[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 60 (Tuesday, May 10, 2005)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4877-S4879]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. McCONNELL (for himself, Mrs. Feinstein, Mr. McCain, Mr. 
        Leahy, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Obama, Ms. Murkowski, and Mr. 
        Alexander):
  S.J. Res. 18. A joint resolution approving the renewal of import 
restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 
2003; to the Committee on Finance.
  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, along with my colleagues from 
California, Arizona, Vermont, Kansas and Illinois, I come to the floor 
to introduce legislation to renew sanctions against the illegitimate 
and repressive State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in Burma.
  I do not intend today to recount the litany of abuses committed by 
the military junta in Rangoon against the Burmese people and their 
neighbors given the extensive documentation of these violations by 
credible sources, including the U.S. Department of State, the United 
Nations and numerous nongovernmental organizations, my colleagues are 
undoubtedly familiar with many of the SPDC's heinous crimes--from the 
production and trafficking of illicit drugs, to the use of rape as a 
weapon of war against ethnic minority women and girls and the forced 
conscription of children into military service.
  Instead, I urge my colleagues to act quickly--as we have in the 
past--in considering and passing the renewal of sanctions, which 
include an import ban on Burmese goods and visa restrictions on 
officials from the SPDC and affiliated organizations.
  We must act quickly as the SPDC poses an immediate danger to the 
entire region, whether through the trafficking of illicit drugs, the 
unchecked spread of HIV/AIDS, or the forced movement of people who seek 
refuge and safety in neighboring countries.
  There is no more definitive expression of support for democracy and 
human rights--for solidarity with those struggling for freedom--than an 
import ban. As Archbishop Desmond Tutu has eloquently pointed out on 
several occasions, sanctions worked in South Africa, and they can work 
in Burma, too.
  We must act resolutely as the junta continues to imprison those who 
nonviolently struggle for freedom and justice, including Nobel laureate 
and Burmese democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Burma has a rising 
prisoner of conscience population, with over 1,300 political prisoners. 
I renew my call that Suu Kyi and other prisoners of conscience be 
immediately and unconditionally released.
  Just last month, the European Union renewed sanctions against the 
SPDC that restrict members of the junta and their families from 
entering the EU, and bans EU companies from doing business in Burma. 
While I applaud this action, I call upon the EU and other multilateral 
organizations, including the United Nations, to do more in support of 
freedom in Burma.
  Specifically, the EU, along with the United States, should not 
participate

[[Page S4878]]

in any Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) related meetings 
should the SPDC assume chairmanship of that Association next year. It 
is worth noting that some ASEAN member states are now publicly 
discussing the junta's possible leadership with growing concern. This 
increased attention--and a growing chorus for political reform in Burma 
in the region by likeminded lawmakers--is also appreciated.
  Finally, while I welcome UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's personal 
comments in support of freedom in Burma, the time for talk is over. The 
UN must act on Burma--in New York. It is past time for the UN to 
discuss and debate the myriad threats Burma poses to the region. What 
are they waiting for?
  The people of Burma must know that they have no better friends in 
this body than Senators Feinstein, McCain, Leahy, Brownback and Obama. 
There is an unofficial Burma Caucus in the Senate, and I am proud to 
stand shoulder-to-shoulder with my dedicated colleagues on this issue.
  To them--and to Suu Kyi and all who nonviolently struggle for freedom 
in Burma--I say ``we will prevail.''
  I ask unanimous consent that the text of the joint resolution be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the joint resolution was ordered to be 
printed in the Record, as follows:

                              S.J. Res. 18

       Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
     United States of America in Congress assembled, That Congress 
     approves the renewal of the import restrictions contained in 
     section 3(a)(1) of the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 
     2003.

