Congressional Record, Volume 150 Issue 134 (Friday, November 19, 2004)

[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 134 (Friday, November 19, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H10034-H10042]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

COMPREHENSIVE PEACE IN SUDAN ACT OF 2004

Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
Senate bill (S. 2781) to express the sense of Congress regarding the
conflict in Darfur, Sudan, to provide assistance for the crisis in
Darfur and for comprehensive peace in Sudan, and for other purposes, as
amended.
The Clerk read as follows:

S. 2781

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the ``Comprehensive Peace in Sudan
Act of 2004''.

SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.

In this Act:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee
on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on
International Relations of the House of Representatives.
(2) Government of sudan.--The term ``Government of Sudan''
means the National Congress Party, formerly known as the
National Islamic Front, government in Khartoum, Sudan, or any
successor government formed on or after the date of the
enactment of this Act (other than the coalition government
agreed upon in the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of
Peace in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004).
(3) JEM.--The term ``JEM'' means the Justice and Equality
Movement.
(4) SLA.--The term ``SLA'' means the Sudan Liberation Army.
(5) SPLM.--The term ``SPLM'' means the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement.

SEC. 3. FINDINGS.

Congress makes the following findings:
(1) A comprehensive peace agreement for Sudan, as
envisioned in the Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) and
the Machakos Protocol of 2002, could be in jeopardy if the
parties do not implement and honor the agreements they have
signed.
(2) Since seizing power through a military coup in 1989,
the Government of Sudan repeatedly has attacked and
dislocated civilian populations in southern Sudan in a
coordinated policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide that has
cost the lives of more than 2,000,000 people and displaced
more than 4,000,000 people.
(3) In response to two decades of civil conflict in Sudan,
the United States has helped to establish an internationally
supported peace process to promote a negotiated settlement to
the war that has resulted in a framework peace agreement, the
Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan,
signed on June 5, 2004.
(4) At the same time that the Government of Sudan was
negotiating for a comprehensive and all inclusive peace
agreement, enumerated in the Nairobi Declaration on the Final
Phase of Peace in the Sudan, it refused to engage in any
meaningful discussion with regard to its ongoing campaign of
ethnic cleansing and genocide in the Darfur region of western
Sudan.
(5) The Government of Sudan reluctantly agreed to attend
talks to bring peace to the Darfur region only after
considerable international pressure and outrage was expressed
through high level visits by Secretary of State Colin Powell
and others, and through United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1556 (July 30, 2004).
(6) The Government of the United States, in both the
executive branch and Congress, has concluded that genocide
has been committed and may still be occurring in the Darfur
region, and that the Government of Sudan and militias
supported by the Government of Sudan, known as the Janjaweed,
bear responsibility for the genocide.
(7) Evidence collected by international observers in the
Darfur region between February 2003 and November 2004
indicate a coordinated effort to target African Sudanese

[[Page H10035]]

civilians in a scorched earth policy, similar to that which
was employed in southern Sudan, that has destroyed African
Sudanese villages, killing and driving away their people,
while Arab Sudanese villages have been left unscathed.
(8) As a result of this genocidal policy in the Darfur
region, an estimated 70,000 people have died, more than
1,600,000 people have been internally displaced, and more
than 200,000 people have been forced to flee to neighboring
Chad.
(9) Reports further indicate the systematic rape of
thousands of women and girls, the abduction of women and
children, and the destruction of hundreds of ethnically
African villages, including the poisoning of their wells and
the plunder of their crops and cattle upon which the people
of such villages sustain themselves.
(10) Despite the threat of international action expressed
through United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1556
(July 30, 2004) and 1564 (September 18, 2004), the Government
of Sudan continues to obstruct and prevent efforts to reverse
the catastrophic consequences that loom over the Darfur
region.
(11) In addition to the thousands of violent deaths
directly caused by ongoing Sudanese military and government-
sponsored Janjaweed attacks in the Darfur region, the
Government of Sudan has restricted access by humanitarian and
human rights workers to the Darfur area through intimidation
by military and security forces, and through bureaucratic and
administrative obstruction, in an attempt to inflict the most
devastating harm on those individuals displaced from their
villages and homes without any means of sustenance or
shelter.
(12) The Government of Sudan's continued support for the
Janjaweed and their obstruction of the delivery of food,
shelter, and medical care to the Darfur region is estimated
by the World Health Organization to be causing up to 10,000
deaths per month and, should current conditions persist, is
projected to escalate to thousands of deaths each day by
December 2004.
(13) The Government of Chad served an important role in
facilitating the humanitarian cease-fire (the N'Djamena
Agreement dated April 8, 2004) for the Darfur region between
the Government of Sudan and the two opposition rebel groups
in the Darfur region (the JEM and the SLA), although both
sides have violated the cease-fire agreement repeatedly.
(14) The people of Chad have responded courageously to the
plight of over 200,000 Darfur refugees by providing
assistance to them even though such assistance has adversely
affected their own means of livelihood.
(15) On September 9, 2004, Secretary of State Colin Powell
stated before the Committee on Foreign Relations of the
Senate: ``When we reviewed the evidence compiled by our team,
along with other information available to the State
Department, we concluded that genocide has been committed in
Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the [Janjaweed]
bear responsibility--and genocide may still be occurring.''.
(16) The African Union has demonstrated renewed vigor in
regional affairs through its willingness to respond to the
crisis in the Darfur region, by convening talks between the
parties and deploying several hundred monitors and security
forces to the region, as well as by recognizing the need for
a far larger force with a broader mandate.
(17) The Government of Sudan's complicity in the atrocities
and genocide in the Darfur region raises fundamental
questions about the Government of Sudan's commitment to peace
and stability in Sudan.

SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING THE CONFLICT IN DARFUR,
SUDAN.

(a) Sudan Peace Act.--It is the sense of Congress that the
Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) remains relevant and
should be extended to include the Darfur region of Sudan.
(b) Actions to Address the Conflict.--It is the sense of
Congress that--
(1) a legitimate countrywide peace in Sudan will only be
possible if those principles enumerated in the 1948 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, that are affirmed in the
Machakos Protocol of 2002 and the Nairobi Declaration on the
Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004, are
applied to all of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
(2) the parties to the N'Djamena Agreement (the Government
of Sudan, the JEM, and the SLA) must meet their obligations
under that Agreement to allow safe and immediate delivery of
all humanitarian assistance throughout the Darfur region and
must expedite the conclusion of a political agreement to end
the genocide and conflict in the Darfur region;
(3) the United States should continue to provide
humanitarian assistance to the areas of Sudan to which the
United States has access and, at the same time, implement a
plan to provide assistance to the areas of Sudan to which
access has been obstructed or denied;
(4) the international community, including African, Arab,
and Muslim nations, should immediately provide resources
necessary to save the lives of hundreds of thousands of
individuals at risk as a result of the crisis in the Darfur
region;
(5) the United States and the international community
should--
(A) provide all necessary assistance to deploy and sustain
an African Union Force to the Darfur region; and
(B) work to increase the authorized level and expand the
mandate of such forces commensurate with the gravity and
scope of the problem in a region the size of France;
(6) the President, acting through the Secretary of State
and the Permanent Representative of the United States to the
United Nations, should--
(A) condemn any failure on the part of the Government of
Sudan to fulfill its obligations under United Nations
Security Council Resolutions 1556 (July 30, 2004) and 1564
(September 18, 2004), and press the United Nations Security
Council to respond to such failure by immediately imposing
the penalties suggested in paragraph (14) of United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1564;
(B) press the United Nations Security Council to pursue
accountability for those individuals who are found
responsible for orchestrating and carrying out the atrocities
in the Darfur region, consistent with relevant United Nations
Security Council Resolutions; and
(C) encourage member states of the United Nations to--
(i) cease to import Sudanese oil; and
(ii) take the following actions against Sudanese Government
and military officials and other individuals, who are
planning, carrying out, or otherwise involved in the policy
of genocide in the Darfur region, as well as their families,
and businesses controlled by the Government of Sudan and the
National Congress Party:

