[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 134 (Friday, November 19, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11615-S11617]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




     TRAVEL TO THE UNITED KINGDOM, SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO, AND ITALY

  Mr. VOINOVICH. Mr. President, earlier this week, I returned from 
travel to England, Serbia and Montenegro, and Italy, where I joined 
Senator Gordon Smith, Senator Mike DeWine, Senator Chuck Grassley and 
Senator Mike Enzi as members of the Senate delegation to the fall 
session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly.
  We first spent time in London to discuss our bilateral relationship 
and issues impacting transatlantic relations. We met with Prime 
Minister Tony Blair and his Chief of Staff, Jonathan Powell. We also 
visited with Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Jack Straw, as well 
as Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Michael Ancram and 
Shadow Secretary for International Development Alan Duncan.
  I was glad to have the opportunity to meet with the Atlantic 
Partnership. The Atlantic Partnership is a network of experts from both 
Europe and the United States who are willing to use their influence to 
further European-American relations. The Atlantic Partnership's role is 
to argue for setting major policy decisions in the context of their 
impact on transatlantic relations, within the context of strengthening 
the transatlantic relationship.
  Fresh off the heels of the elections in the United States, British 
officials and representatives of nongovernmental organizations were 
interested in discussing the election results and the President's 
relationship with the United Kingdom and the European Union. Some 
expressed concern about the state of these relationships, and they also 
discussed some of the unhappiness in Great Britain with the war in 
Iraq. They stressed the need to work in greater cooperation, and 
indicated that the United States and Europe should look for areas where 
we share a common cause to tackle issues of concern, such as the 
promotion of democracy and peace in the Middle East, consolidating 
gains in Afghanistan, and peace and security and a viable self-
government in Iraq.
  With the rapidly declining health of Palestinian leader Yasser 
Arafat, we also spent a great deal of time discussing the Middle East 
peace process and prospects for moving forward with a settlement 
between Israelis and Palestinians. There was general consensus that it 
is important to make progress in the Middle East in order to help 
stabilize the region. In my view, success in Iraq is critical to this 
process.
  Our time in London underscored the critical work that our diplomatic 
corps is doing as we move forward with efforts to promote stability and 
security in Iraq and Afghanistan, and as we continue to fight the 
global war on terror. We must continue to place a great deal of 
emphasis on efforts to strengthen our transatlantic relationships. 
Several British officials made it clear that the country must extend 
the olive branch and put a new face on diplomacy.
  Great Britain is, and will continue to be, a vital ally in the war 
against terror, and the United States must continue to maintain strong 
relations with the country. An important aspect of this relationship is 
a strong representative of the United States Government in London. I am 
hopeful that the President will soon appoint a new U.S. ambassador to 
the United Kingdom, who will be a strong advocate for U.S. policy and 
help convey to the British people the important work that their country 
is doing as a key ally in Iraq, Afghanistan and other parts of the 
world.
  I now have a better understanding of the United States' perception in 
the world and our need to continue to engage with our European allies 
in our diplomatic process. As the Scottish poet Robert Burns wrote, 
``Oh, that God would give us the very smallest of gifts, to be able to 
see ourselves as others see us.''
  Following our time in London, we traveled to Kosovo and Serbia and 
Montenegro. We stopped in Pristina, where we were greeted by Phil 
Goldberg, who is Chief of Mission of the U.S. Office in Pristina. We 
were also welcomed by Brigadier General Tod Carmony of Ohio, who serves 
as the Commander of Task Force Falcon, the American contingent of one 
of four brigades in the NATO Kosovo mission. I was glad to have the 
chance to spend time at Camp Bondsteel visiting with the nearly 1,000 
members of the Ohio National Guard who are serving as part of KFOR 
under General Carmony's command. Their work is critical to the security 
in the region. As former Governor of the State of Ohio, I am pleased 
that the Department of Defense has so much faith in the Ohio National 
Guard that they have put them in charge of the U.S. contingent of the 
KFOR mission.
  This was my fourth visit to Kosovo since the end of the military 
campaign in 1999. I was particularly anxious to assess the situation on 
the ground following the violence that erupted on March 17, 2004, which 
claimed 20 lives, displaced more than 4,000 people, including Kosovo 
Serbs, Ashkalia and others, and resulted in the destruction of more 
than 900 homes and 30 churches and monasteries belonging to the Serbian 
Orthodox Church--adding to the more than 100 churches that had already 
been destroyed during the previous five years.
  After the violence broke out, I was on the phone with the State 
Department, particularly Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs 
Marc Grossman, demanding that the United States step up its efforts to 
stabilize the region. During the last several years, I have continued 
to call on U.S. officials and members of the international community to 
enhance efforts in Kosovo. As the events in mid-March demonstrated, 
significant challenges remain. The death and destruction that took 
place was a tragic and urgent reminder of the work that remains to be 
done.
  Following the violence in March, I urged the United States and 
members of the international community to redouble efforts to provide a 
stable and secure environment for all people in Kosovo, and I called 
for the resignation of the head of the U.N. Interim Administration 
Mission in Kosovo, UNMIK,

