[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 26 (Tuesday, March 8, 2005)]
[House]
[Pages H1016-H1021]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEFENDING SOCIAL SECURITY
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gohmert). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 4, 2005, the gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Baldwin)
is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the minority leader.
Ms. BALDWIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to draw attention to
some of the hundreds of letters that I receive every week from
constituents who are outraged or frightened by the President's plan to
privatize Social Security. Americans of all ages know that the
President's private accounts are a risky change that will do nothing to
alleviate Social Security's long-term financial pressures. As more
details of this plan trickle out of the White House, Americans are not
communicating a mandate; they are expressing outrage and fear.
Social Security is the single most successful anti-poverty program in
our country's and government's history. I intend to do all that I can
to make sure that this program survives this current attack, and I know
that millions of Americans are joining in this effort.
I hear from those that I have the honor of representing in
Wisconsin's Second Congressional District every day. They write to tell
me about their profound concern with this plan, and they also write to
tell me about the profound difference that Social Security has made in
their lives. They write to share their fears about how privatization
could jeopardize their retirement. They write to express frustration
that our President has proposed a scheme that would dismantle Social
Security, not strengthen it for future generations.
I have come to the floor tonight to share portions of these letters
that I receive on a daily basis, and I hope that those who seek to
privatize and to dismantle Social Security are listening this evening.
I will also be joined by colleagues tonight who wish to share the words
and stories of the constituents that they represent with the American
public.
I would like to start this evening with excerpts from a few letters
concerning the general importance of the Social Security program.
Ann, from Madison, writes: ``I am appalled at the changes suggested
for Social Security. If you have known anyone living on it entirely,
the monthly
[[Page H1017]]
amount cannot be cut at all without leaving the retiree or the disabled
person in utter poverty. Private plans have been tried and failed in a
number of other countries. You only have to look at the last several
years to see what could happen to someone reaching retirement age in
the wrong time or period. If the administration wants to experiment,
let the government do it and take the risks. If this fails, are we
really going to let that frail, 80-year-old for whom work is no longer
an option, starve sitting on the curb?''
Mary, also from Madison, writes: ``I stand behind you in your fight
against privatization of Social Security. I do not believe that
privatization is a good idea at all. From everything I have learned
about this issue, Social Security privatization would reduce benefits
because of increased overhead costs and would also transfer the risk
from the government to the individual. Also that move is likely to
reduce benefits.''
Mary continues: ``I am 31 years old, so I am a person who supposedly
would be helped by the privatization of Social Security. But I don't
believe it. And even if I were personally helped, I do not believe the
financial risk to my fellow Americans that they would incur is worth
any possible benefit I would receive.''
Doug writes: ``Among many other things that concern me deeply in
regards to the Bush administration, it is this whole Social Security
business that is going on. Inherent in the definition of the name
`security' and the principle of Social Security is the fact that it is
secure and guaranteed. That fundamental right, that we pay in, that we
will get out, is essential to the whole idea of the plan and the
system. I think it would set a very bad precedent if that whole idea
were struck down.''
Marcie, from Madison, writes: ``I find the changes Bush proposes for
Social Security to be very scary at best. There is already an ever-
growing gap between the haves and the have-nots in this country, and
this will only make the situation worse. The haves already know about
investing or can afford to hire someone to advise them. How many of the
have-nots know much about investing or have the time or the ability to
learn? If the changes go through, I hope they will at least change the
name. There will be no social, all citizens contributing to the well-
being of others in our society, and no security. There will no longer
be a safety net for those retiring and those who are disabled.''
And Marcie brings up a very important point: ``Seniors are not the
only people who rely on Social Security benefits. People receiving
survivor benefits and disability benefits make up 31 percent of the
Social Security program. Social Security is insurance, a safety net
that we can all expect to benefit from when we retire, but it is also
an insurance or safety net that you could benefit from before you
retire. None of us aspire to benefit from the survivor or disability
portions of Social Security, but they are there for all of us, just in
case we need them.''