(I) freeze the assets held by such individuals or
businesses in each such member state; and
(II) restrict the entry or transit of such officials
through each such member state;

(7) the President should impose targeted sanctions,
including a ban on travel and the freezing of assets, on
those officials of the Government of Sudan, including
military officials, and other individuals who have planned or
carried out, or otherwise been involved in the policy of
genocide in the Darfur region, and should also freeze the
assets of businesses controlled by the Government of Sudan or
the National Congress Party;
(8) the Government of the United States should not
normalize relations with Sudan, including through the lifting
of any sanctions, until the Government of Sudan agrees to,
and takes demonstrable steps to implement, peace agreements
for all areas of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
(9) those individuals found to be involved in the planning
or carrying out of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against
humanity should not hold leadership positions in the
Government of Sudan or the coalition government established
pursuant to the agreements reached in the Nairobi Declaration
on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan; and
(10) the Government of Sudan has a primary responsibility
to guarantee the safety and welfare of its citizens, which
includes allowing them access to humanitarian assistance and
providing them protection from violence.

SEC. 5. AMENDMENTS TO THE SUDAN PEACE ACT.

(a) Assistance for the Crisis in Darfur and for
Comprehensive Peace in Sudan.--
(1) In general.--The Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note)
is amended by adding at the end the following new section:

``SEC. 12. ASSISTANCE FOR THE CRISIS IN DARFUR AND FOR
COMPREHENSIVE PEACE IN SUDAN.

``(a) Assistance.--
``(1) Authority.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, the President is authorized to provide assistance for
Sudan as authorized in paragraph (5) of this section--
``(A) subject to the requirements of this section, to
support the implementation of a comprehensive peace agreement
that applies to all regions of Sudan, including the Darfur
region; and
``(B) to address the humanitarian and human rights crisis
in the Darfur region and eastern Chad, including to support
the African Union mission in the Darfur region, provided that
no assistance may be made available to the Government of
Sudan.
``(2) Certification for the government of sudan.--
Assistance authorized under paragraph (1)(A) may be provided
to the Government of Sudan only if the President certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees that the Government
of Sudan has taken demonstrable steps to--
``(A) ensure that the armed forces of Sudan and any
associated militias are not committing atrocities or
obstructing human rights monitors or the provision of
humanitarian assistance;
``(B) demobilize and disarm militias supported or created
by the Government of Sudan;
``(C) allow full and unfettered humanitarian assistance to
all regions of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
``(D) allow an international commission of inquiry to
conduct an investigation of atrocities in the Darfur region,
in a manner consistent with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1564 (September 18, 2004), to investigate reports
of violations of international humanitarian law and human
rights law in the Darfur region by all parties, to determine
also whether or not acts of genocide have occurred and to
identify the perpetrators of such violations with a view to
ensuring that those responsible are held accountable;
``(E) cooperate fully with the African Union, the United
Nations, and all other observer, monitoring, and protection
missions mandated to operate in Sudan;

[[Page H10036]]

``(F) permit the safe and voluntary return of displaced
persons and refugees to their homes and rebuild the
communities destroyed in the violence; and
``(G) implement the final agreements reached in the
Naivasha peace process and install a new coalition government
based on the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace
in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004.
``(3) Certification with regard to splm's compliance with a
peace agreement.--If the President determines and certifies
in writing to the appropriate congressional committees that
the SPLM has not engaged in good faith negotiations, or has
failed to honor the agreements signed, the President shall
suspend assistance authorized in this section for the SPLM,
except for health care, education, and humanitarian
assistance.
``(4) Suspension of assistance.--If, on a date after the
President transmits the certification described in paragraph
(2), the President determines that the Government of Sudan
has ceased taking the actions described in such paragraph,
the President shall immediately suspend the provision of any
assistance to such Government under this section until the
date on which the President transmits to the appropriate
congressional committees a further certification that the
Government of Sudan has resumed taking such actions.
``(5) Authorization of appropriations.--
``(A) In general.--In addition to any other funds otherwise
available for such purposes, there are authorized to be
appropriated to the President--
``(i) $100,000,000 for fiscal year 2005, and such sums as
may be necessary for each of the fiscal years 2006 and 2007,
unless otherwise authorized, to carry out paragraph (1)(A);
and
``(ii) $200,000,000 for fiscal year 2005 to carry out
paragraph (1)(B), provided that no amounts appropriated under
this authorization may be made available for the Government
of Sudan.
``(B) Availability.--Amounts appropriated pursuant to the
authorization of appropriations under subparagraph (A) are
authorized to remain available until expended.
``(b) Government of Sudan Defined.--In this section, the
term `Government of Sudan' means the National Congress Party,
formerly known as the National Islamic Front, government in
Khartoum, Sudan, or any successor government formed on or
after the date of the enactment of the Comprehensive Peace in
Sudan Act (other than the coalition government agreed upon in
the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the
Sudan signed on June 5, 2004).''.
(2) Conforming amendments.--Section 3 of such Act (50
U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
(A) in paragraph (2), by striking ``The'' and inserting
``Except as provided in section 12, the''; and
(B) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
``(4) SPLM.--The term `SPLM' means the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement.''.
(b) Reporting Amendment.--The Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C.
1701 note) is amended by striking section 8 and inserting the
following:

``SEC. 8. REPORTING REQUIREMENTS.

``(a) Report on Commercial Activity.--Not later than 30
days after the date of the enactment of the Comprehensive
Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, and annually thereafter until the
completion of the interim period outlined in the Machakos
Protocol of 2002, the Secretary of State, in consultation
with relevant United States Government departments and
agencies, shall submit to the appropriate congressional
committees a report regarding commercial activity in Sudan
that includes--
``(1) a description of the sources and current status of
Sudan's financing and construction of infrastructure and
pipelines for oil exploitation, the effects of such financing
and construction on the inhabitants of the regions in which
the oil fields are located and the ability of the Government
of Sudan to finance the war in Sudan with the proceeds of the
oil exploitation;
``(2) a description of the extent to which that financing
was secured in the United States or with the involvement of
United States citizens; and
``(3) a description of the relationships between Sudan's
arms industry and major foreign business enterprises and
their subsidiaries, including government-controlled entities.
``(b) Report on the Conflict in Sudan, Including the Darfur
Region.--Not later than 30 days after the date of the
enactment of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004,
and annually thereafter until the completion of the interim
period outlined in the Machakos Protocol of 2002, the
Secretary of State shall prepare and submit to the
appropriate congressional committees a report regarding the
conflict in Sudan, including the conflict in the Darfur
region. Such report shall include--
``(1) the best estimates of the extent of aerial
bombardment of civilian centers in Sudan by the Government of
Sudan, including targets, frequency, and best estimates of
damage; and
``(2) a description of the extent to which humanitarian
relief in Sudan has been obstructed or manipulated by the
Government of Sudan or other forces, and a contingency plan
to distribute assistance should the Government of Sudan
continue to obstruct or delay the international humanitarian
response to the crisis in Darfur.
``(c) Disclosure to the Public.--The Secretary of State
shall publish or otherwise make available to the public each
unclassified report, or portion of a report that is
unclassified, submitted under subsection (a) or (b).''.