[[Page S11616]]

Harri Holkeri. We now have a new team in place. Soren Jessen-Petersen 
replaced Mr. Holkeri as the Head of UNMIK and the Special 
Representative of the U.N. Secretary General, SRSG, and U.S. Ambassador 
Larry Rossin serves as his deputy.
  It has been my conclusion that things have not gone well in Kosovo 
because members of the international community, including the United 
States, the United Nations, the European Union, and others, have not 
made it a high priority to stabilize the long-term situation. This has 
influenced the performance of UNMIK and KFOR.
  As the events in March demonstrated, we must do a better job ensuring 
that KFOR has troops with the necessary training, equipment and 
authority to carry out its mission. For instance, at present, only 33 
of the 55 units in Kosovo are trained to provide crowd and riot 
control, the most likely type of violence to occur. Of those 33 units, 
only 22 have the necessary equipment to use their crowd and riot 
control capabilities. This must be fixed.
  It is also important that NATO work to remove national caveats or 
restrictions, which determine how soldiers from certain countries are 
able to respond in times of crisis. Brigadier General Carmony assured 
me that efforts are being made to remove these caveats. I have 
requested information on this matter, which I will continue to follow-
up on in my capacity as a member of the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee.
  Later in the week, after we arrived in Venice for the NATO 
Parliamentary Assembly meeting, I also raised the removal of caveats 
with Ambassador Nick Burns, who serves as our Permanent Representative 
at NATO headquarters in Brussels, and with NATO Secretary General Jaap 
de Hoop Schaeffer. It is my understanding that this is not only a 
problem in Kosovo, but also in Afghanistan and Iraq. If NATO is 
serious, restrictions must be removed and troops given the equipment 
they need to provide the needed security.
  In addition to making changes within KFOR, I believe it is essential 
that UNMIK work with Kosovo's political leaders to ensure that the 
necessary steps are taken to secure an environment where respect for 
human rights and the rule of law are protected. When I met with UNMIK 
representatives, I made it clear that things must improve with regard 
to the enforcement of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244. Unless we 
do a better job, minorities will continue to leave Kosovo, and the 
international community will be a witness as Kosovo moves further away 
from becoming the free, multi-ethnic and democratic society that we 
hope will become a reality.
  This is not an easy process, but we must take a close look at how we 
can more effectively move forward in Kosovo. Following the March 
violence, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan asked Norwegian Ambasador 
Kai Eide to conduct a comprehensive review of the policies and 
practices of all actors in Kosovo and prepare recommendations to move 
forward. Ambassador Eide prepared this report, which includes several 
points of consideration for UNMIK and members of the international 
community.
  In his report, Ambassador Eide recommends prosecuting those 
responsible for the atrocities in March and completing reconstruction 
of homes and churches. He also suggests streamlining the standards 
process, and transferring more authority to Kosovars. Further, 
Ambassador Eide recommends granting greater control over local areas to 
the Serbian minority, and he suggests restructuring UNMIK to ensure 
concentration on key priorities. Ambassador Eide also calls on the 
European Union to develop an economic development strategy, and he 
suggests that the international community open a more comprehensive 
dialogue with Belgrade. Finally, Ambassador Eide recommends that NATO 
maintain the KFOR presence to ensure a safe and secure environment.
  In our meetings, I asked UNMIK officials and Kosovo's political 
leaders for their reaction to the Eide report. Generally, the responses 
that I received were positive. As we consider ways to move ahead, U.S. 
officials and members of the international community should take a 
close look at the report prepared by Ambassador Eide and consider 