Before I read some additional letter excerpts from those who have
received Social Security for disability or as survivors, I would like
to yield to my colleague who I thank for helping to co-organize this
evening's Special Order on Social Security, my friend, the gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr. Larson).
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman, and
I commend the gentlewoman from Wisconsin for truly putting this
together and taking the time to make sure that all of America gets to
hear what has got to be a mosaic of concern all across this country,
because, like the gentlewoman and myself, several others have conducted
town hall meetings and forums and have received letters of concern from
our constituents all across this great country of ours. It is quite
compelling when you both read the mail and you listen to the citizens
of this great country speak their minds.
I was particularly struck by a gentleman from Windsor, Connecticut,
who wrote me and said: ``I would like to encourage you to oppose
President Bush's Social Security personal accounts with every resource
possible. I turned 54 this year, missing the cutoff for retaining my
full promised benefit by 7 months. I am not a spend-thrift who has
wasted his money over the years. In fact, I have placed at least 10
percent of my earnings in retirement savings plans since 1978. I fully
fund my 401(k) and my Roth. But I have no pension, and my wife is not
even eligible for a 401(k) or equivalent since she works for the
Manchester School District as a tutor.
``Despite all my efforts to save, I will not have enough to retire on
without the guarantee of Social Security. Why? Because I worked for
five companies between 1984 and 2000 that all went out of business or
left Connecticut: Heublein, Ames, Shawmut, Northeast Savings and
International Paper. Each time I was forced to find another job, I lost
a year of contribution to my 401(k) and another year of employer match,
through no fault of my own. That adds up to quite a bit of savings that
have been lost. I am putting one child through college and I have
another yet to go. I have no more to save. I have always supported my
family and paid my own way. I am relying on the Social Security system
my employers and I have already contributed about $200,000 to, to live
up to its promises. If the government of the United States can turn its
back on its promises to its own citizens, of what value is it?
{time} 2115
``Please, help me and every other person in my shoes.''
It is this kind of poignant response that we have heard from our
citizens all across the country that screams out for this Congress to
take action.
One little woman in my district, part of the golden girls, her name
is Gracie Vigneau, stood up and said, I understand that there are three
legs to this stool. I understand the importance, having lived through
the Great Depression, having fought and persevered through the Second
World War, having come home and rebuilt this Nation, but I always felt
that we had this special contract, that guarantee from our government,
that third leg of the stool, if you will, that was the Social Security
guarantee. It provided the floor, the safety net from which nobody
could fall through. That was the contract that came out of the, well,
the Great Depression and its aftermath, and what it did to so many
people and how it ruined their lives. Yet, today, we see the problems
that exist both in pensions and personal savings, which are in far
greater crisis than Social Security.''
And so she asks, ``Why would we place any element of risk in the
program that is there for our guarantee?'' She said, ``I will be long
gone.'' She said, ``I am concerned about my children and their children
and their children's children.''
This has been the most successful program in the history of this
country, and it has kept so many people out of the depths of poverty.
Just last week we talked about the impact that this program has had on
women and how they are disproportionately disadvantaged and how
crippled they would become if the so-called Bush plan were ever to go
into effect.
So I commend the gentlewoman. I have other things, other letters to
read as well in this dialogue that we have here this evening, this
important dialogue with the American public, that they have with us
placed their trust, and where we have sworn to give our very best.
I know that we are joined by the gentleman from New Jersey, and I
will yield back to the gentlewoman from Wisconsin so that she may
recognize another outstanding member of this caucus.
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), my friend and colleague.
Mr. HOLT. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Wisconsin and
the gentleman from Connecticut for arranging this discussion.
Madam Speaker, America is all abuzz about this discussion on Social
Security, and that is because it is recognized from coast to coast,
from every little village to every city, as very important. It is
recognized, I would say, as one of the great accomplishments of America
in the past century.
One of my constituents wrote me saying, ``Representative Holt, please
remind the Members of the House of Representatives how important Social
Security has become for American families.''