SEC. 6. SANCTIONS IN SUPPORT OF PEACE IN DARFUR.

(a) Sanctions.--Beginning on the date that is 30 days after
the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall,
notwithstanding paragraph (1) of section 6(b) of the Sudan
Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note), implement the measures set
forth in subparagraphs (A) through (D) of paragraph (2) of
such section.
(b) Blocking of Assets.--Beginning on the date that is 30
days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President
shall, consistent with the authorities granted in the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701
et seq.), block the assets of appropriate senior officials of
the Government of Sudan.
(c) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
subsection (a) or (b) if the President determines and
certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that
such a waiver is in the national interest of the United
States.
(d) Continuation of Restrictions.--Restrictions against the
Government of Sudan that were imposed pursuant to title III
and sections 508, 512, and 527 of the Foreign Operations,
Export Financing, and Related Programs Act, 2004 (division D
of Public Law 108-199; 118 Stat. 143), or any other similar
provision of law, shall remain in effect against the
Government of Sudan and may not be lifted pursuant to such
provisions of law unless the President transmits a
certification to the appropriate congressional committees in
accordance with paragraph (2) of section 12(a) of the Sudan
Peace Act (as added by section 5(a)(1) of this Act).
(e) Determination.--Notwithstanding subsection (a) of this
section, the President shall continue to transmit the
determination required under section 6(b)(1)(A) of the Sudan
Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note).

SEC. 7. ADDITIONAL AUTHORITIES.

Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President
is authorized to provide assistance, other than military
assistance, to areas that were outside of the control of the
Government of Sudan on April 8, 2004, including to provide
assistance for emergency relief, development and governance,
or to implement any program in support of any viable peace
agreement at the local, regional, or national level in Sudan.

SEC. 8. TECHNICAL CORRECTION.

Section 12 of the International Organizations Immunities
Act (22 U.S.C. 288f-2) is amended by striking ``Organization
of African Unity'' and inserting ``African Union''.

The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo).

General Leave

Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks
on S. 2781, as amended, the Senate bill now under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Colorado?
There was no objection.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, S. 2781, as amended, imposes some punitive measures
listed in the Sudan Peace Act after a 30-day period. The bill also
imposes an asset freeze on senior Sudanese officials and calls upon the
President to impose a travel ban on senior Sudanese officials,
including those responsible for planning and carrying out the genocide
in Darfur.
To guarantee a wider international response to the genocide in
Darfur, S. 2781, as amended, includes instructions for the U.S.
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to urge the Security
Council and member states to pursue accountability for those complicit
in the genocide in Darfur and to impose targeted sanctions, including
the freezing of assets on senior members of the Government of Sudan,
and to cease importing Sudanese oil.
The bill also provides humanitarian assistance to Darfur and Eastern
Chad, funding to support the African Union mission in Darfur, and
assistance in preparing the population for peace. This will give
material indication to the Sudanese civilians that they can find
meaning and purpose in rebuilding their country after decades of war.
Mr. Speaker, we are beyond the point of threatening the Government of
Sudan with punitive measures. Time and again certainly I have been on
this floor and many other Members have been on this floor expressing
our concern over the situation in Sudan and the intransigence of the
Sudanese government to operate in good faith and to

[[Page H10037]]

bring an end to the human tragedy on a scale that is almost
unimaginable and for which they are greatly responsible. Time and again
our efforts have been rebuffed. Time and again we have been forced to
go to the next step in order to get the Sudanese government to respond.
Genocide has been and is being committed, we know. We have said it.
We now need to show that there are consequences for directing and/or
participating in a campaign to destroy human life on such a massive
scale. Every evening on the news, every day in the papers of this
country we see the picture of this horrible, horrible situation in
Sudan and the faces of the people who are suffering. How long can this
go on? How long can this go on without this government paying even
closer attention than it has? How long can this go on without the world
paying closer attention than it has?
To the credit of this administration and to this government, we have
done more than any other country to try and focus world attention on
the problems in Sudan, but we need the world to cooperate. We need the
United Nations, we need the Security Council to do far more than they
have done. We need the European Union to do more. We have a moral
responsibility to respond to genocide.
What we do at this juncture has implications for every conflict we
will address in the future. Everyone is watching to see how we respond.
Secretary Powell and the U.S. administration have taken a courageous
stand, as I say, but this is just the beginning. If we fail to act
forcefully now, it will be open season for genocide. If we make empty
threats, it will have serious consequences for the future of
international peace and security.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume,
and I rise in strong support of this bill.
First, I would like to thank my colleagues, the gentleman from
Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne),
for keeping this House focused on the grave atrocities in Darfur.
Mr. Speaker, we are facing an ongoing genocide in Darfur. This House
has said it; following our example the Senate has said it; the
administration has come to the same conclusion; and the United Nations
agrees: genocide is taking place in Darfur.
What is keeping the international community from intervening in the
Darfur crisis? I hesitate to ask because I hate to think that the
answer is the same double standard that stayed our hand in Rwanda in
the 1990s.
Mr. Speaker, each of us has recounted the numbers in connection with
the crisis in Darfur: an estimated 300,000 dead because of murder,
starvation and disease, and 2 million refugees forced to flee their
homes, most of whom are internally displaced, while others are forced
out of the country.
The humanitarian needs in Darfur are staggering. After a year of
international pressure, there are now about 60 international
humanitarian organizations registered to operate in Darfur, and I
strongly support more such aid to ease the suffering. But while these
NGOs set up their operations to reach some of those in need, thousands
are still without any relief due to the ongoing conflict.
The Sudanese military forces and its armed Arab militia, who I remind
my colleagues are behind this tragedy in the first place, continue to
commit some of the most heinous human rights abuses imaginable, and the
number of those affected by this conflict continues to grow every day.
Mr. Speaker, recently the African Union has stepped forward with
monitors and 3,500 troops to end the persecution in Darfur, and Sudan
has agreed to an increase in African Union deployment. But now it is
being reported that Khartoum has repeatedly refused to give fuel to the
African Union monitors while the government's attack helicopters are in
the air assaulting civilians on the ground.
While the African Union is committed to fulfilling its obligation to
monitor and to report on human rights violations, it is hampered by all
sides to the conflict not wishing to be implicated in the abuse.
According to reports, the morale among African Union troops is very low
because they are blocked at every turn by the ongoing violence and
their inability to intervene.
In response to calls for international civilian protection forces,
Khartoum's leaders have threatened to open, and I quote, ``the five
gates of hell,'' against such protection. And in a cynical attempt to
pretend it is taking action to protect civilians, Khartoum has recycled
Arab militia killers into the Sudanese police force and has assigned
them to guard camps for the displaced.
I am a strong supporter of African solutions for Africa's problems,
and the deployment of African Union monitors and the protection force
in Darfur is an opening sign that in the face of genocide, civilian
protection should trump national sovereignty. But I am very much
concerned that the African Union does not have the experience, the
manpower, or the resources needed to provide civilian protection to end
the genocide in Darfur. Their numbers are small compared to the task,
and their resources are minimal.
Mr. Speaker, it troubles me that in the face of genocide we do not
take the best asset we have available, NATO, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, long experienced in civilian protection, to deploy its
forces in Darfur in support of the African Union mission. In the face
of genocide, I think it is imperative that our NATO ambassador move at
the North Atlantic Council demanding that NATO get involved in Darfur
to protect civilians from genocide.
While I recognize this is a tall order, when we were confronted with
the crisis in Kosovo, NATO acted. We should expect nothing less for the
African victims of genocide in Darfur. If we in the international
community have the determination to end this genocide, that is what we
must do. Otherwise, we have cause to wonder what exactly we harbor in
our hearts toward the people of Darfur.
In closing, I urge all of my colleagues to support S. 2781.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