implementing a number of his recommendations.
  While in Pristina, we met with leaders from both the Kosovo Albanian 
and Kosovo Serb communities. We visited with President Ibrahim Rugova 
and Bajram Rexhepi, who served as prime minister until parliamentary 
elections were held in late October. It seems increasingly likely Mr. 
Rexhepi will lose this position as a new government is formed.
  I have met with Mr. Rugova and Mr. Rexhepi on several other 
occasions, including a visit to Kosovo in May 2002. At that time, I 
reiterated a plea that I made in February 2000, urging Kosovo's leaders 
to start a new paradigm of peace and stability for all people in 
Kosovo. I continue to believe it is essential that minorities in 
Kosovo, including Serbs, Roma, Egyptians, Bosniaks, Croats, Turks, 
Ashkalia and others, are able to move about as they wish and live lives 
free from fear. As such, though it has been more than five years since 
the end of the NATO military campaign, I was very disappointed that 
President Rugova did not decry the destruction that took place on March 
17th of this year. Until Kosovo's minorities are protected, there 
cannot be consideration of final status for Kosovo.
  We also had the opportunity to visit with Kosovo Serb leader Oliver 
Ivanovic. Part of our conversation focused on the results of the 
October parliamentary elections, in which less than one percent of 
Kosovo Serbs chose to cast ballots. Mr. Ivanovic attributed the poor 
turnout in part to mixed messages from Belgrade, as well as calls for a 
boycott from the Serbian Orthodox Church. Many Kosovo Serbs chose to 
boycott the elections because they feel their lives have not improved 
by participating in the political process. However, I believe it is 
crucial that they re-engage, and I encouraged them to get back into the 
government, take the two seats promised in cabinet, and work to improve 
the situation for Kosovo's minorities.
  I also encouraged Kosovo Serbs to work with Kosovo Albanian leaders 
and members of the international community to move forward with the 
reconstruction of churches and monasteries damaged or destroyed in 
March. The Provisional Institutions of Self-Government have committed 
4.2 million for this purpose. However, the Serbian Orthodox Church has 
withdrawn from the commission charged with the reconstruction of 
religious sites.
  I believe it is important that the Serbian Orthodox Church work with 
political leaders in Kosovo to find a way forward that is acceptable to 
all parties to repair and rebuild cultural and religious sites. If this 
does not happen, it will seriously undermine efforts to move toward a 
lasting, sustainable peace in Kosovo.
  In summary, from all of our discussions in Kosovo, as well as our 
conversations in Belgrade, it was clear that the question of Kosovo's 
final status is on everyone's mind. Kosovo Albanian leaders call for 
immediate independence, while Kosovo Serb leaders argue that this is 
impossible given the current situation for minorities in the province. 
Political leaders in Belgrade maintain that Kosovo remains a part of 
Serbia and Montenegro, while varied opinions exist among members of the 
international community. Despite different points of view, it is 
evident that there is a long road ahead as we look to guarantee 
security and stability for all people in Kosovo. Until minorities are 
protected, I believe it is very difficult to answer questions about 
Kosovo's final status.
  Following our time in Kosovo, we traveled to Belgrade, where we met 
with U.S. Ambassador Michael Polt, Serbian President Boris Tadic, 
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, President of Serbia and 
Montenegro Svetozar Marovic, Foreign Minister of Serbia and Montenegro 
Vuk Draskovic, Serbia and Montenegro's Minister of Defense Prvoslav 
Davinic, and Serbia and Montenegro's Minister for Human and Minority 
Rights Rasim Ljajic.
  We had good conversations regarding positive developments in Serbia 
and Montenegro that have taken place during the more than four years 
since Serbian voters went to the polls and removed Slobodan Milosevic 
from power in October 2000. Since that time, there has been 
considerable progress. We have worked with the Paris Club to negotiate 
favorable terms on debt relief