And she tells an important story that brings up a part of Social
Security that
[[Page H1018]]
we sometimes forget. The discussion often concerns retirement. But she
tells the story of how her mother was widowed, and she and her two
brothers were left without their father when he died in 1931. This was
before Social Security was passed. ``We had to return,'' she said, ``to
my mother's family home where we were reminded constantly how fortunate
we were that we were from a family willing to take us in.'' She grew up
feeling like a charity case.
But the story goes on. A couple of decades later, when her brother
died young at age 38, his five children received Social Security
survivor benefits until they were able to care for themselves. They
stayed in their own home, went to the same school and never had to feel
like charity cases.
Social Security survivor benefits, just as Social Security retirement
benefits, bring with them not just money but dignity. This story, I
think, highlights one of the important aspects of Social Security.
Another constituent wrote to me and said, ``The President claims that
placing Social Security savings into mutual funds will yield a positive
result. Mutual funds still have risk. They go up and down. I have lost
capital in several mutual funds. The average person is not an
investment sophisticate.''
Another resident of Central New Jersey writes to his representative,
``It is bad enough that corporate America is trying to take away
employee retirement and benefits. Now the President is talking about
taking away Social Security.''
Madam Speaker, they see this as taking it away something that they
have earned, something they are entitled to.
Anyway, he says, ``I don't want to save Social Security just for my
generation, but for all generations. I believe it is the best and most
needed program the government ever came up with. I believe Senator Dole
said it best when he headed a committee a couple of decades ago dealing
with Social Security. When large corporations or even the State of
California wanted to drop out, the Senator said, Social Security is not
a tax; it is a Federal retirement plan that everyone has to be in for
it to work.''
I am sure my colleague from Wisconsin has had a similar situation,
has had similar experiences. When I go before a group of Social
Security recipients, I ask: Is there anyone here ashamed to take Social
Security? And they all chuckle and say, of course not, because we have
earned it, because Social Security is for everyone. And everyone knows
that it is for everyone. It is not for the ones who are clever in the
market. It is not for the ones who are welfare cases. It is an earned
benefit that brings with it dignity in the non-wage-earning years,
those years of retirement or years after the family breadwinner has
died or those years when disability makes it impossible to earn wages.
It brings income and dignity in all of those cases. And like my
colleague, I have heard it now from thousands, and I am not
exaggerating, of my constituents.
I thank the gentlewoman for arranging this discussion.
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his words and
also for the spotlight he has put on the words of his constituents.
I was mentioning, as the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt) just
did, about the 31 percent of all Social Security beneficiaries who are
not retirees but are, in fact, disabled workers or survivors. I would
like to have my colleagues hear from some additional constituents of
mine who fit in that category and are advocating in that manner.
Martha from Madison writes, ``I can speak to the power of Social
Security professionally as well as personally. I work for an agency
that assists adults with developmental disabilities. For these
individuals, much, if not all, of their livelihood comes from monthly
Social Security checks. Few of us could live on $58.77 a month. Their
lifestyle is not extravagant, but it is possible. More personally, my
family has seen the effects of Social Security.''
Martha writes, ``My husband became unable to work just as he was
entering the prime of his life. How would a privatized plan secure my
family as we raise our three children? How would a privatized plan
continue to address my family's needs over the next 40 years as we age
and retire? My greatest fear is that those who are most removed from
poverty are in the decision-making positions. It is perhaps too easy
for the President and those like him to assume that all Americans have
the means to weather life's most unexpected storms.''
Kathy from McFarland, Wisconsin, wrote, ``I lost my daughter in July.
She was 31 and left two children, ages 12 and 8. It is Social Security
that is providing a safety net for my grandchildren. My daughter paid
for this. My husband and I paid for this. And my son, who served in
Iraq, paid for this.''
Stephanie from Madison writes, ``I am writing to encourage you to
reject President Bush's plan to partially privatize Social Security.
When my father died in 1958, my sister and I were 9 and 15 years old.
My mother had never graduated from high school, so she was only able to
get low-paying jobs. If it hadn't been for our survivor benefits, I
don't know what we would have done. As it was, my mom's budget was very
tight. People need to realize that Social Security isn't just for
seniors; it also pays out survivor benefits as well as disability
benefits. All of us are simply one accident or disease away from
needing Social Security.''