{time} 1315

Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) who has been laboring in this
vineyard longer than I, longer than most, and who adds an aspect of
both compassion and articulation that is desperately needed on this
issue.
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Tancredo) and his staff for this bill. I also thank the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his efforts, the gentleman from California
(Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), Senator
Brownback, and many others that have been involved in this. Also, all
of the NGOs, Andrew Natsios, Roger Winter, and all of the people who
have been involved and very caring with regard to this issue.
As we pass this bill today, we have to remember the 2.1 million
people that have died in the war north-south, mostly Christian but a
large number of Muslim and a large number of animists who have paid a
tremendous price.
Also, we have to remember that Osama bin Laden lived in Sudan from
1991 to 1996, so these people in the south have been on the front line
in fighting the war against terrorism more than most people realize.
By passing this bill, we send hope to the men, women and children in
Darfur who have been pushed out of African villages which have been
burned, husbands who have been killed, women who have been raped and
children who have been abducted. As we pass this bill today, we honor
and recognize and send some hope to those in the IVP camps today that
the United States Congress cares.
I am going to leave it to other Members to explain what this bill
does and just say that, without this bill passing today, there would be
no hope for women in the camps, no sense or sign to the people in the
Khartoum government for all of the bad and evil things that they have
done but for the efforts of the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo),
who has been involved in this for so long, and the gentleman from
California (Mr. Royce).
Secretary Powell also deserves to take some credit for this, as does
President Bush. I thank both sides of the aisle for the great work they
have done.

[[Page H10038]]

By passing this, it gives hope if there is an agreement signed and
something positive comes out of Nairobi, Kenya, there is some lasting
push behind it so there can be peace someday for the people in the
north, in the area of Khartoum, and in the south, and also for the men,
women and children in the Darfur region.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the chairman of the Subcommittee
on Africa, who has been enormously helpful in bringing this bill to the
floor today.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
I just want to indicate the sheer magnitude of the horror of what is
unfolding in Sudan as we speak. Because what is occurring there is a
scorched-earth policy that has killed in excess of 70,000 people, that
has displaced more than a million of people within Sudan, and forced
hundreds of thousands of people over the border into Chad.
When we think of the magnitude of the several hundreds villages burnt
to the ground, the irrigation systems that have been systematically
destroyed, that the government-backed militias, referred to as
Janjaweed, are committing wide-spread rapes and atrocities, that the
very people in the NGO communities, the very charitable organizations
that are attempting to get in on the ground and to assist in this
region are prevented access to those starving, I think when we reflect
on what we know we can only imagine as to the extent of the horror in
those villages in which we have no access, and to have had the United
States, to have this Congress and the administration explain that this
is genocide is only a first step.
The question has been how do we get the international community to
take action, a concerted action, in order to effectively apply pressure
on the government in Khartoum to reverse its actions in supporting the
Janjaweed. We have made it clear that we are going to support
international criminal courts, we are going to support bringing to
justice those that have been found to be involved in this process. But,
in the meantime, there is the question of how we negotiate with a
United Nations in which that body and the Security Council is not
willing to take the steps that the United States has taken to call this
genocide, nor to put the types of embargoes that the United States has
placed on Sudan. They are not willing to go as far.
In addition to speaking in favor of this resolution, I wanted to
speak for just a moment about some of my concerns about the United
Nations Security Council resolutions on Sudan. That draft resolution is
dated November 18. This resolution is expected to be offered in
Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses the issue of the ongoing negotiation, of
an attempt to achieve peace in a separate conflict in southern Sudan.
Again, this Congress went on record declaring the killing in Darfur
as genocide. This was a historic determination not to be taken lightly.
It was a fitting response to the atrocities committed by the Sudanese
government and their proxy forces.
For those of us on the floor today, we believe that genocide requires
exceptional responses by the United States and the international
community. We also believe that these responses should be taken with or
without the concurrence by the government of Sudan. So when we look at
the draft resolution that the United Nations is working on, we see that
they urge bilateral and multilateral donors ``to continue their efforts
to prepare for the rapid delivery of an assistance package for the
reconstruction and economic development of Sudan, including official
development assistance, possible debt relief and trade access to be
implemented once a comprehensive peace agreement has been signed and
its implementation begins.'' This document expresses hope that this
implementation will occur by the end of next month.
Let me just say, as chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, we should
not support such a so-called peace dividend which benefits the
government of Sudan merely for signing a peace agreement. We should not
be doing that while killing rages in Darfur.
Numerous agreements, including memorandums of intent to sign future
agreements, already have been signed, and countless deadlines have long
since passed. Rewarding the government of Sudan for just the act of
signing another agreement without setting concrete and verifiable
benchmarks for implementation would be both foolhardy and unacceptable.
I realize that the administration is operating within the constraints
of the Security Council and that the United States has been the leading
and most aggressive country in trying to resolve the crisis in Sudan,
and I understand that any Security Council resolution is a consensus
document. But, nevertheless, those of us involved in policy on the
Sudan ask the U.N. to reconsider, to reconsider whether the price of
consensus is in this instance too high, and we ask the United Nations
Security Council to redouble its efforts to put pressure on the
government in Khartoum to end the killing in Darfur and to bring
whatever powers we can to that end.
I am heartened by the offer by the African Union, by the Nigerian and
the Rwandan troops, to go in on the ground to try to defend the people
of Darfur. I would suggest that we ask the Security Council and the
African Union to expand that mission and allow them to more
aggressively pursue that defense and at the same time we continue our
efforts with the heavy-lift capability and our efforts to get that
force in place to defend these victims of genocide.
Mr. Speaker, I thank again the author of this resolution.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), my good friend, a distinguished member of the
Committee on International Relations and a tireless fighter for human
rights.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman yielding me
this time, and I applaud the sponsors, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Tancredo), the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa,
the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), and the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Payne) for bringing this forward.
In a sense, it is bittersweet that we have to do this because of the
continuing crisis in Sudan, but the fact is that this Congress has been
moving forward and shining the spotlight. This is another step towards
making a difference, helping provide safe haven for hundreds of
thousands of innocent people. As the world proceeds with words of
concern, the people of Darfur continue to suffer at the hands of the
Sudanese government and their militia allies because good words are not
a sufficient substitute for appropriate action.
I appreciate the commitment we have here in Congress to do something,
to take action. I view this resolution as the next step in moving us
along that path.
It authorizes desperately needed humanitarian aid for over 1.5
million people forced from their homes. It includes both a carrot and a
stick. It gives aide to Sudan if the government finishes the north-
south peace process, begins to protect civilians and disarm the
militia, and provides for sanction against senior government officials
if they do not. Time will tell whether or not we have hit the right
balance.
I appreciate the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) talking about
the role of the United Nations and the work we need to do there. It is
an important issue for us as Members of Congress, because this is one
of the areas, frankly, that I felt even in the fall when there was a
lot of partisan passions, there were legitimate disagreements on areas
of policy from Members, but this is an area where our shared values as
Americans were more important than any partisan differences.
I remember the evening of our last resolution where Members came
together in this Chamber, and it made me feel that maybe we would be
able to take that step forward. I appreciate this resolution as being a
part of the process, but I would offer the question for my colleagues
if maybe we might take another small step. I have been in consultation
with some of my colleagues like the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Payne), the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) and others, about
whether or not we might resolve as a Congress that in the next