[[Page S11617]]

for Serbia and Montenegro. The United States has extended normal trade 
relations (NTR), and we have continued to cultivate relations between 
Washington and Belgrade.
  Additionally, along with my colleagues, I was thrilled to see Boris 
Tadic's clear victory on June 27, 2004 to serve as the next President 
of Serbia. The significance of this development cannot be overstated. 
Voters in Serbia embraced democratic reform and European integration 
and rejected nationalism that has for too long marred the past. It 
remains my sincere hope that this is a sign of things to come in Serbia 
and Montenegro.
  However, it is clear that challenges remain. Perhaps highest among 
them is cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the 
former Yugoslavia (ICTY). We made clear to Prime Minister Kostunica 
that he must take a leadership role to ensure that indicted war 
criminal Ratko Mladic and others are behind bars at The Hague. This is 
essential if Serbia and Montenegro hopes to move toward Europe's 
democratic institutions, including the European Union. It is also 
critical if Serbia and Montenegro chooses to join NATO's Partnership 
for Peace.
  I have been urging Vojislav Kostunica to further cooperation with the 
War Crimes Tribunal since he became President of Serbia in October 
2000, and I continue to call on him to take action on this matter in 
his capacity as Serbia's Prime Minister. Thankfully, there are those in 
Serbia, including President Tadic, Foreign Minister Draskovic and 
others, who understand the importance of ICTY cooperation and are 
trying to make the case to the Serbian people. I am hopeful that they 
will prevail in the end, and Serbia and Montenegro will move toward 
European integration.
  On a more positive note, I was glad to hear that economy is slowly 
improving. This was underscored by the President of the American 
Chamber of Commerce of Serbia and Montenegro. This is important to the 
Serbian people, and it will also help to further democratic reforms in 
the country.
  I was also inspired by the good work of nongovernmental 
organizations, such as the German Marshall Fund's Balkan Trust for 
Democracy, as well as the charitable work that is being done by Crown 
Prince Alexander and Crown Princess Katherine.
  During my time in Belgrade, I continued to be encouraged by the 
forward thinking of President Boris Tadic and his advisors, who ran on 
a platform of democratic reform and European integration. This is the 
type of agenda that will help to ensure a stable, secure and prosperous 
future for the people of Serbia and Montenegro.
  We concluded our travel in Venice, Italy for the fall session of the 
NATO Parliamentary Assembly. In my view, this is an important forum 
where legislators and parliamentarians from NATO member and partner 
countries gather to discuss transatlantic issues. I have regularly 
attended these meetings, and I serve as Vice Chairman of the Assembly's 
Political Committee.
  Our participation in the session was limited to the first two days, 
as we had to return to Washington for work in the Senate for the 
conclusion of the 108th Congress. However, we had two solid days of 
work, including meetings with our Permanent Representative to NATO, 
Ambassador Nick Burns, and NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop 
Schaeffer. We discussed a number of issues impacting the NATO Alliance, 
including NATO's role in Afghanistan and Iraq, the capabilities and 
contributions of NATO allies, and the NATO Response Force, among other 
things.
  In celebration of its 50th anniversary, the NATO Parliamentary 
Assembly convened a special plenary session with the North Atlantic 
Council. NATO Secretary General de Hoop Schaeffer delivered an 
impressive speech, in which he challenged delegates to the meeting to 
encourage their respective constituencies to enhance participation in 
NATO as the Alliance looks to meet new challenges in Afghanistan, Iraq 
and the war against terrorism.
  As our meeting demonstrated, the NATO Alliance remains strong. NATO 
is playing a critical role in efforts to promote stability and security 
in Afghanistan. Many soldiers from our NATO allies are standing 
alongside American forces in Iraq, and other NATO members are providing 
training for Iraqi security forces. Moreover, NATO remains integral to 
peacekeeping missions in the Balkans.
  That being said, it is clear that challenges remain as the Alliance 
reviews its role in Afghanistan and Iraq and the broader war against 
terrorism, and it is important that we remain engaged and active to 
help meet these challenges.

                          ____________________