Before proceeding to other letters from my constituents, I would like
to yield time to my distinguished colleague from the State of Michigan,
a leader on this issue, a champion on this issue on the Committee on
Ways and Means, to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
Mr. LEVIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman, and congratulate
her on doing this. What we are doing here tonight, I say to my
colleague from Connecticut and, later on, from California, and my good
colleague from New Jersey, is to read some of the letters that we have
been receiving from constituents. There are so many, I thought I would
read just three of them, and then let others carry on. I hope we will
continue to do this, because it brings home to Washington what we hear
at home and what comes from home, what comes from home.
The first letter comes from a constituent in Clinton Township,
Michigan. She wrote to a colleague of mine, and under our procedures,
it was transferred to our office. And it reads, ``The Bush
administration has placed Social Security on the top of the domestic
priority list, but should it be? The `crisis' '', and that is in her
quotes, ``they are trying to fix has been taking in more money than it
has paid out since the 1980s. If left untouched, our current system
would be capable of paying full benefits until 2042 and 75 percent
after that.''
``If this administration wants to fix a crisis, they should begin
with the national debt that'' and there is a word left out I think,
``that have created over the past 4 years. Increasing the deficit each
year has weakened our country tremendously. Furthermore, allowing
Social Security reform would cost the government between $1 trillion
and $2 trillion. We live in an economy of job loss, underfunded
schools, costly health care, and debt. The problems of today still need
to be confronted, so why is this their focus in 2042? Reducing benefits
would deprive citizens of the stability they deserve during retirement.
The Bush administration is attempting to undermine the very concept of
Social Security by doing so. If we allow this reform, the future of
numerous citizens would be placed in jeopardy. This need to privatize
Social Security is fiction, but the national debt is not.'' This is a
wise constituent. All our constituents are wise; this is one who may be
especially wise.
``Our government should be working to strengthen stability within our
country, not weaken it. My suggestion to the Bush administration is
this: Fix the problems you have created before addressing those of
2042. Continuing to ignore the issues of today will not ensure a better
future for tomorrow.''
{time} 2130
It was sent, and we checked with this constituent to make sure we
could use her name, Colleen Szeliga.
Let me just read a second letter that is much briefer. I think the
gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Baldwin) mentioned a letter from
someone who had worked in the system. This is a brief letter from
Jeanne Polisei who says the following in a letter to me: ``I worked for
SSA for 18 years. I know,''
[[Page H1019]]
and it is underlined, ``what a great program it is. I know it has done
wonders for people who would otherwise be poor. Please do all you can
to keep this program as it is. Wall Street is not dependable but SSA
is.''
If I may take a minute to read an excerpt from a letter. I will just
read an excerpt because we did not have a chance to reach this
constituent, so I will not mention the name or place this fully in the
Record. Just the heart of this letter that was written November 10,
2004. This is her handwritten letter and I will read it exactly as it
is: ``My daughter is on childhood benefits on her dad's work record and
this is the only source of income, just as I am on widows benefits. We
are both on Social Security. This has made'' and I think the word me is
left out ``so sick with worry. What Bush wants to do is `privatize'
Social Security.''
And then she goes on to say: ``The late President Roosevelt set this
up as a trust fund for families and their children and the disabled.
This is not his money.'' And then I finish with this: ``My husband
worked hard for this money and died before his time. I pay the
mortgage, the utilities, and food on the table. It is a daily struggle
just to make ends meet from month to month.''
So this letter and the others and the ones other Members have read
and those that will be coming express so directly and poignantly what
this struggle is all about. It is to indeed to save and strengthen
Social Security. We are willing to step up to the plate as we were 20
years ago. What we do not want to do is to weaken and dismantle it. And
these letters express why this is so important for the people of our
Nation.
