[Congressional Record Volume 151, Number 18 (Thursday, February 17, 2005)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1605-S1607]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                    PROMISE AND PERILS OF DEMOCRACY

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I rise today to say a few words about a very 
important speech that was presented, on January 25, to the Organization 
of American States, OAS, by former President Jimmy Carter.
  Broadly speaking, former President Carter's speech was about the 
promise and perils of democracy in our hemisphere. In my view, no topic 
could be more relevant.
  Our hemisphere has come a long way over the past 30 years--in no 
small part due to the efforts of Jimmy Carter. From the beginning, he 
realized the importance of the OAS in our hemisphere, and he 
demonstrated this understanding by addressing every OAS General 
Assembly meeting held in Washington during his presidency.
  He spearheaded the promotion of human rights, and his tireless work 
contributed to the establishment of the Inter-American Convention on 
Human Rights. That important document has encouraged greater civilian 
participation and helped facilitate the transition in many countries 
from rule by military dictator to that of democratically elected 
government.
  Simply put, Jimmy Carter's efforts sent a clear message throughout 
the hemisphere that the U.S. not only valued democracy but was 
committed to ensuring that people of all backgrounds had a stake in 
emerging democracies in their countries. Indeed, the InterAmerican 
Democratic Charter, which enjoyed broad support, was signed on the 
fateful day of September 11, 2001, and stands in stark contrast to the 
illiberal forces at work in areas around the world.
  The message of that document--that OAS member nations would stand 
together to protect democracy--and the wide support it enjoyed prove 
how much progress can be made when the U.S. invests time and effort in 
our hemisphere.
  Together, we've made tremendous progress over these past 30 years. 
However, our work in the hemisphere is far from over. We must continue 
to end impunity, protect emerging democratic institutions, and 
strengthen the InterAmerican Democratic Charter.
  Former President Carter continues to work toward these noble ends, 
and others, for the good of the U.S. and for the good of people from 
Canada to Argentina and across the world. I congratulate him on his 
efforts, on the magnificent work of the Carter Center, and on the 
vision he layed out in his January 25 statement before the OAS. I ask 
unanimous consent that his statement be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                   The Promise and Peril of Democarcy

                           (By Jimmy Carter)

       I am honored to address the permanent council of the 
     Organization of American States. Thank you, Mr. Secretary 
     General, Mr. President, and Ambassador Borrea for the kind 
     invitation to inaugurate this lecture series of the Americas.
       I have long been interested in this organization. Thirty 
     years ago, as Governor of Georgia, I invited the OAS General 
     Assembly to meet in Atlanta--the first meeting in the U.S. 
     outside of Washington. Later, as President, I attended and 
     addressed every General Assembly in Washington.
       Back then, I realized that most of this hemisphere was 
     ruled by military regimes or personal dictatorships. Senate 
     hearings had just confirmed U.S. involvement in destabilizing 
     the government of Salvador Allende in Chile, and a dirty war 
     was being conducted in Argentina. I decided to stop embracing 
     dictators and to make the protection of human rights a 
     cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy, not only in this 
     hemisphere, but with all nations.
       When we signed the Panama Canal Treaties in this same 
     August hall in 1977, many nonelected or military leaders were 
     on the dais. Key Caribbean States were absent, not yet part 
     of the inter-american system. Then in 1979, Ecuador started a 
     pattern of returning governments to civilian rule. The Inter-
     American Convention on Human Rights soon came into force, and 
     our hemisphere developed one of the strongest human rights 
     standards in the world.
       These commitments have brought tremendous progress to Latin 
     America and the Caribbean. Citizens have become involved in 
     every aspect of governance: More women are running for 
     political office and being appointed to high positions; 
     indigenous groups are forming social movements and political 
     parties; civic organizations are demanding transparency and 
     accountability from their governments; freedom of expression 
     is flourishing in an independent and vibrant press; ombudsmen 
     and human rights defenders are active; and many countries are 
     approving and implementing legislation to guarantee that 
     citizens have access to information.
       The English-speaking Caribbean has sustained vibrant 
     democracies. a democratic Chile is removing military 
     prerogatives from the Pinochet-era constitution and the 
     military has acknowledged its institutional responsibility 
     for the torture and disappearances of the 1970s. Central 
     America has ended its civil wars and democracy has survived. 
     The Guatemalan government offered public apology for the 
     murder of Myrna Mack, and a Salvadoran responsible for the 
     assassination of Archbishop Romero was tried and convicted 
     last year, although in absentia.
       Venezuelans have avoided civil violence while enduring a 
     deep political rift in the last three years. Mexico developed 
     an electoral institution that has become the envy of the 
     world. Argentine democracy weathered the deepest financial 
     crisis since the 1920s depression and its economy is on the 
     rebound.
       Four years ago, Canada and Peru took the lead in developing 
     a new, more explicit commitment to democracy for the 
     hemisphere. On the tragic day of September 11, 2001, the 
     Inter-American Democratic Charter was signed.
       I am proud to have witnessed these demonstrations of the 
     courage, persistence and creativity of the people of this 
     hemisphere.
       But I am also worried. I am concerned that the lofty ideas 
     espoused in the Democratic