[[Page H10039]]

session we would make a priority to take one small step, that each
Member in the 109th Congress be able to visit the Sudan, to be able to
spend a night on the ground in Darfur, and as we leave that country to
stop off in Khartoum and let the government of Sudan know that their
behavior is reprehensible and the spotlight of the world is trained
upon them.

{time} 1330

If we as Members go to our leadership in the spirit of bipartisan
cooperation that this resolution has been authored, with the leadership
of our International Relations Committee, and ask that the leadership,
the Speaker, the minority leader, the majority leader, join with us in
making sure that there are a series of CODELs over the next 2 years, I
would respectfully suggest that there is no man or woman that serves in
this Chamber that cannot find 4 days out of their lives in the next 2
years that could result in the saving of tens of thousands of lives.
I have received feedback from people in the NGO community that are
doing outstanding work; they say if every Member of Congress would go
to the Sudan over the next 2 years, that it would have a
transformational effect, even if we had only 50 or 60 of our
colleagues. So by all means, approve this resolution, stand, speak out,
move forward; but I would ask that my colleagues join me in making a
visit on the ground to be a priority for us all. This small gesture can
save tens of thousands of lives.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I submit for printing in the Congressional
Record an exchange of letters between Chairman Hyde and Chairman
Thomas.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Ways and Means,

Washington, DC, November 18, 2004.
Hon. Henry J. Hyde,
Chairman, Committee on International Relations, Rayburn House
Office Building, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Hyde: I am writing concerning S. 2781, the
Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.
As you know, the Committee on Ways and Means has
jurisdiction over revenue matters, including any legislation
relating to imports. There are two provisions within the bill
that may relate to imports and thus fall within the
jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. Section
4(b)(8) expresses the Sense of Congress that ``the Government
of the United States should not normalize relations with
Sudan, including through the lifting of any sanctions, until
the Government of Sudan agrees to, and takes demonstrable
steps to implement, peace agreements for all areas of
Sudan.'' Section 6(a) requires the President to impose
certain sanctions outlined in the Sudan Peace Act (P.L. 107-
245), including the requirement to ``take all necessary and
appropriate steps, including through multilateral efforts, to
deny the Government of Sudan access to oil revenues,'' which
could be interpreted to direct the President to impose an
import ban on oil.
However, in order to expedite this legislation for floor
consideration, the Committee will forego action on this bill.
This is being done with the understanding that it does not in
any way prejudice the Committee with respect to exercising
its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar
legislation.
I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming
this understanding with respect to S. 2781, and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the Congressional Record during floor
consideration.
Best regards,
Bill Thomas,
Chairman.
____

Committee on International Relations, House of
Representatives,
Washington, DC, November 18, 2004.
Hon. William M.Thomas,
Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means, Longworth House Office
Building, Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter concerning S.
2781, the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.
Clearly, under House Rule X, the Committee on Ways and
Means has jurisdiction over revenue matters, including any
legislation relating to imports. I concur with your
assessment of the matters in S. 2781 which fall within the
jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. Section
4(b)(8) expresses the Senate of Congress that ``the
Government of the United States should not normalize
relations with Sudan, including through the lifting of any
sanctions, until the Government of Sudan agrees to, and takes
demonstrable steps to, implement peace agreements for all
areas of Sudan.'' Section 6(a) requires the President to
impose certain sanctions outlined in the Sudan Peace Act
(P.L. 107-245), including the requirement to ``take all
necessary and appropriate steps, including through
multilateral efforts, to deny the Government of Sudan access
to oil revenues,'' which could be interpreted to direct the
President to impose an import ban on oil.
I appreciate your willingness to permit this important bill
to proceed to the floor without the necessity of your
Committee formally considering it. I understand that it does
not in any way prejudice the Committee with respect to
exercising its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar
legislation.
As you have requested, I will ensure that a copy of our
exchange of letters on this matter be included in the
Congressional Record during floor consideration.
Sincerely,
Henry J. Hyde,
Chairman.

Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to my good
friend, the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).
Mr. ALLEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan
Act. Despite the increase in world attention toward Sudan in the past
months, the genocide in Darfur has continued without any serious
attempt by the Sudanese government to do what governments primarily
exist to do, protect their citizens. Instead, Khartoum has been
complicit in propagating the brutal acts of violence committed by the
Janjaweed, has failed to disarm these Arab militias, and has hindered
the delivery of humanitarian aid to Darfurians in dire need.
Congress has spoken out and acted several times to address this
crisis, and I commend this body for its aggressiveness on this issue
and for contributing more funds for humanitarian assistance than any
other country. However, we have a moral obligation to do more. As the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) has said, we must continue to
set an example for the rest of the world. The punitive measures
contained in this bill need the cooperation of the world in order to
truly succeed in putting pressure on the Sudanese government.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I note that the genocide
in Darfur cannot be addressed without seeing it in the context of
Sudan's other tragic conflicts: the 21-year North-South civil war, and
Sudan's support for LRA bases on Sudan's border with northern Uganda.
We should remain careful to address all of these conflicts
comprehensively, for none of them persists in a vacuum.
I also support the gentleman from California's call for NATO to get
involved in addressing this most serious humanitarian crisis. The
Khartoum regime will do what it must to survive. In 1995, sanctions led
Sudan to cut its ties with terrorists and expel Osama bin Laden. The
international community should take the same forceful action now to
save hundreds of thousands of lives. If the world has learned anything
from the horrific tragedy of Rwanda and all previous genocides, we must
not commit the same mistake again.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield the balance of my
time to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the distinguished
ranking member of the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on
International Relations who has been our leader on all matters relating
to that important continent.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 additional minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).
(Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of S. 2781,
the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act. The bill is a result of weeks of
negotiations between House and Senate cosponsors. First of all, this
would have been impossible without the cooperation of the leadership of
both the House and the Senate, and I would certainly like to commend
the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the chairman of the committee,
who has not said no to any request that we have made as relates to
Sudan. There could not have been any more cooperation from a chairman
of a committee in such a bipartisan manner than we have seen from the
gentleman from Illinois. I would certainly like to commend him at this
time.
Of course, the driving interest and support from the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) who saw the effects of genocide decades ago
when the