So carry on with more letters. We are going to keep reading the
letters to get this message across as to what the diversion of monies
from Social Security to private accounts would really mean for the
people of this country. And I think another time we will be reading
letters from younger people because they have so much at stake and
would be hurt so badly by the effort of the President to take monies
out of Social Security, put them into private accounts, making the
shortfall worse, not less, and undercutting a program that has meant so
much in terms of independence for those on Social Security and will
mean so much for my children and my grandchildren.
I thank the gentlewoman very much for giving me this opportunity.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Madam Speaker, I wanted to ask the leading
Democrat on Social Security on the Committee on Ways and Means, the
gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Baldwin) discussed very eloquently and
poignantly, as the gentlewoman pointed out in her letters, the number
of people outside of the retirement benefits, but survivors benefits
and also those on disability, what are the statistics on that?
Mr. LEVIN. About 30 percent of Social Security benefits go to those
who are disabled and those who are family members. And the President
said, if I might take another 30 seconds, that they would not be
affected, the disabled. But that does not work out because what he has
called a good blueprint provides for major benefits cut. And the plan,
the second plan of the commission that is part of that good blueprint
does affect the disabled. And if you were to have these massive cuts
over time, especially hurting younger workers, for retirees and not for
the disabled, it would mean deeper cuts yet for younger workers who are
going to retire.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. So when the gentleman says the President's
good blueprint will in fact weaken Social Security, that is exactly
what it is doing?
Mr. LEVIN. It would not only weaken it; but one last point, it would
in the end shrivel it next to nothing and mean its demise because of
the cuts in benefits and what is called the claw-back which would be an
offset against your Social Security of what is in your private accounts
and that would be for younger workers, about 70 percent of what was
left in your Social Security benefits. So in the end the younger worker
in most cases would end up less in both, end up with less in both than
if Social Security had not been destroyed. And the Social Security part
of it would be so small that it would no longer be sustainable. And
that is why this privatization by diversion of Social Security monies
is essentially a path to the dismantling of Social Security.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Has the administration now admitted that
that will not in any way, shape, manner or form close the gap that
exists?
Mr. LEVIN. The privatization proposal does nothing to address the
shortfall and, indeed, makes it worse.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. I thank the gentleman for clarifying that.
Ms. BALDWIN. I thank the gentleman for his tireless leadership on
protecting our Social Security system and amplifying the voices of your
constituents' very powerful letters. I would like to yield to my
distinguished colleague from the State of California (Ms. Watson).
Ms. WATSON. Madam Speaker, we held two public forums in the 33rd
Congressional District in Los Angeles, California; and I would like to
just quote from three of the speakers that participated.
This one is from Miss Nina Diamantle Vera, and she is worried that
the proposal for private accounts would put her hard-earned retirement
savings at the mercy of the stock market. She was compelled to write me
a letter to warn me of the perils of private investment. And she said:
``I lost $90,000 in the stock market. The privatization program will
only make stockbrokers richer. It is the stupidest thing that President
Bush has done.'' That is the quote.
The stock market is a fluctuating vehicle for savings. It goes up,
but it also goes down. The administration should be working with
Congress to promote personal wealth and savings through investment but
not at the cost of Social Security.
Then Ms. Verdine F. Alston. Ms. Alston is an 89-year-old widow. She
is concerned about the Republican proposals for Social Security. This
is an American that has contributed to society for most of the 20th
century. And she states: ``Please stop President Bush from privatizing
Social Security. I have paid into Social Security since it started and
before I was to vote. I am now 89 years old and a widow. My husband has
been deceased for 10 years, and his pension just expired. I am
dependent solely on Social Security.''
Now, it is unacceptable to pull the rug out from under our senior
citizens. A proud American, Ms. Alston stressed the wisdom of a past
President and said, ``The very first time I voted was for President
Roosevelt when I was 21 years old. Social Security is not welfare.''
And according to the National Partnership For Women and Families,
Social Security provides 90 percent or more of the total income for 44
percent of nonmarried women 65 and older, 66 percent of nonmarried
Hispanic women 65 and older, 74 percent of nonmarried African American
women 65 and over, and 35 percent of all nonmarried men 65 and older.
