortions:
Provided further, That nothing in this paragraph shall be
construed to alter any existing statutory prohibitions
against abortion under section 104 of the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1961: Provided further, That none of the funds made
available under this Act may be used to lobby for or against
abortion: Provided further, That in order to reduce reliance
on abortion in developing nations, funds shall be available
only to voluntary family planning projects which offer,
either directly or through referral to, or information about
access to, a broad range of family planning methods and
services, and that any such voluntary family planning project
shall meet the following requirements: (1) service providers
or referral agents in the project shall not implement or be
subject to quotas, or other numerical targets, of total
number of births, number of family planning acceptors, or
acceptors of a particular method of family planning (this
provision shall not be construed to include the use of
quantitative estimates or indicators for budgeting and
planning purposes); (2) the project shall not include payment
of incentives, bribes, gratuities, or financial reward to:
(A) an individual in exchange for becoming a family planning
acceptor; or (B) program personnel for achieving a numerical
target or quota of total number of births, number of family
planning acceptors, or acceptors of a particular method of
family planning; (3) the project shall not deny any right or
benefit, including the right of access to participate in any
program of general welfare or the right of access to health
care, as a consequence of any individual's decision not to
accept family planning services; (4) the project shall
provide family planning acceptors comprehensible information
on the health benefits and risks of the method chosen,
including those conditions that might render the use of the
method inadvisable and those adverse side effects known to be
consequent to the use of the method; and (5) the project
shall ensure that experimental contraceptive drugs and
devices and medical procedures are provided only in the
context of a scientific study in which participants are
advised of potential risks and benefits; and, not less than
60 days after the date on which the Administrator of the
United States Agency for International Development determines
that there has been a violation of the requirements contained
in paragraph (1), (2), (3), or (5) of this proviso, or a
pattern or practice of violations of the requirements
contained in paragraph (4) of this proviso, the Administrator
shall submit to the Committees on Appropriations a report
containing a description of such violation and the corrective
action taken by the Agency: Provided further, That in
awarding grants for natural family planning under section 104
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 no applicant shall be
discriminated against because of such applicant's religious
or conscientious commitment to offer only natural family
planning; and, additionally, all such applicants shall comply
with the requirements of the previous proviso: Provided
further, That for purposes of this or any other Act
authorizing or appropriating funds for foreign operations,
export financing, and related programs, the term
``motivate'', as it relates to family planning assistance,
shall not be construed to prohibit the provision, consistent
with local law, of information or counseling about all
pregnancy options: Provided further, That to the maximum
extent feasible, taking into consideration cost, timely
availability, and best health practices, funds appropriated
in this Act or prior appropriations Acts that are made
available for condom procurement shall be made available only
for the procurement of condoms manufactured in the United
States: Provided further, That information provided about the
use of condoms as part of projects or activities that are
funded from amounts appropriated by this Act shall be
medically accurate and shall include the public health
benefits and failure rates of such use.
Amendment Offered by Mr. Pitts
Mr. PITTS. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
[[Page H5298]]
The Clerk read as follows:
Amendment offered by Mr. Pitts:
Amendment to H.R. 3057, as Reported, Offered by Mr. Pitts of
Pennsylvania
Page 7, line 2, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $750,000,000)''.
Page 8, line 3, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(increased by $750,000,000)''.
Page 41, line 1, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $750,000,000)''.
Page 41, line 4, after the dollar amount, insert the
following: ``(reduced by $750,000,000)''.
Mr. PITTS. Mr. Chairman, I commend the chairman for his work on these
complicated issues but I rise to raise an issue that we just heard
about from the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) and which we have
heard about in past years from the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos). I think the time has come to say enough is enough.
Since 1979 Egypt has been the second largest recipient of U.S.
foreign assistance. Each year Egypt receives about $2 billion in
economic and military aid. The money goes to support our strategic ally
in the Middle East. But I think this money is largely misspent today on
a nation that refuses change and excuses oppression.
The State Department tells us that Egyptian police routinely use
torture to extract confessions and detain suspects without charge or
trial. Egyptian authorities harass and imprison opposition party
candidates on trumped up charges. The government is engaged in an
unwarranted and dangerous military build-up. It oppresses religious
minorities. It violates human rights. It obstructs democratic reforms.
It censors the media. In fact, the media is controlled by the
government there and they permit a lot of anti-Semitism and hate
speech. It continues to arrest Christian converts who leave Islam. I
could go on and on.
Egypt is an ally. But we can no longer afford to excuse oppression
with the rhetoric of stability and the politics of fear.