[[Page H10040]]

Holocaust was going on and the world looked the other way. His passion
for issues that are right certainly shows clearly in his overwhelming
support for action against the Government of Sudan and alleviating the
situation of the people of Sudan.
Let me thank Senator Biden and, of course, our chair of the
Subcommittee on Africa whose tireless effort has also been
extraordinary in bipartisanship. I think that if the Congress could put
a prototype of the Subcommittee on Africa and then see if it could
spread towards the total Congress, much more positive legislation would
be passed. And so I commend the gentleman from Orange County, the
chairman of our subcommittee, and also the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Tancredo) who has been a real asset to our work. His first CODEL was a
trip to southern Sudan. And so the gentleman from California (Mr.
Royce), the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), and the gentleman
from California (Mr. Royce) who even before any of us came was fighting
the fight and he continues to fight the good fight.
The world has witnessed genocide before but never as we have seen it
again here before in Darfur, but the difference is we have declared
genocide and that is something that the world has not done before. The
world usually watched, said it is terrible, that sort of something
should be done, and after it has been done, maybe a decade or two
later, will do a study. And after the study is concluded, they will say
indeed genocide occurred. The fact that in 1948 the world body said
that there should be a law, there should be a responsibility to step in
to prevent genocide, but it has not happened 10 years after Rwanda.
A film is coming out now that I wish everyone would be able to see
about a person who saved 1,200 lives at the Mille Collines Hotel, where
he simply kept 1,200 people, Tutsis and moderate Hutus, alive. And so
as we see what has happened before, it is so important that we have
stepped up, but to declare it is not enough. We see the brutal killings
and unnecessary deaths due to cholera, diarrhea, and starvation.
We know the facts. Over 70,000 innocent men, women and children have
been killed in this genocide conceived, sponsored, and carried out by
the Government of Sudan. Government troops and the Janjaweed militias
they have recruited and armed have internally displaced close to 1.6
million people and forced 200,000 people into Chad. They have raped
countless women and children. What kind of world are we living in today
in the new millennium where this can occur while the international
community still looks on and debates the issue?
S. 2781 is our response to genocide, and it contains asset freezes on
government officials as well as travel bans. It provides $200 million
in fiscal year 2005 to the Darfur humanitarian relief and the African
Union mission as well as $100 million to development in the southern
Sudan. It says to the Government of Sudan that the United States is
watching and will punish them for this genocide, despite any agreement
that they may reach with the SPLM.
Let us not get ourselves confused. For 40 years the North and South
have been at war and finally the Sudanese government has agreed to now
another 30 or 45 days. They were supposed to sign it with the Security
Council being in Nairobi, Kenya, but they said, well, give us until
December 31. But let us not make any mistake about the fact that if the
North-South agreement goes on, that we cannot turn a blind eye and give
concessions to the Government of Sudan as they continue genocide in the
West. We will not stand for that. It is unacceptable.
It is unconscionable that a government attacks its own people, yet
the Government of Sudan has a history of doing this. In southern Sudan
for years they practiced a scorched-Earth campaign of aerial
bombardment that has killed over 2 million people and displaced another
5 million over the course of the last 3 decades.
Today in Nairobi, Kenya, the Security Council is meeting to discuss
the North-South peace process, as I indicated earlier. It is key that
we do not forget Darfur while we are pushing for peace in the North and
the South.
I also urge my colleagues in the Congress to condemn the apparent
shift of policy by the administration to reward the genocidaire
Government of Sudan with debt relief and reconstruction if they sign an
agreement by the end of the year instead of punishing them.
I think that this is a very key point. For decades and decades and
decades the Government of Sudan has done the wrong thing. They allowed
Osama bin Laden to live in Sudan. In those 4 or 5 years, Osama bin
Laden, who had not developed an international organization, did not
have the comfort to develop and strategize because he was even expelled
from Saudi Arabia, the Government of Sudan, the same people who are in
power, the same ministers, the same directors of programs, the same
police officers, the same generals allowed Osama bin Laden to plan and
to strengthen his organization, to develop a worldwide network in the
United States, throughout Asia, throughout Africa, throughout the
Middle East, and plan the bombings in Dar es Salaam and in Nairobi,
which killed hundreds of Americans and Tanzanians and Kenyans.
And finally, after tremendous pressure, Sudan allowed him to leave,
but the damage was done. Had that government not allowed Osama bin
Laden to stay under their protection, the government issued visas to
people who carried the bombs into those countries and we have reports
of that. They supplied the ammunition needed to set off the bombs, this
same government, who now have attacked the West. We say that it will be
wrong. The North-South agreement is something that should not even have
had to be signed because there should not have been the North
atrocities on the South for the last 20 or 30 years.
That is good that there is finally becoming an agreement. But let us
not allow that to blind us in saying that the government is doing the
right thing. They are doing something that they should not have done
before and let us have Darfur to make sure that the genocide ends
there.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The time of the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) has expired.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman from New Jersey referenced a trip that we took to the
Sudan, he and I, now over 5 years ago, 5\1/2\ years ago. It was
certainly as a result of that trip that I have committed as much of my
time and energy to this issue, and it is a result of the gentleman from
New Jersey's leadership in this area that I stay connected to it.
Let me just tell you one thing that happened on that trip that I
remember to this day and will remember it for the rest of my life. We
were in a little town called Yai. As we walked through the town, a
group of children surrounded us so that it was almost impossible to
move. They kept yelling something. They were pointing up. They kept
saying something, and of course I could not understand. We were trying
to move by. I asked somebody, what are they saying?

{time} 1345

And the interpreter said they are fearful of bombs because, of
course, the town had been bombed just prior to our getting there. The
Antanov bombers had come by, and they were saying that they thought
that because we were from the United States, because we were
Congressmen, that they would not be hit by these bombs if they stayed
close to us. And, of course, I could not promise that that could not
happen. But I still remember their eyes, the eyes of these children
looking up to us, looking for safety around us. And I will never forget
that as long as I live. I will take that picture to my grave. And I
committed myself at that time to do everything I could possibly do as a
Member of Congress and as a human being, as a person with a soul, to do
everything I could possibly do to provide them the shelter that they
were looking for, them and all of the other children in Sudan and all
of the other people that have suffered so mightily in this war-torn,
ravaged country.
There are places all over the world I know that have experienced
horrible events, and it happens daily. We come here ourselves and we
say what can we do individually. We have to carve out something that we
are going to focus on and spend time and energy on until it is
accomplished or we are taken away, one way or the other, from this
place.