Now, Marvin Tavlin, who is a 90-year-old legislative chairperson for
the Westside Chapter Alliance of Retired Americans, said it is
important to remember that our country is made up of compassionate
Americans, many of whom study the history of our great country. And
during the town hall meeting that I just held in February, Mr. Tavlin
asked if he could share his modern Gettysburg Address with us, and it
goes like this:
``Three score and 10 years ago our fathers brought forth to this
Nation a new idea, a compact between the government and the people to
promote the general welfare and for the first time in our history to
guarantee the Social Security of our senior citizens. We are now
engaged in a great political battle testing whether the new concept can
truly endure. The dedicated men and women, living and dead, who fought
so long to achieve this worthy goal inspired us to carry on their
tradition. It is now up to us, the living, to rededicate ourselves to
the great task remaining before us, to guarantee that this renowned
social program for the American people who have worked and struggled so
long and so hard for their families, their communities and their
country; yes, that this great social program shall never perish from
the land.''
We gave him great applause because I think he spoke for most
Americans.
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for sharing with
America the powerful words and
[[Page H1020]]
stories of those who she proudly represents.
I am now delighted to yield to one of our new colleagues who we are
so proud has joined us from the State of Missouri. We know that this
gentleman has been home in his district listening to his constituents
actively providing them an opportunity to speak to him and tonight to
America through him. I am honored to recognize the gentleman from
Missouri (Mr. Carnahan).
Mr. CARNAHAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to join in tonight and
share some of my experiences over the last few weeks.
Like many of our fellow Members here in the Congress, my office has
been flooded with letters about Social Security and what it has meant
to people across this country by many people in my district in the St.
Louis area of Missouri. I have received in my office alone over 1,000
letters from people concerned about these privatization schemes that
have been talked about in Washington. I scheduled, based on those
meetings, two town hall meetings. Each one had over 200 people that
attended.
{time} 2145
It was not just seniors. We had people there that were baby-boomers
and my generation. We had young people there. We had people that were
not just retirees, but people who had been survivors and people who had
disabilities. They all had been beneficiaries in some way from this
vital American program.
We talked about what it has meant to our country, to their families.
We also talked about the success of the program, how it has been
studied and mentioned as one of the most efficient programs in our
government's history, only having 1.5 percent overhead. So it is a
great model to look at in terms of efficiency and delivering vital
services to our country.
People are very concerned about their Social Security, the real
bedrock foundation of their retirement security being subjected to
benefit cuts, being subjected to broker fees, being subjected to the
risk of the stock market.
One of my constituents in particular stood up and shared her own
personal story. She knew too well the potential risk of depending on
the stock market for a guaranteed source of income. She was a 70-year-
old grandmother from Arnold, Missouri, and she shared her story in
front of about 200 people.
In 1999, a stockbroker had encouraged her to transfer $155,000 from a
mature CD and invest it with the broker's local firm. The broker put
her money into an aggressive investment account that, at her age, would
not have been highly advised. Her investments now were worth only
$85,000. She says that if it were not for her monthly Social Security
checks she and her husband would be under great financial strain. For
people like her, privatization would be a disaster.
Social Security beneficiaries, including survivors, children and
those who are disabled, stand to lose the most under President Bush's
plan. His proposed changes will not help preserve benefits for those
who depend on them the most.
Let us strengthen Social Security, the very foundation of retirement
security in this country, and if we are going to have discussions about
private accounts, let us talk about those in addition to and on top of
this solid foundation of Social Security.
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the Congressman and I am very
pleased that he brought up the issue of the risk that Social Security
would be subject to if these private accounts were allowed to occur,
and I have just a couple of letters on that point too that I wish to
share.
Jack from Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin, writes me, ``Tammy, thanks for
your hard work to keep the promise of Social Security. This
privatization plan is about the dumbest thing that Bush has come up
with besides the war in Iraq. We have a privatization deal now via
IRAs, and let me tell you, my wife and I lost over half of our
investment in our IRA accounts after 2000. The only people that will
make money in this deal are the brokers.''