[[Page S1606]]

     Charter are not all being honored. I am concerned that 
     poverty and inequality continue unabated. And I am concerned 
     that we in this room, representing governments and, in some 
     cases, privileged societies, are not demonstrating the 
     political will to shore up our fragile democracies, protect 
     and defend our human rights system, and tackle the problems 
     of desperation and destitution.
       Since our years in the White House, my wife Rosalynn and I 
     have striven to promote peace, freedom, health, and human 
     rights, especially in this hemisphere and in Africa. Our 
     dedicated staff at the Carter Center have worked in 54 
     elections to ensure they are honest and competitive. Civil 
     strife has become rare, and every country but Cuba has had at 
     least one truly competitive national election.
       Yet, tiny Guyana, where we have been involved for more than 
     a decade, remains wracked with racial tension and political 
     stalemate. Haiti, where we monitored the first free election 
     in its history and where the world contributed many tens of 
     millions of dollars in aid, has been unable to escape the 
     tragedy of violence and extreme poverty. In Nicaragua, I was 
     privileged to witness the statesmanship of Daniel Ortega 
     transferring power to Violeta Chamorro; yet today that 
     country continues enmeshed in political deadlock and poverty 
     that is second only to Haiti.
       Across the hemisphere, UNDP and Latin barometer polls 
     reveal that many citizens are dissatisfied with the 
     performance of their elected governments. They still believe 
     in the promise and the principles of democracy, but they do 
     not believe their governments have delivered the promised 
     improvements in living standards, freedom from corruption, 
     and equal access to justice. We run the very real risk that 
     dissatisfaction with the performance of elected governments 
     will transform into disillusionment with democracy itself.
       How can we protect the advances made and avoid the 
     dangerous conclusion that democracy may not be worthwhile 
     after all?
       The greatest challenge of our time is the growing gap 
     between the rich and poor, both within countries and between 
     the rich north and the poor south. About 45 percent (225 
     million) people of Latin America and the Caribbean live under 
     the poverty line. The mathematical coefficient that measures 
     income inequality reveals that Latin America has the most 
     unequal income distribution in the world, and the income gap 
     has continued to increase in the past fifteen years.
       When people live in grinding poverty, see no hope for 
     improvement for their children, and are not receiving the 
     rights and benefits of citizenship, they will eventually make 
     their grievances known, and it may be in radical and 
     destructive ways. Governments and the privileged in each 
     country must make the decision and demonstrate the will to 
     include all citizens in the benefits of society.
       Democratic elections have improved, but we have also 
     witnessed a dangerous pattern of ruling parties naming 
     election authorities that are partisan and biased, 
     governments misusing state resources for campaigns, and 
     election results that are not trusted by the populace. I 
     include my own country in saying that we all need to create 
     fair election procedures, to regulate campaign finance, and 
     to ensure that every eligible citizen is properly registered 
     and has the opportunity to cast votes that will be counted 
     honestly.
       But democracy is much more than elections. It is 
     accountable governments; it is the end of impunity for the 
     powerful. It is giving judiciaries independence from 
     political pressures so they can dispense justice with 
     impartiality. It is protecting the rights of minorities, 
     including those who do not vote for the majority party. It is 
     protecting the vulnerable--such as those afflicted with HIV/
     AIDS, street children, those with mental illnesses, women 
     abused with domestic violence, migrants, and indigenous 
     peoples.
       Governments of this hemisphere have carried out enormous 
     economic reform efforts in the last two decades, but these 
     efforts have not yet brought the needed reduction in poverty 
     and inequality. Too many governments still rely on regressive 
     sales taxes because the privileged classes can manipulate 
     governments and avoid paying taxes on their incomes or 
     wealth.
       Military spending has been significantly reduced, but 
     additional reductions are advisable now that the region is 
     democratic and most border issues have been resolved.
       Health and education are more important than expensive 
     weapons systems.
       Access to land, small loans, and easier permits for small 
     businesses can harness the potential dynamism of each 
     nation's economy. Brazil has initiated a zero hunger program 
     to address poverty, and Venezuela is using oil wealth to 
     bring adult education, literacy, health and dental services 
     directly to the poor. These and other creative social 
     programs should be studied to see which might be appropriate 
     in other areas.
       When political leaders do make the right choices to address 
     the needs of all citizens, those citizens have a 
     responsibility as well--to comply with the established rules 
     of the political process. Political honeymoons are short, and 
     sometimes a frustrated people are tempted to unseat an 
     unsatisfactory government, by violence or unconstitutional 
     means. Elected leaders deserve a chance to make the tough 
     decisions, or to be removed at ballot boxes.
       News media play an especially important role in a free 
     society. Press freedom is vibrant in the hemisphere, and must 
     be kept that way. ``Insult'' (desacato) laws and harassment 
     of journalists should be eliminated. The media also have a 
     responsibility to investigate carefully and to corroborate 
     their stories before publication.
       Those of us in the richer nations have additional 
     obligations. We must recognize that we live in an ever-closer 