We can no longer afford a wholesale subsidizing of such huge
violators of basic human rights and basic freedoms.
My amendment would take some of the money that we spend to underwrite
the Egyptian military and send it to programs that fight malaria by
increasing USAID's Child Survival and Health Account for other
infectious diseases, particularly malaria. Malaria kills as many as 3
million people each year. Up to 90 percent of these deaths occur in
Africa and 90 percent are children under the age of 5. And though it is
difficult to accurately assess the scale of the disease, the WHO
estimates that 40 percent of the world's population is at risk of
malaria, and there are between 350 and 500 million clinical cases every
year.
Malaria disproportionately affects the poor. Fifty-eight percent of
malaria deaths occur in the poorest 20 percent of the world's
population, a higher percentage than for any other disease of major
public health importance.
Reducing Egypt's military subsidy by $750 million will serve to send
a strong message. Money sent to a nation, even a strong ally like
Egypt, that refuses to make the necessary political, democratic and
human rights reforms should be redirected to a place that better
represents our values. In this case I can think of no better use for
this funding than to treat and prevent malaria in Africa.
According to the CBO, this transfer will result in a savings of $400
million in FY 2006 in net outlays. A vote for this amendment is a vote
for more responsible Federal spending. It is a vote for American
values. It is a vote for kids. It is a vote against the status quo of
Egypt's dictatorship.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment. Mr.
Chairman, I do rise in strong opposition to this amendment. Our
assistance to Egypt has been longstanding and Egypt remains an
important ally in the Middle East.
I would be among the first in this body to admit my concerns about
Egypt's actions or sometimes their lack of actions when it comes to
building programs of democracy in that country. And we have had a lot
of discussion at both the subcommittee and full committee levels
regarding ways to address these concerns.
I accept the amendment offered by the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr.
Obey) to fence $100 million of our economic assistance to Egypt and to
put an earmark around those or to fence it so they could be used
specifically for democracy and education programs. That is the first
time that we have ever done that in this earmark for Egypt.
{time} 1530
I think that sends a very strong message to Egypt. So this amendment,
however well-intentioned, is not going to be constructive.
The relationship that we have with Egypt goes back 2 decades. We
should not forget that prior to the Camp David agreement Egypt and
Israel engaged in several wars and Egypt was an ally of the Soviet
Union. That changed when President Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister
Begin negotiated a peace agreement in 1978 with the help of the United
States.
As part of that agreement and in an effort to bring stability and
security to the region, the United States agreed to provide major
economic and military assistance packages for both Israel and Egypt.
Six years ago, the Committee on Appropriations under the leadership of
my predecessor, former Congressman Sonny Callahan, initiated a policy
to begin a phase-down of economic assistance for both Israel and Egypt.
This resulted in a decision to phase out Israel's economic assistance
by $120 million per year over 10 years, while increasing military
assistance by $60 million. Egypt's economic assistance declines $40
million per year with no increase in military assistance.
The agreement reached 6 years ago modifying the Camp David funding
formula was agreed to by the parties involved, including the
administration. An amendment that would help to impose a new funding
regime, a new funding formula on this money, this carefully balanced
money that goes to the partners in the Camp David accords, not as a
result of any discussion or negotiations with them, but by unilateral
action by this body, would undo the delicate balance of economic and
military assistance and would be diplomatically disastrous for the
United States.
It would not be wise for Congress to disrupt any cooperation that
exists between Israel and Egypt by cutting the military assistance to
Egypt; and I can assure my colleagues, this is certainly not supported,
though I do not speak for them, I feel quite certain in saying this is
not supported by the Government of Israel.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman raises important issues. For the last
several years, I have joined many of my colleagues in expressing
concern about the composition of the U.S. aid package to Egypt. Why, at
a time when Egypt has no major enemies, should we be providing over $1
billion each year in military assistance? Why, when Egypt lacks
economic prosperity, should we maintain such a high level of military
aid even as economic assistance levels drop?
In Cairo last week, Secretary of State Rice announced a new
commitment to human rights in the Arab world, imploring the Egyptian
Government to hold free and transparent elections and end human rights
abuses, and I was very pleased to hear her remarks. For too long, we
have coddled undemocratic regimes, looking the other way as democracy
and freedom have been stifled.
Despite President Mubarak's pronouncements to the contrary, Egypt is
a hotbed neither of democratic reform nor respect for the rights of the
opposition.
In late May, members of the Egyptian movement Kifaya, which means
``enough'' in Arabic, were beaten and dragged through the street by a
government-organized mob. Police stood by as women were sexually
assaulted; and in some cases, police actively participated in beating
and arresting protesters. What radical agenda does Kifaya have? Free,
fair, and transparent elections.