Another one here, Cheryl, from Madison, writes, ``I have deep
concerns with President Bush's proposal. By privatizing a portion of
Social Security, you have added an element of risk. Some people may
come out ahead, others may not. The safety net is gone. For many people
Social Security will only be a small part of their retirement. These
people can invest their disposable income in the many options
available, IRAs, 401(k)s, et cetera. Those that are not as well off and
are not able to put much away on their own should be able to count on a
known amount from Social Security.''
Before continuing, I would like to yield to the gentleman from
Connecticut (Mr. Larson ), my colleague, who is a member of the
Committee on Ways and Means and has really tackled this threat to
Social Security with great vigor, and I appreciate his organizing this
evening's Special Order with me.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman
from Wisconsin again for her diligence and hard work in this effort and
deeply appreciate the opportunity to be here this evening.
I honestly believe that Congress should do more of this. I hope that
people all across this country are listening to these heartfelt
responses from our constituents, and in so many ways, they are often
more eloquent than any Member of the United States Congress because
their needs and concerns are so heartfelt and real, and this is what I
think makes this such a special evening for this Special Order.
I would just like to read one more letter that I have, with the
gentlewoman's permission, and this is from a woman in Newington in my
district who writes, I am very concerned about what Mr. Bush is doing
to the country. I have been working for 37 years, and I have been at my
current position for 28 years. From day one, I was told that I would be
given a pension at the end of my tenure. Over the years, the company
has changed hands and, in fact, changed leaders. Now, the pension has
been changed to a cash balance. Because of this change, I will be
getting about one-quarter of what I would have been getting in my
pension, and now, Mr. Bush claims that under his privatization plan,
Social Security benefits would go up. Yet the Congressional Budget
Office says Bush's privatization plan will cut benefits by 45 percent
or more for seniors. The Bush plan will reduce benefits for all
seniors, even those who choose not to invest in private accounts. I am
too old to build up a substantial plan and account. Have we not been
traumatized enough under this man? I do not want you to vote on this
plan or make such a drastic change to the system. If the politicians
put a lock on it, like Mr. Gore wanted to, we most likely would not be
in this situation. Mr. Bush should stop spending the money. We have the
money for Iraq but not for our seniors in this country. I am asking
you, please, not to vote for this.
She, like so many others we have heard tonight, I think speaks to
what is their concern. Some of our colleagues on the other side have
said that these are fear tactics. Hardly.
Grace Vignean again points out that we were a strong generation that
persevered through the Great Depression, a Second World War, the Korean
and Vietnam Wars. We raised families, rebuilt these countries. We do
not scare easy. What we want is the truth. What we need, I think, is
for all of us to come together with an understanding, and it is my
sincere hope that our colleagues on the other side of the aisle are
listening, as well as the President.
President Roosevelt said it best. He said he was concerned that they
had become frozen in the ice of their own indifference. Frozen in the
ice of their own indifference towards collapsing pensions and shriveled
up savings that, for the most part, have to go for the care of your
health. Indifference to the 45 million people in this country that are
uninsured, indifference to the women and minorities whose drops off in
benefits will be so dramatic.
That is why the voices of these citizens need to be heard and why
this Congress needs to act in a responsible and bipartisan manner in
order to continue to strengthen and preserve the most successful social
program and governmental program in the history of this country.
Again, I thank the gentlewoman for providing us the opportunity to
discuss these letters and the concern of our constituents.
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr.
Larson) mentioned the fear tactics that are being used.
[[Page H1021]]
The President, in advocating for his privatization, has made the case
or attempted to that Social Security faces an impending crisis, and I
just want to let the administration know I think the American public
sees through this fear tactic, this scare tactic.
I just want to read one quick letter on that point from Robert from
Madison in my district. As he writes, ``Bush has in recent weeks been
repeatedly inflating the significance of 2018 and 2042, especially the
early date, so as to imply that Social Security is in imminent danger
of bankruptcy and must be overhauled very soon. The sheer urgency of
Bush's tone is unsettlingly consistent with his demonstrated tendency
to conjure up a crisis where none exists, as he did during the run-up
to the war with Iraq.