[[Page H10041]]

So as I say, it has been certainly a pleasure to work with as many
wonderful people as we have over the time. Father Dan, my colleague
remembers, that we met there, who I always refer to as the individual
in Sudan that anybody would go to if they want to know what was really
happening, and he himself has saved thousands of people, thousands. We
went to a church the last day we were there. Thousands of people came,
and they had themselves experienced the most horrible things.
Almost 7,000 died on the way to this refugee camp that Father Dan had
set up for them. And yet they came singing the praises of Jesus Christ
and their thankfulness to be saved. I mean, it was the most incredible
experience in my life, really. It was amazing. So I must say that the
gentleman's kind words to me are certainly appreciated, but they are
undeserved especially in terms of what he has done and others, my
colleagues here.
We are pulled to this not for any political reason whatsoever. There
are no votes. I mean, it is one of the few kinds of things we do on
this floor that has absolutely no political advantage to anybody. We
are pulled to this because we are human beings with souls and our souls
are what tell us we must do, what we are doing here today.
So I thank the gentleman. I want to thank Molly Miller on my staff,
who has spent so many countless hours and sleepless nights both
probably in the office and also in her home worrying and thinking about
this and trying to help us get to the floor tonight. Molly has been
wonderful.
I just wish that this were the end of it. I wish that once we pass
this, we could all walk away and think it is done, we have accomplished
it, there is peace in Sudan. It is not the case. We know that is not
the case. But it is what we are required to do today. And if there is
more required to do tomorrow, I commit myself and I know my colleagues
to the same. I commit myself to that task for as long as it takes.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, by now we are all aware of the ongoing
crisis in Darfur, Sudan. The United Nations and U.S. officials have
both asserted that the situation there is currently the worst
humanitarian and human rights crisis in the world. To date, 1.4 million
people have been internally displaced, 200,000 have been forced into
exile, and an estimated 70,000 civilians have been killed. Some figures
put the number of lives lost at nearly 300,000.
In light of this incomprehensible tragedy, I am extremely pleased to
support the passage of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, S.
2781. The bill represents a non-partisan effort to provide adequate
humanitarian and peacekeeping assistance to the Darfur region, as well
as, hold accountable the perpetrators of the atrocities.
The bill seeks to appropriate $200 million for Darfur humanitarian
relief, as well as assistance to the African Union's peacekeeping
efforts in the region. through the application of economic sanctions,
the bill will also seek to take punitive action against the Government
of Sudan if it continues its brutal transgressions against the
Darfurian people. In addition, the bill will appropriate $100 million
in FY 05, 06, and 07 for reconstruction efforts in Southern Sudan.
The passage of S. 2781 will send a clear message that the people of
Darfur are not alone in their struggle, and that the acts being
perpetrated by the Sudanese government will not be tolerated. As a co-
sponsor of H.R. 5061, the companion bill to S. 2781, I urge my fellow
colleagues to lend their support to this critical measure, as it now
lie son the cusp of passage.
I cannot stress enough its importance. Its success will no doubt aid
in the cessation of genocide in Darfur, and the ability of its people
to rebuild their lives and reclaim their liberty. As a nation that
values freedom, we must make certain that it endures, not only for
ourselves but for all our human brethren. S. 2781 is but one step in
that eternal endeavor.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 2781
regarding the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan. I fully supported
H.R. 5061, which sought to provide the assistance that is necessary to
begin to address the crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan and begin to
usher in stability throughout the region and is related. The
legislation before us today, S. 2781 does the following:
Sets forth the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004 which
contains the sense of Congress regarding: (1) The Sudan Peace Act and
its extension to the Darfur region of Sudan; and (2) actions to address
the conflict in Sudan;
Amends the Sudan Peace Act to authorize additional FY 2005
appropriations to address the humanitarian and human rights crisis in
the Darfur region and its impact on eastern Chad;
Authorizes additional FY 2005 appropriations for Sudan upon the
conclusion of a peace agreement between the Government of Sudan and the
Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) if the President certifies to
the appropriate congressional committees that: (1) The Government of
Sudan has taken steps to stop attacking civilians, disarm militias,
cooperate fully with observer missions, and allow humanitarian access
to all areas of Sudan, including Darfur; and (2) the SPLM is complying
with the peace agreement;
Requires suspension of assistance to either party for its failure to
adhere to certification requirements;
Requires: (1) Blocking of senior government officials' assets if such
certification is not submitted within 120 days of enactment of this
Act; and (2) continuation of existing restrictions until such
certification;
Requires the President to report within 60 days of enactment of this
Act on the planned U.S. response to a peace agreement for Sudan; and
Amends the International Organizations Immunities Act to replace a
reference to ``Organization of African Unity'' with ``African Union.''
I congratulate our Senate colleague from Indiana for his hard work in
crafting this legislation. However, some of its provisions may require
additional urgent action to supplement its legal effect. For example,
the 30-day delay required before sanctions can be placed by our
government represents a significant concession.
Nevertheless, I feel that the authorization of $200 million in FY
2005 for Darfur humanitarian relief, as well as $100 million for FY
2005, 2006, and 2007 for the development of Southern Sudan will provide
major relief in the near future.
H.R. 5061 called for sanctions against the Government of Sudan and
that would allow the United States President to freeze the assets of
senior Sudanese officials. These sanctions will enable the U.S.
Government to facilitate the weakening of the Sudanese groups that
threaten the lives of so many innocent people and the effectiveness of
the N'Djamena Agreement (which is between the Government of Sudan, the
Justice Equality Movement, and the Sudan Liberation Army) and other
peace negotiations.
H.R. 5061 further aimed to include instructions for the U.S.
Permanent Representative of the U.N. to urge the Security Council and
member states to pursue accountability for those that are facilitating
the genocide in Darfur. The provisions of that bill also sought to end
the importation of Sudanese oil and to impose an arms embargo on the
government of Sudan, the Janjaweed and the Peoples Democratic Front.
We know why this legislation and the bill before us are important. We
have read in our newspapers and magazines and have watched our
televisions to learn more about the lawlessness that is afflicting
Darfur. Members of this Congress have traveled to Sudan and reported
back the bad news. It continues to be a bloodbath situation in Sudan
and this Congress must support this bill and take a stand against the
murderous actors and to show out support for the millions of refugees
whom have fled to neighboring countries. This bill will provide aid to
the millions of refugees in eastern Chad and Darfur, who seek only to
feed their children and seek solace from Janjaweed militias.
The situation in Darfur is dire. We must do more than simply label
this horrendous act as genocide; we must take action to stop it. The
people of Darfur continue to be raped and pillaged by militia forces.
These militiamen ride into towns, villages, and even refugee camps on
horseback carrying AK-47s and drive families from their farms, destroy
their homes, rape their women, and in many cases murder them. Because
of the overcrowding in the refugee camps and the inability of foreign
aid workers to reach the camps due to instability, disease has become
rampant. Right now in Darfur, thousands are succumbing to these
diseases.
Mr. Speaker, the situation in Darfur is a disaster that has been
brought upon the people of Darfur by the systematic efforts of the
Janjaweed, which is strongly supported by the Sudanese Government in
Khartoum. They have been orchestrating efforts to exterminate the
ethnic African culture in Darfur, which this Congress, and most
recently the president of these United States, labeled genocide.
Therefore this Congress must act now and support S. 2781. In addition
to thanking Senator Lugar for his hard work, I would like to thank
Congressman Thomas Tancredo and Congressman Donald Payne for their
tireless efforts to raise awareness on this horrific act. I want to
commend them for working to produce this bill and I can only pray that
Congress will pass this legislation on behalf of those who are hoping
for better days in Sudan.
Imagine a world where bands of armed militia raid and burn villages,
kill men, rape