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today in support of a 
resolution introduced by myself, Senator McConnell, Senator Leahy, 
Senator McCain, Senator Brownback, and Senator Obama to renew the 
sanctions imposed on Burma by the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 
2003.
  Last year, in response to the failure by the military junta--the 
State Peace and Development Council, SPDC--to take any meaningful steps 
towards restoring democracy and releasing Nobel Peace Prize winner and 
National League for Democracy, NLD, leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Congress 
overwhelmingly renewed a complete ban on all imports from Burma for 
another year.
  One year later, it is clear that Rangoon has once again failed to 
make ``substantial and measurable progress'' toward putting Burma on a 
irreversible path of national reconciliation and democracy.
  Suu Kyi remains under house arrest. On her 60th birthday on June 19, 
2005, she will have spent a total of 2,523 days in detention.
  NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo has also remained in custody since May 2003. 
And 1,400 political prisoners are still in jail.
  The military junta's ``road map'' to democracy and national 
convention to draft a new constitution has produced no timetable for 
restoring democracy and shut out the participation of Suu Kyi and the 
NLD, the legitimate winners of the 1990 elections.
  The United Nations Commission on Human Rights passed a resolution 
last month highlighting continued human rights abuses by Rangoon 
including ``extrajudicial killings,'' rape, torture, sex trafficking 
and forced labor.
  And let us not forget that Congress passed the original ``Burmese 
Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003'' in response to a brutal coordinated 
assault by progovernment paramilitary thugs on Suu Kyi and other 
members of the NLD. Is anyone surprised that no one has been brought to 
justice for these crimes?
  The generals who run the country have shown a remarkable ability to 
ignore the demands of their own people and the international community. 
The simple truth is that as long as the SPDC remains in power the 
democratic hopes and aspirations of the Burmese people will continue to 
be denied.
  Now is not the time to let the sanctions expire and try to ``engage'' 
the military junta.
  Doing so without any meaningful steps toward democracy taken by 
Rangoon would only serve to bolster the regime's campaign against 
democratic government, the rule of law, and basic human rights.
  I point out that the democratic movement in Burma continues to 
support sanctions against the SPDC. We must give them more time to 
effect change in Burma.
  Let us not fall into the trap of thinking true representative 
democracy cannot come to Burma and the Burmese people. I agree with 
Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick when he said recently:

       What we see throughout the world, even in places where 
     people don't expect it, like the Middle East, is a process of 
     openness and democracy. There's no reason it can't happen in 
     Burma as well.

  As champions of freedom and respect for human rights, we must stand 
in solidarity with Suu Kyi, the people of Burma, and the international 
community in once again calling on the SPDC to release Suu Kyi, 
relinquish power, and respect the 1990 elections. Archbishop Desmond 
Tutu has rightly said:

       As long as [Suu Kyi] remains under house arrest, none of us 
     is truly free.

  In the face of human rights abuses and terror, approximately 300,000 
Burmese citizens have already defied the military junta and signed 
their names on a petition calling for true democratic change in Burma. 
We must back their courage. I urge my colleagues to support the 
resolution.
  Mr. McCain. Mr. President, I would like to thank Senators McConnell 
and Feinstein for their efforts to renew again the sanctions contained 
in the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act. I am proud to join along 
with Senators Leahy, Brownback, and Obama as sponsors of this 
resolution.
  As we take action to renew this legislation, the situation inside 
Burma grows ever dimmer. The military junta in that country controls 
the population through a campaign of violence and terror, and the lack 
of freedom and justice there is simply appalling. The Burmese regime 
has murdered political opponents, used child soldiers and forced labor, 
and employed rape as a weapon of war. Political activists remain 
imprisoned, including elected members of parliament, and Aung San Suu 
Kyi remains a captive.
  Aung San Suu Kyi's courageous and steadfastness in the face of 
tyranny inspires me and, I believe, every individual who holds 
democracy dear. Because she stands for freedom, this heroic woman has 
endured attacks, arrest, captivity, and untold sufferings at the hands 
of the regime. Burma's rulers fear Aung San Suu Kyi because of what she 
represents--peace, freedom and justice for all Burmese people. The 
thugs who run the country have tried to stifle her voice, but they will 
never extinguish her moral courage. Her leadership and example shine 
brightly for the millions of Burmese who hunger for freedom and for 
those of us outside Burma who seek justice for its people.
  The work of Aung San Suu Kyi and the members of the National League 
for Democracy must be the world's work. We must continue to press the 
junta until it is willing to negotiate an irreversible transition to 
democratic rule. The Burmese people deserve no less. And I see 
encouraging signs that the world is no longer content to sit on the 
sidelines.
  The U.S. Congress has been in the forefront, and we stepped up our 
pressure significantly in 2003 with the Burmese Freedom and Democracy 
Act. In doing so, we took active steps to pressure the military junta, 
and we sent a signal to the Burmese people that they are not 
forgotten--that the American people care about their freedom and will 
stand up for justice in their country.
  Now the Europeans and the countries of Southeast Asia are finally 
stepping up their own pressure. While they can and should do more, the 
signs are encouraging. I have recently seen a report that 78 Thai 
senators have sponsored a motion opposing Burma's chairmanship of 
ASEAN, scheduled for next year. Similar moves by governments of other 
Southeast Asian nations suggest that opposition to Burma's rotation is 
becoming widespread, as it should--ASEAN's credibility would crumble 
under Burmese leadership. A unified message from all ASEAN countries 
that Burma's behavior is simply unacceptable would make clear to its 
leaders that they cannot practice repression forever.
  For our part, I support today the joint resolution that will renew 
the import restrictions--sanctions that are