Or consider the case of Ayman Nour, leader of a small Egyptian
opposition party, who was jailed on charges of faking signatures to
form his party. In the weeks leading up to his arrest, Nour had called
for a constitutional overhaul to restrain Mubarak's powers.
[[Page H5299]]
Nour spent 42 days in prison being beaten and held under inhumane
conditions and is awaiting a trial that will start next week.
The Egyptian record on human rights is rivaled by its record on
incitement in the media. Even as diplomatic relations between Israel
and Egypt continue to progress, with the recent return of Egypt's
ambassador to Israel, anti-Israel and anti-Semitic attacks in the
official Egyptian media persist, with claims of Holocaust exaggeration,
Zionist-Nazi collaboration, and anti-Semitic canards.
The amendment sends the message that the status quo is not okay. Baby
steps toward political reform are unacceptable and will no longer be
tolerated. Tepid efforts to stop smuggling along Egypt's border with
Gaza are not enough. Disclaimers that the Egyptian press is free and
cannot be influenced by the government will not be believed.
The tide in the Middle East is turning toward democracy and freedom,
toward rights for women and educational opportunities for children. The
tide is turning toward peace between Israel and its neighbors, toward
economic cooperation and coexistence.
Egypt has been part of this turning tide. It was the first Arab
country to make peace with Israel, and it is a needed partner in
closing any peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians. But too
often we have seen this powerful player in regional affairs place
stumbling blocks in front of progress instead of easing the way.
We know Egypt is listening to our debate today. A lot is at stake. So
the one message I have is this: great nations recognize when the
changing times will leave them behind, and they stay ahead of the
curve. I hope we will see the pace of reform quicken and the quality of
cooperation increase in the coming weeks and months.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of
words.
Mr. Chairman, as this amendment is considered, I think it would be
useful to remember what the committee has done with respect to our
assistance to Egypt. As the gentleman from Arizona has indicated, the
committee adopted an amendment offered by me which earmarked ESF funds
for Egypt, doubling the amounts spent on democracy, governance, and
human rights and providing additional funding for education within that
account.
The amendment earmarked $50 million in ESF for democracy, governance,
and human rights and $50 million for education. Both categories were
projected at about $25 million in the administration request. So this
essentially doubles that amount.
The reason for that has already been stated. We were looking for a
way to send a clear signal to Egypt that we find their human rights
record to be an embarrassment without thoroughly upsetting the
administration's ability to continue to negotiate in that region, to
try to move what is left of the peace process forward.
I have no idea whether the administration will be sufficiently
serious about the issue. I have no idea whether or not they will be
successful if they are serious, but I do just want to say one thing. I
think every Member of this House would like to be able to vote for this
amendment because we like where the money would be put; but we also
have a responsibility, regardless of party, to try to see to it that in
the attempt to send messages we do not blow things up in different
regions of the world.
So I have absolutely no doubt that this amendment would produce a
most irresponsible result in the region, but I think it will be
interesting to note who supports the administration's position on this
roll call and who does not. I intend, for one, to watch very carefully
to see whether or not the leadership of the President's own party is
going to be sticking with the President or not, and whether they do or
not will send an interesting signal to those of us on this side of the
aisle.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. OBEY. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. LEWIS of California. Mr. Chairman, I very much appreciate my
colleague yielding.
Indeed, this issue was discussed extensively in our full committee.
There is little doubt that the committee, in a totally nonpartisan way,
is interested in sending this message; and we are laying the foundation
here to reflect the reality that America is at its best when we express
ourselves overseas in as close to a bipartisan way as possible.
I must compliment the gentleman for his own statement at this time,
but also in the full committee. I think we laid the foundation to let
people in the Middle East know how serious we are about a clear
message, and this message will be carried forward to the conference
with other body as well.
So I appreciate my colleague yielding.
Mr. OBEY. Mr. Chairman, if I could just say, I would be most curious
to know what the administration is clearly saying on this subject. I
have just received a message which indicates that the administration is
pleased with the language in the committee bill. I hope that they
continue to clarify their position to make clear exactly where they
stand on this amendment. If they do not, they will be the ones who have
to explain the consequences.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts).