``The overblown nature of Bush's alarms over Social Security is
reflected in the Social Security trustee's estimate that, even if
nothing drastic is done between now and 2042, Social Security will
still be able to pay retirees'' almost 75 percent ``of the promised
amount'' and ``this timeline hardly suggests any crisis that
necessitates pounding away at a need to overhaul Social Security'' or
dismantle it ``now.''
I would like to yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), my
colleague.
Mr. HOLT. Madam Speaker, the gentlewoman from Wisconsin raises this
approach of fear tactics, and of course, it leads to the question,
well, why? Why does the President, why do some of our colleagues, why
are people trying to change this program that our constituents tell us
over and over again has meant the difference between dignity and
destitution for them? Why do they want to change a program that works
so well?
The spokesman from the White House and the President himself have
said that privatization is not likely to help the finances of Social
Security, but then they have gone on to say, well, even if it does not,
it is the right thing to do. Then we have these youngsters at some of
the President's road shows around the country chanting, ``Hey, hey, ho,
ho, Social Security has got to go.''
We begin to understand what this is about. It is to overturn a
program that they find ideologically unacceptable.
Leslie from Milltown, New Jersey, says, I think we have evidence that
the motivation of these politicians for proposing individualized
private accounts is driven by ideology, not by a real concern for
strengthening and preserving Social Security.
That ideology I think is best summed up with the phrase, you are on
your own. You are on your own and you will do well in the market. You
are smarter than the market and you will be fine.
Let me tell my colleagues, my constituents say over and over again,
we have tried private accounts. Before 1935 you were entitled to invest
as much as you wanted in private accounts to prepare for your
retirement, and you know what, a majority of the elderly lived below
the poverty line. That is why we have Social Security. It is a program
that is, I think, one of the most successful we have had in America.
Let me just finish by saying we have had testimonials from so many of
our constituents. Let me give a personal one.
My father died when I was six, without insurance, without a pension.
My sister and mother and I received Social Security survivor benefits.
She was teaching at a junior college on a small teacher's salary. That
made an enormous difference.
When I talk about Pat from Lincroft who said Social Security for her
brother's children brought dignity, whereas when her father had died
before Social Security came into place, they had to live as charity
cases, I know what she is talking about.
Social Security binds this country together in a way that no other
program that has come out of this body has, and we should not throw it
out just because of some ideological whim which is what is happening
right now. That is why the country is so upset, why we are getting so
much mail.
Mr. LARSON of Connecticut. Madam Speaker, if the gentlewoman would
yield, on that point, we heard the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin)
discuss that earlier, that even the President's so-called privatization
plan does nothing to close the gap or the shortfalls that potentially
exist in Social Security if we do not act on a bipartisan basis.
So to the gentleman's point, this is all about ideology and politics
and not substantively about doing what is in the best interest of the
American public. I think that is what has citizens so outraged, that
this seems to be from the very get-go, from whether you go back to
Hoover and Landon and Friedman and Stockman, who said we must starve
the beast, that beast being Social Security, that is what has American
citizens outraged at this proposal. That is what has them writing
thousands of letters to each and every one of us because of their deep-
seated concern of where this administration is taking us, to a ``me''
society versus ``us.''
The gentleman said it very eloquently and passionately, and again, I
want to thank the gentlewoman for arranging this dialogue and these
letters which I hope we continue to come to the floor and discuss.
{time} 2200
Ms. BALDWIN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his comments,
and I would like to thank all of my colleagues who joined me here
tonight in giving voice to these very real, very human stories. These
are real letters from real people, and privatization would have a real
and ultimately negative effect on their lives.
I know that those who seek to dismantle the Social Security System
must receive similar letters, and I sincerely hope that they pause and
consider what Social Security means to Americans. It is not an
arbitrary government program. Social Security is a support system, it
is an insurance program, and, in many instances, Social Security is the
difference between a comfortable life and a life of poverty. We must do
all that we can to protect this vital safety net, this lifeline.
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