[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 134 (Friday, November 19, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H10034-H10042]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                COMPREHENSIVE PEACE IN SUDAN ACT OF 2004

  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the 
Senate bill (S. 2781) to express the sense of Congress regarding the 
conflict in Darfur, Sudan, to provide assistance for the crisis in 
Darfur and for comprehensive peace in Sudan, and for other purposes, as 
amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                                S. 2781

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

       This Act may be cited as the ``Comprehensive Peace in Sudan 
     Act of 2004''.

     SEC. 2. DEFINITIONS.

       In this Act:
       (1) Appropriate congressional committees.--The term 
     ``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee 
     on Foreign Relations of the Senate and the Committee on 
     International Relations of the House of Representatives.
       (2) Government of sudan.--The term ``Government of Sudan'' 
     means the National Congress Party, formerly known as the 
     National Islamic Front, government in Khartoum, Sudan, or any 
     successor government formed on or after the date of the 
     enactment of this Act (other than the coalition government 
     agreed upon in the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of 
     Peace in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004).
       (3) JEM.--The term ``JEM'' means the Justice and Equality 
     Movement.
       (4) SLA.--The term ``SLA'' means the Sudan Liberation Army.
       (5) SPLM.--The term ``SPLM'' means the Sudan People's 
     Liberation Movement.

     SEC. 3. FINDINGS.

       Congress makes the following findings:
       (1) A comprehensive peace agreement for Sudan, as 
     envisioned in the Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) and 
     the Machakos Protocol of 2002, could be in jeopardy if the 
     parties do not implement and honor the agreements they have 
     signed.
       (2) Since seizing power through a military coup in 1989, 
     the Government of Sudan repeatedly has attacked and 
     dislocated civilian populations in southern Sudan in a 
     coordinated policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide that has 
     cost the lives of more than 2,000,000 people and displaced 
     more than 4,000,000 people.
       (3) In response to two decades of civil conflict in Sudan, 
     the United States has helped to establish an internationally 
     supported peace process to promote a negotiated settlement to 
     the war that has resulted in a framework peace agreement, the 
     Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan, 
     signed on June 5, 2004.
       (4) At the same time that the Government of Sudan was 
     negotiating for a comprehensive and all inclusive peace 
     agreement, enumerated in the Nairobi Declaration on the Final 
     Phase of Peace in the Sudan, it refused to engage in any 
     meaningful discussion with regard to its ongoing campaign of 
     ethnic cleansing and genocide in the Darfur region of western 
     Sudan.
       (5) The Government of Sudan reluctantly agreed to attend 
     talks to bring peace to the Darfur region only after 
     considerable international pressure and outrage was expressed 
     through high level visits by Secretary of State Colin Powell 
     and others, and through United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 1556 (July 30, 2004).
       (6) The Government of the United States, in both the 
     executive branch and Congress, has concluded that genocide 
     has been committed and may still be occurring in the Darfur 
     region, and that the Government of Sudan and militias 
     supported by the Government of Sudan, known as the Janjaweed, 
     bear responsibility for the genocide.
       (7) Evidence collected by international observers in the 
     Darfur region between February 2003 and November 2004 
     indicate a coordinated effort to target African Sudanese

[[Page H10035]]