[[Page S4879]]

supported by the National League for Democracy. These restrictions must 
remain until Burma embarks on a true path of reconciliation--a process 
that must include the NLD and Burmese ethnic minorities.
  The picture today in Burma is tragically clear. So long as a band of 
thugs rules Burma, its people will never be free. They will remain 
mired in poverty and suffering, cut off from the world, with only their 
indomitable spirit to keep them moving forward. With our action today, 
we will support this spirit.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise with several of my colleagues to 
speak about the importance of the renewal of the Burma sanctions. I 
also wish to speak candidly about the Burmese Military Junta's 
continued oppression of their people through rape, torture and other 
severe human rights abuses.
  As the world's only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Aung San 
Suu Kyi continues to inspire the democracy movement and seek support 
for their peaceful cause. It has been reported that the National League 
for Democracy has collected more than 300,000 signatures on a petition 
calling for change in the country. Those who sign are actively putting 
their lives in danger by publicly stating that they seek democratic 
change and some 1,400 political prisoners are locked up for supporting 
human rights and democracy.
  The human rights abuses in Burma continue daily against ethnic 
minorities, political activists and others who simply suffer as 
innocent bystanders. A 2002 Human Rights Watch report found that Burma 
has nearly 70,000 child soldiers in its army, more than any other 
country in the world. Up to 2 million people have been forced to flee 
the country as refugees and migrants and the burning of villages 
continues in eastern Burma, especially in the Karen and Karenni states. 
Last year I drew to your attention a report titled ``Shattering 
Silences'', in which the Karen Women's Organization carefully 
investigated and recorded the Burmese military regime's use of rape as 
a weapon of war against ethnic minority women, revealing a shockingly 
brutal and callous practice.
  For the past two years, I have joined my colleagues in reauthorizing 
the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which bans mainly textile and 
garment imports from Burma. When I chaired the East Asia and Pacific 
Subcommittee I held a hearing on this very subject. In that hearing I 
spoke about the importance of a multilateral isolation policy. I urge 
my colleagues to consider the strides that have been made in just two 
years of promoting such a policy.
  In a major and important move, the European Union, in October 2004, 
followed the lead of the United States and significantly strengthened 
its sanctions on Burma, including a ban on investments in enterprises 
of the ruling regime and a strengthened visa ban. The EU also pledged 
to join the United States in opposing loans to Burma's regime from the 
International Monetary Fund and World Bank. The European Parliament 
passed a resolution calling ``on the UN Security Council to address the 
situation in Burma as a matter of urgency.'' Additionally, 289 members 
of the British parliament tabled a motion calling on the UN Security 
Council to address the situation in Burma.
  After both houses of Congress passed resolutions in October 2004 
calling on the UN Security Council to address the situation in Burma, 
the parliament of Australia followed suit. The Australian motion called 
on the government to, ``support the Burmese National League for 
Democracy's call for the UN Security Council to convene a special 
session to consider what further measures the UN can take to encourage 
democratic reform and respect for human rights in Burma.''
  Support at the United Nations is growing as well. Burma was one of 
only a few countries on which resolutions were passed by the United 
Nations Commission on Human Rights. This was led by the European Union 
with strong support from the United States as well as support from 
Japan. The resolution strongly condemned what it called ``the 
systematic ongoing violation of human rights'' in Burma.
  There has been unprecedented action on Burma within ASEAN. Whereas in 
the past ASEAN refused to even comment on what it deemed Burma's 
``internal affairs'', many members of the organization are now publicly 
pressuring Burma to step aside as the chair of the association in 2006.
  The tough approach maintained by the United States towards Burma, 
including import sanctions and a possible boycott of 2006 meetings, is 
for the first time encouraging many Asian nations to rethink whether 
the Burmese regime should assume the rotating chairmanship. There is 
widespread belief within the leadership of ASEAN countries that Burma 
has failed to deliver on its promises to the region.
  In all of the above-mentioned instances, the strong stand of the 
United States has influenced countries around the world. The movement 
at the EU, UN, and within ASEAN is unprecedented. We must keep up the 
tough pressure by the United States.
  I urge my colleagues to reauthorize the sanctions as a strong and 
clear signal that the United States will not support this brutal regime 
and their continued oppression of activists and minorities.

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