The question was taken; and the Chairman announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. PITTS. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 87,
noes 326, not voting 20, as follows:
[Roll No. 326]
AYES--87
Akin
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Beauprez
Berkley
Berry
Bishop (UT)
Blumenauer
Bono
Bradley (NH)
Brown (OH)
Burton (IN)
Cannon
Cantor
Cardoza
Carson
Clay
Coble
Crowley
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
Doggett
Duncan
Fossella
Foxx
Frank (MA)
Franks (AZ)
Garrett (NJ)
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gohmert
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Gutknecht
Harris
Hayworth
Hefley
Herseth
Hinchey
Hostettler
Jenkins
Johnson (IL)
Jones (NC)
Kennedy (RI)
King (IA)
Lantos
Lewis (GA)
LoBiondo
Lofgren, Zoe
Maloney
Matheson
McCollum (MN)
McHenry
Melancon
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neugebauer
Northup
Norwood
Otter
Paul
Payne
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Petri
Pitts
Platts
Poe
Rogers (AL)
Royce
Ryun (KS)
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sherman
Souder
Stearns
Strickland
Tancredo
Tiberi
Towns
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Watson
Weiner
NOES--326
Abercrombie
Ackerman
Aderholt
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Baca
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Barrett (SC)
Barrow
Bass
Bean
Becerra
Berman
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Blackburn
Blunt
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Boozman
Boren
Boswell
Boucher
Boustany
Boyd
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Butterfield
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Carnahan
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Cleaver
Cole (OK)
Conaway
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Costello
Cox
Cramer
Crenshaw
Cubin
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (KY)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Jo Ann
Davis, Tom
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Dent
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doyle
Drake
Dreier
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English (PA)
Eshoo
Evans
Everett
Farr
Fattah
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Fitzpatrick (PA)
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fortenberry
Frelinghuysen
Gallegly
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gonzalez
Granger
Graves
Green (WI)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hall
Harman
Hart
Hastings (FL)
Hastings (WA)
Hensarling
Herger
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley
Hoyer
Hulshof
Hyde
Inglis (SC)
Inslee
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jefferson
Jindal
Johnson (CT)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (OH)
Kanjorski
Kaptur
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kildee
Kilpatrick (MI)
Kind
King (NY)
Kirk
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
Kucinich
Kuhl (NY)
LaHood
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latham
LaTourette
Leach
Lee
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Lewis (KY)
Lipinski
Lowey
Lucas
Lungren, Daniel E.
Lynch
Mack
Manzullo
Marchant
Markey
Marshall
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul (TX)
McCotter
McCrery
McDermott
[[Page H5300]]
McGovern
McKeon
McKinney
McMorris
McNulty
Meehan
Meek (FL)
Meeks (NY)
Menendez
Mica
Millender-McDonald
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Miller, George
Moore (KS)
Moore (WI)
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
Neal (MA)
Ney
Nunes
Nussle
Oberstar
Obey
Olver
Osborne
Owens
Oxley
Pallone
Pascrell
Pastor
Pearce
Pelosi
Peterson (PA)
Pickering
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Price (GA)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Radanovich
Ramstad
Rangel
Regula
Rehberg
Reichert
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Sabo
Salazar
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Saxton
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schwartz (PA)
Schwarz (MI)
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Sodrel
Solis
Stark
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tierney
Turner
Upton
Van Hollen
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watt
Waxman
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Westmoreland
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wilson (SC)
Woolsey
Wu
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOT VOTING--20
Brown (SC)
Capito
Clyburn
Doolittle
Etheridge
Hayes
Higgins
Hunter
Kingston
Linder
McHugh
McIntyre
Michaud
Mollohan
Ortiz
Price (NC)
Rahall
Ross
Spratt
Wolf
{time} 1605
Messrs. WAMP, MARSHALL, ROHRABACHER, OWENS, BUTTERFIELD, HYDE,
THOMPSON of California, GREEN of Wisconsin, CULBERSON, and Ms. ESHOO
changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Ms. ZOE LOFGREN of California, Messrs. LoBIONDO, HEFLEY, GOODLATTE,
UDALL of Colorado, UDALL of New Mexico, FRANKS of Arizona, CANTOR,
FRANK of Massachusetts, BURTON of Indiana, SERRANO, Towns and Ms.
McCOLLUM changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Chairman, earlier today I was at Walter Reed Army
Medical Center visiting Army Specialist Matt James, a constituent from
Virginia's 10th District, who was wounded while serving in Iraq, and I
missed the vote on rollcall 326.
Had I been present and voting, I would have voted ``no'' on rollcall
326, the Pitts amendment to H.R. 3057, Foreign Operations, Export
Financing and Related Programs Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 2006.
Mr. KOLBE. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee do now rise.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Simpson) having assumed the chair, Mr. Thornberry, Chairman of the
Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, reported that
that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 3057)
making appropriations for foreign operations, export financing, and
related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for
other purposes, had come to no resolution thereon.
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