     civilians in a scorched earth policy, similar to that which 
     was employed in southern Sudan, that has destroyed African 
     Sudanese villages, killing and driving away their people, 
     while Arab Sudanese villages have been left unscathed.
       (8) As a result of this genocidal policy in the Darfur 
     region, an estimated 70,000 people have died, more than 
     1,600,000 people have been internally displaced, and more 
     than 200,000 people have been forced to flee to neighboring 
     Chad.
       (9) Reports further indicate the systematic rape of 
     thousands of women and girls, the abduction of women and 
     children, and the destruction of hundreds of ethnically 
     African villages, including the poisoning of their wells and 
     the plunder of their crops and cattle upon which the people 
     of such villages sustain themselves.
       (10) Despite the threat of international action expressed 
     through United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1556 
     (July 30, 2004) and 1564 (September 18, 2004), the Government 
     of Sudan continues to obstruct and prevent efforts to reverse 
     the catastrophic consequences that loom over the Darfur 
     region.
       (11) In addition to the thousands of violent deaths 
     directly caused by ongoing Sudanese military and government-
     sponsored Janjaweed attacks in the Darfur region, the 
     Government of Sudan has restricted access by humanitarian and 
     human rights workers to the Darfur area through intimidation 
     by military and security forces, and through bureaucratic and 
     administrative obstruction, in an attempt to inflict the most 
     devastating harm on those individuals displaced from their 
     villages and homes without any means of sustenance or 
     shelter.
       (12) The Government of Sudan's continued support for the 
     Janjaweed and their obstruction of the delivery of food, 
     shelter, and medical care to the Darfur region is estimated 
     by the World Health Organization to be causing up to 10,000 
     deaths per month and, should current conditions persist, is 
     projected to escalate to thousands of deaths each day by 
     December 2004.
       (13) The Government of Chad served an important role in 
     facilitating the humanitarian cease-fire (the N'Djamena 
     Agreement dated April 8, 2004) for the Darfur region between 
     the Government of Sudan and the two opposition rebel groups 
     in the Darfur region (the JEM and the SLA), although both 
     sides have violated the cease-fire agreement repeatedly.
       (14) The people of Chad have responded courageously to the 
     plight of over 200,000 Darfur refugees by providing 
     assistance to them even though such assistance has adversely 
     affected their own means of livelihood.
       (15) On September 9, 2004, Secretary of State Colin Powell 
     stated before the Committee on Foreign Relations of the 
     Senate: ``When we reviewed the evidence compiled by our team, 
     along with other information available to the State 
     Department, we concluded that genocide has been committed in 
     Darfur and that the Government of Sudan and the [Janjaweed] 
     bear responsibility--and genocide may still be occurring.''.
       (16) The African Union has demonstrated renewed vigor in 
     regional affairs through its willingness to respond to the 
     crisis in the Darfur region, by convening talks between the 
     parties and deploying several hundred monitors and security 
     forces to the region, as well as by recognizing the need for 
     a far larger force with a broader mandate.
       (17) The Government of Sudan's complicity in the atrocities 
     and genocide in the Darfur region raises fundamental 
     questions about the Government of Sudan's commitment to peace 
     and stability in Sudan.

     SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING THE CONFLICT IN DARFUR, 
                   SUDAN.