     hemisphere, with mutual responsibilities. Trade and tourism 
     of the U.S. and Canada are increasingly connected with all of 
     Latin America and the Caribbean, as the sub-regions of the 
     hemisphere are forging closer economic ties.
       We are also connected by the scourge of crime, which is a 
     two-way street. Drug demand in the U.S. fuels drug production 
     among our neighbors, undermining the ability of democratic 
     institutions to enforce the rule of law, and the easy 
     availability of small arms from the U.S. has made crime a 
     serious problem for governments in the Caribbean and Central 
     America.
       Globally, Americans give just 15 cents per $100 of national 
     income in official development assistance. As a share of our 
     economy, we rank dead last among industrialized countries. 
     The recently announced millennium challenge account is 
     designed to provide additional help for governments pursuing 
     transparency and accountability, but in this hemisphere only 
     Bolivia, Honduras and Nicaragua are being considered for this 
     aid.
       The United States has another role to play as well: of 
     setting an example of protecting civil liberties and 
     improving democratic practices at home, and by its unwavering 
     support of democracy and human rights abroad.
       The international lending agencies also have important 
     roles to play: by being more flexible and responsive to 
     political pressures and social constraints when deciding 
     conditionality; by involving local citizens and governments 
     in developing consensus for poverty-reduction strategies; and 
     by helping the hemisphere carry out the mandates adopted by 
     Presidents at the periodic Summits of the Americas.
       Finally, I call on all governments of the hemisphere to 
     make the democratic charter more than empty pieces of paper, 
     to make it a living document. The charter commits us to help 
     one another when our democratic institutions are threatened. 
     The charter can be a punitive instrument, providing for 
     sanctions when a serious challenge to the democratic order 
     occurs, but it is also an instrument for providing technical 
     assistance and moral encouragement to prevent democratic 
     erosion early in the game.
       Let us strengthen the charter and not be afraid to use it. 
     Right now the charter is weak because it is vague in defining 
     conditions that would constitute a violation of the charter--
     the ``unconstitutional alteration or interruption'' of the 
     democratic order noted in article 19. The charter also 
     requires the consent of the affected government even to 
     evaluate a threat to democracy. If the government itself is 
     threatening the minimum conditions of democracy, the 
     hemisphere is not prepared to act, since there would 
     certainly not be an invitation.
       Two simple actions would help to remedy this problem and 
     allow the governments of this hemisphere to act when needed. 
     First, a clear definition of ``unconstitutional alteration or 
     interruption'' would help guide us. These conditions should 
     include:
       1. Violation of the integrity of central institutions, 
     including constitutional checks and balances providing for 
     the separation of powers.
       2. Holding of elections that do not meet minimal 
     international standards.
       3. Failure to hold periodic elections or to respect 
     electoral outcomes.
       4. Systematic violation of basic freedoms, including 
     freedom of expression, freedom of association, or respect for 
     minority rights.
       5. Unconstitutional termination of the tenure in office of 
     any legally elected official.
       6. Arbitrary or illegal, removal or interference in the 
     appointment or deliberations of members of the judiciary or 
     electoral bodies.
       7. Interference by non-elected officials, such as military 
     officers, in the jurisdiction of elected officials.
       8. Systematic use of public office to silence, harass, or 
     disrupt the normal and legal activities of members of the 
     political opposition, the press, or civil society.
       We also need a set of graduated, automatic responses to 
     help us overcome the inertia and paralysis of political will 
     that result from uncertain standards and the need to reach a 
     consensus de novo on each alleged violation. When a 
     democratic threat is identified, the alleged offenders would 
     be requested to explain their actions before the permanent 
     council. A full evaluation would follow, and possible 
     responses could be chosen from a prescribed menu of 
     appropriate options, involving not only the OAS, but 
     incentives and disincentives from multilateral institutions 
     and the private sector.
       There is also a role for nongovernmental leaders. We at the 
     Carter Center have convened a group of former hemispheric 
     leaders to aid in raising the visibility of the charter, to 
     engage the OAS, and to help it provide appropriate responses 
     when democracy is challenged.
       Let me close by congratulating the OAS, which has come a 
     long way from my first association with it 30 years ago. As a 
     promoter of freedom, democracy, and human rights, the OAS is 
     one of the foremost regional organizations in the world. This 
     hemisphere

[[Page S1607]]

     adopted the world's first anti-corruption convention and has 
     developed a multilateral evaluation mechanism on drugs. The 
     OAS has worked on de-mining, peacemaking, and providing 
     scholarships to students. It exemplifies the notion that our 
     best hope for the world is for sovereign states to work 
     together.
       The OAS is going through a difficult transition at the 
     moment, but it will emerge even stronger. A new Secretary-
     General will be chosen this year, and important discussions 
     will be forthcoming at the general assembly in Florida and 
     the fourth Summit of the Americas in Argentina.
       We need each other. Let us work together to make our 
     hemisphere the beacon of hope, human dignity, and cooperation 
     for the 21st century.

                          ____________________