[[Page H10042]]

women, and abduct children, and force entire families off their lands.
These are not scenes from a war movie; these are slices of everyday
life for ethnic African people living in the Darfur region of western
Sudan.
Relief workers and U.S. officials have reported seeing thousands
children whose round bellies and sunken eyes reveal a famine so severe
that even the most well fed of the land would still be considered
malnourished. And they are a stone's throw from fertile ground. The
problem is that Janjaweed militiamen riding on horseback and carrying
AK-47s, have driven families from their farms, destroyed their homes,
cut them off from resources, and refused to let them prepare for the
upcoming rainy reason. The monsoons will likely overwhelm leaky huts
and inadequate sewage systems and increase the risks of cholera,
diarrhea, meningitis, measles, and possibly typhoid fever and polio.
But this is not a natural disaster. It is a wholly unnatural, man-made
disaster, brought about through the systematic efforts of the
Janjaweed, and supported by the Sudanese Govenment in Khartoum. It is
an effort to exterminate the ethnic African culture in Darfur--an
international crime.
For the past year and a half, the Government of Sudan has supported
and enlarged the interests of the Janjaweed militia. In the melee, more
than 30,000 people have died and 300,000 more may die by year's end
even if we contribute our best humanitarian effort. Now, in the twelfth
hour, world leaders in Washington, at the U.N., and around the world
are finally beginning to heed the cries of the people in Darfur.
International aid and human rights organizations are stepping in to
assess and meet the needs for humanitarian aid in both the Sudan and
Chad where many displaced people of Darfur are seeking refuge.
Visits by Senator Sam Brownback, Representative Frank Wolf and, most
recently, United States Secretary of State Colin Powell and United
Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan have done much to bring this issue
to the forefront of world politics.
The world's attention and international media coverage are essential
but insufficient to restore peace. To end this crisis, we must first
acknowledge the scope of this crisis. What is happening in Darfur is
genocide. In historic fashion, the House of Representatives, in an
almost unprecedented show of bipartisanship passed legislation from my
colleague in the Congressional Black Caucus Donald Payne, H. Con. Res.
467--a formal declaration of genocide in Darfur, Sudan.
Today, I met with Secretary of State Colin Powell, and leaders from
the Congressional Black Caucus, to discuss possibilities for future
action in Sudan. Secretary Powell's passion and commitment to the cause
of peace and justice for the Darfurians was obvious. But it is now time
for similar dedication at the highest levels of govenment. I have
written a letter to the President, co-signed by 30 other Members of
Congress, both Republicans and Democrats, requesting a meeting as soon
as practicable. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and
President Bush must work in concert with us in the Congress to pressure
the Sudanese to disarm the Janjaweed militias and end their reign of
terror on ethnic-African peoples. If disarmament does not occur and if
proper security measures are not taken to ensure that humanitarian
workers will be able to do their jobs on the ground, we need to explore
other more aggressive options, with our partners at the U.N.,
especially those nations in the African Union.
Today, U.S. lawmakers and U.N. officials know too much about the
horrors taking place in Darfur for this administration and govenment to
repeat the fate of Rwanda in 1994. We now have the momentum to move
forward and prevent thousands and, possibly, millions from dying. With
such a narrow window of opportunity to avert tragedy and with the
urgent warnings issued this week by the 9/11 commission, I believe
Congress should cut our recess short, and come back to Washington, to
immediately address the issues that face this Nation and our friends in
the world. It is our moral duty to put an end to what has already
become a human rights catastrophe. We must stop the suffering and the
commission of blatant crimes against humanity.
Mr. Speaker, I support this legislation and ask that this body unite
for its passage.
Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend my colleagues,
Donald Payne and Tom Tancredo for working with the Senate to draft a
bill that will hopefully be the beginning of the end of genocide in the
Sudan.
Since February 2003, Sudanese government troops and their allied
militia, the Janjaweed, have raped, tortured, maimed, and burned entire
villages to cleanse the Darfur areas of African Muslims.
Seventy thousand have died. Over 200,000 have fled across the border
into Chad and 1.6 million have been forced from their homes and into
camps, where they remain vulnerable to attacks and lack basic services.
While the Sudanese government has done little to protect its people,
the African Union has shown tremendous leadership in trying to stop the
atrocities.
The African Union has led peace talks since August and sent hundreds
of monitors and security forces to assist in stopping the atrocities.
It is my hope that the bulk of the assistance included in this bill
will go to ensure that the African Union is successful in its mission
to finally end the genocide in Darfur!
Additionally, we must continue to insist that the Sudanese government
cease support for and disarm the Janjaweed militias by immediately
utilizing sanctions against the government officials responsible for
stopping the atrocities.
Darfur has waited long enough. We must act now.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this ill-
conceived, counter-productive legislation. This represents exactly the
kind of unconstitutional interventionism the Founding Fathers warned us
about. It is arrogant and dangerous for us to believe that we can go
around the world inserting ourselves into civil wars that have nothing
to do with us without having to face the unintended consequences that
always arise. Our steadily-increasing involvement in the civil war in
Sudan may well delay the resolution of the conflict that appears to be
proceeding without our involvement. Just today, in talks with the UN
the two sides pledged to end the fighting.
The fact is we do not know and cannot understand the complexities of
the civil war in Sudan, which has lasted for 39 of that country's 48
years of existence. Supporters of our intervention in Sudan argue that
this is a clear-cut case of Sudan's Christian minority being oppressed
and massacred by the Arab majority in the Darfur region. It is
interesting that the CIA's World Factbook states that Sudan's
Christians, who make up five percent of the population, are
concentrated in the south of the country. Darfur is a region in the
mid-western part of Sudan. So I wonder about this very simplistic
characterization of the conflict.
It seems as if this has been all reduced to a few slogans, tossed
around without much thought or care about real meaning or implication.
We unfortunately see this often with calls for intervention. One thing
we do know, however, is that Sudan is floating on a sea of oil. Why
does it always seem that when we hear urgent clamor for the United
States to intervene, oil or some other valuable commodity just happens
to be present? I find it interesting that so much attention is being
paid to oil-rich Sudan while right next door in Congo the death toll
from its civil war is estimated to two to three million--several times
the estimated toll in Sudan.
At a time when we have just raised the debt-ceiling to allow more
massive debt accumulation, this legislation will unconstitutionally
commit the United States to ship some 300 million taxpayer dollars to
Sudan. It will also freeze the U.S. assets of certain Sudanese until
the government of Sudan pursues peace in a time-frame and manner that
the U.S. determines.
Inserting ourselves into this civil war in Sudan will do little to
solve the crisis. In fact, the promise of U.S. support for one side in
the struggle may discourage the progress that has been made recently.
What incentive is there to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict
when the U.S. government promises massive assistance to one side? I
strongly urge my colleagues to rethink our current dangerous course
toward further intervention in Sudan. We may end up hurting most those
we are intending to help.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) that the House
suspend the rules and pass the Senate bill, S. 2781, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the Senate bill, as amended, was
passed.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

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