       (a) Sudan Peace Act.--It is the sense of Congress that the 
     Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) remains relevant and 
     should be extended to include the Darfur region of Sudan.
       (b) Actions to Address the Conflict.--It is the sense of 
     Congress that--
       (1) a legitimate countrywide peace in Sudan will only be 
     possible if those principles enumerated in the 1948 Universal 
     Declaration of Human Rights, that are affirmed in the 
     Machakos Protocol of 2002 and the Nairobi Declaration on the 
     Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004, are 
     applied to all of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
       (2) the parties to the N'Djamena Agreement (the Government 
     of Sudan, the JEM, and the SLA) must meet their obligations 
     under that Agreement to allow safe and immediate delivery of 
     all humanitarian assistance throughout the Darfur region and 
     must expedite the conclusion of a political agreement to end 
     the genocide and conflict in the Darfur region;
       (3) the United States should continue to provide 
     humanitarian assistance to the areas of Sudan to which the 
     United States has access and, at the same time, implement a 
     plan to provide assistance to the areas of Sudan to which 
     access has been obstructed or denied;
       (4) the international community, including African, Arab, 
     and Muslim nations, should immediately provide resources 
     necessary to save the lives of hundreds of thousands of 
     individuals at risk as a result of the crisis in the Darfur 
     region;
       (5) the United States and the international community 
     should--
       (A) provide all necessary assistance to deploy and sustain 
     an African Union Force to the Darfur region; and
       (B) work to increase the authorized level and expand the 
     mandate of such forces commensurate with the gravity and 
     scope of the problem in a region the size of France;
       (6) the President, acting through the Secretary of State 
     and the Permanent Representative of the United States to the 
     United Nations, should--
       (A) condemn any failure on the part of the Government of 
     Sudan to fulfill its obligations under United Nations 
     Security Council Resolutions 1556 (July 30, 2004) and 1564 
     (September 18, 2004), and press the United Nations Security 
     Council to respond to such failure by immediately imposing 
     the penalties suggested in paragraph (14) of United Nations 
     Security Council Resolution 1564;
       (B) press the United Nations Security Council to pursue 
     accountability for those individuals who are found 
     responsible for orchestrating and carrying out the atrocities 
     in the Darfur region, consistent with relevant United Nations 
     Security Council Resolutions; and
       (C) encourage member states of the United Nations to--
       (i) cease to import Sudanese oil; and
       (ii) take the following actions against Sudanese Government 
     and military officials and other individuals, who are 
     planning, carrying out, or otherwise involved in the policy 
     of genocide in the Darfur region, as well as their families, 
     and businesses controlled by the Government of Sudan and the 
     National Congress Party:

       (I) freeze the assets held by such individuals or 
     businesses in each such member state; and
       (II) restrict the entry or transit of such officials 
     through each such member state;

       (7) the President should impose targeted sanctions, 
     including a ban on travel and the freezing of assets, on 
     those officials of the Government of Sudan, including 
     military officials, and other individuals who have planned or 
     carried out, or otherwise been involved in the policy of 
     genocide in the Darfur region, and should also freeze the 
     assets of businesses controlled by the Government of Sudan or 
     the National Congress Party;
       (8) the Government of the United States should not 
     normalize relations with Sudan, including through the lifting 
     of any sanctions, until the Government of Sudan agrees to, 
     and takes demonstrable steps to implement, peace agreements 
     for all areas of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
       (9) those individuals found to be involved in the planning 
     or carrying out of genocide, war crimes, or crimes against 
     humanity should not hold leadership positions in the 
     Government of Sudan or the coalition government established 
     pursuant to the agreements reached in the Nairobi Declaration 
     on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan; and
       (10) the Government of Sudan has a primary responsibility 
     to guarantee the safety and welfare of its citizens, which 
     includes allowing them access to humanitarian assistance and 
     providing them protection from violence.

     SEC. 5. AMENDMENTS TO THE SUDAN PEACE ACT.

       (a) Assistance for the Crisis in Darfur and for 
     Comprehensive Peace in Sudan.--
       (1) In general.--The Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note) 
     is amended by adding at the end the following new section:

     ``SEC. 12. ASSISTANCE FOR THE CRISIS IN DARFUR AND FOR 
                   COMPREHENSIVE PEACE IN SUDAN.

       ``(a) Assistance.--
       ``(1) Authority.--Notwithstanding any other provision of 
     law, the President is authorized to provide assistance for 
     Sudan as authorized in paragraph (5) of this section--
       ``(A) subject to the requirements of this section, to 
     support the implementation of a comprehensive peace agreement 
     that applies to all regions of Sudan, including the Darfur 
     region; and
       ``(B) to address the humanitarian and human rights crisis 
     in the Darfur region and eastern Chad, including to support 
     the African Union mission in the Darfur region, provided that 
     no assistance may be made available to the Government of 
     Sudan.
       ``(2) Certification for the government of sudan.--
     Assistance authorized under paragraph (1)(A) may be provided 
     to the Government of Sudan only if the President certifies to 
     the appropriate congressional committees that the Government 
     of Sudan has taken demonstrable steps to--
       ``(A) ensure that the armed forces of Sudan and any 
     associated militias are not committing atrocities or 
     obstructing human rights monitors or the provision of 
     humanitarian assistance;
       ``(B) demobilize and disarm militias supported or created 
     by the Government of Sudan;
       ``(C) allow full and unfettered humanitarian assistance to 
     all regions of Sudan, including the Darfur region;
       ``(D) allow an international commission of inquiry to 
     conduct an investigation of atrocities in the Darfur region, 
     in a manner consistent with United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 1564 (September 18, 2004), to investigate reports 
     of violations of international humanitarian law and human 
     rights law in the Darfur region by all parties, to determine 
     also whether or not acts of genocide have occurred and to 
     identify the perpetrators of such violations with a view to 
     ensuring that those responsible are held accountable;
       ``(E) cooperate fully with the African Union, the United 
     Nations, and all other observer, monitoring, and protection 
     missions mandated to operate in Sudan;

[[Page H10036]]

       ``(F) permit the safe and voluntary return of displaced 
     persons and refugees to their homes and rebuild the 
     communities destroyed in the violence; and
       ``(G) implement the final agreements reached in the 
     Naivasha peace process and install a new coalition government 
     based on the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace 
     in the Sudan signed on June 5, 2004.
       ``(3) Certification with regard to splm's compliance with a 
     peace agreement.--If the President determines and certifies 
     in writing to the appropriate congressional committees that 
     the SPLM has not engaged in good faith negotiations, or has 
     failed to honor the agreements signed, the President shall 
     suspend assistance authorized in this section for the SPLM, 
     except for health care, education, and humanitarian 
     assistance.
       ``(4) Suspension of assistance.--If, on a date after the 
     President transmits the certification described in paragraph 
     (2), the President determines that the Government of Sudan 
     has ceased taking the actions described in such paragraph, 
     the President shall immediately suspend the provision of any 
     assistance to such Government under this section until the 
     date on which the President transmits to the appropriate 
     congressional committees a further certification that the 
     Government of Sudan has resumed taking such actions.
       ``(5) Authorization of appropriations.--
       ``(A) In general.--In addition to any other funds otherwise 
     available for such purposes, there are authorized to be 
     appropriated to the President--
       ``(i) $100,000,000 for fiscal year 2005, and such sums as 
     may be necessary for each of the fiscal years 2006 and 2007, 
     unless otherwise authorized, to carry out paragraph (1)(A); 
     and
       ``(ii) $200,000,000 for fiscal year 2005 to carry out 
     paragraph (1)(B), provided that no amounts appropriated under 
     this authorization may be made available for the Government 
     of Sudan.
       ``(B) Availability.--Amounts appropriated pursuant to the 
     authorization of appropriations under subparagraph (A) are 
     authorized to remain available until expended.
       ``(b) Government of Sudan Defined.--In this section, the 
     term `Government of Sudan' means the National Congress Party, 
     formerly known as the National Islamic Front, government in 
     Khartoum, Sudan, or any successor government formed on or 
     after the date of the enactment of the Comprehensive Peace in 
     Sudan Act (other than the coalition government agreed upon in 
     the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the 
     Sudan signed on June 5, 2004).''.
       (2) Conforming amendments.--Section 3 of such Act (50 
     U.S.C. 1701 note) is amended--
       (A) in paragraph (2), by striking ``The'' and inserting 
     ``Except as provided in section 12, the''; and
       (B) by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
       ``(4) SPLM.--The term `SPLM' means the Sudan People's 
     Liberation Movement.''.
       (b) Reporting Amendment.--The Sudan Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 
     1701 note) is amended by striking section 8 and inserting the 
     following:

     ``SEC. 8. REPORTING REQUIREMENTS.

       ``(a) Report on Commercial Activity.--Not later than 30 
     days after the date of the enactment of the Comprehensive 
     Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, and annually thereafter until the 
     completion of the interim period outlined in the Machakos 
     Protocol of 2002, the Secretary of State, in consultation 
     with relevant United States Government departments and 
     agencies, shall submit to the appropriate congressional 
     committees a report regarding commercial activity in Sudan 
     that includes--
       ``(1) a description of the sources and current status of 
     Sudan's financing and construction of infrastructure and 
     pipelines for oil exploitation, the effects of such financing 
     and construction on the inhabitants of the regions in which 
     the oil fields are located and the ability of the Government 
     of Sudan to finance the war in Sudan with the proceeds of the 
     oil exploitation;
       ``(2) a description of the extent to which that financing 
     was secured in the United States or with the involvement of 
     United States citizens; and
       ``(3) a description of the relationships between Sudan's 
     arms industry and major foreign business enterprises and 
     their subsidiaries, including government-controlled entities.
       ``(b) Report on the Conflict in Sudan, Including the Darfur 
     Region.--Not later than 30 days after the date of the 
     enactment of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, 
     and annually thereafter until the completion of the interim 
     period outlined in the Machakos Protocol of 2002, the 
     Secretary of State shall prepare and submit to the 
     appropriate congressional committees a report regarding the 
     conflict in Sudan, including the conflict in the Darfur 
     region. Such report shall include--
       ``(1) the best estimates of the extent of aerial 
     bombardment of civilian centers in Sudan by the Government of 
     Sudan, including targets, frequency, and best estimates of 
     damage; and
       ``(2) a description of the extent to which humanitarian 
     relief in Sudan has been obstructed or manipulated by the 
     Government of Sudan or other forces, and a contingency plan 
     to distribute assistance should the Government of Sudan 
     continue to obstruct or delay the international humanitarian 
     response to the crisis in Darfur.
       ``(c) Disclosure to the Public.--The Secretary of State 
     shall publish or otherwise make available to the public each 
     unclassified report, or portion of a report that is 
     unclassified, submitted under subsection (a) or (b).''.

     SEC. 6. SANCTIONS IN SUPPORT OF PEACE IN DARFUR.

       (a) Sanctions.--Beginning on the date that is 30 days after 
     the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall, 
     notwithstanding paragraph (1) of section 6(b) of the Sudan 
     Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note), implement the measures set 
     forth in subparagraphs (A) through (D) of paragraph (2) of 
     such section.
       (b) Blocking of Assets.--Beginning on the date that is 30 
     days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President 
     shall, consistent with the authorities granted in the 
     International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 
     et seq.), block the assets of appropriate senior officials of 
     the Government of Sudan.
       (c) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of 
     subsection (a) or (b) if the President determines and 
     certifies to the appropriate congressional committees that 
     such a waiver is in the national interest of the United 
     States.
       (d) Continuation of Restrictions.--Restrictions against the 
     Government of Sudan that were imposed pursuant to title III 
     and sections 508, 512, and 527 of the Foreign Operations, 
     Export Financing, and Related Programs Act, 2004 (division D 
     of Public Law 108-199; 118 Stat. 143), or any other similar 
     provision of law, shall remain in effect against the 
     Government of Sudan and may not be lifted pursuant to such 
     provisions of law unless the President transmits a 
     certification to the appropriate congressional committees in 
     accordance with paragraph (2) of section 12(a) of the Sudan 
     Peace Act (as added by section 5(a)(1) of this Act).
       (e) Determination.--Notwithstanding subsection (a) of this 
     section, the President shall continue to transmit the 
     determination required under section 6(b)(1)(A) of the Sudan 
     Peace Act (50 U.S.C. 1701 note).

     SEC. 7. ADDITIONAL AUTHORITIES.

       Notwithstanding any other provision of law, the President 
     is authorized to provide assistance, other than military 
     assistance, to areas that were outside of the control of the 
     Government of Sudan on April 8, 2004, including to provide 
     assistance for emergency relief, development and governance, 
     or to implement any program in support of any viable peace 
     agreement at the local, regional, or national level in Sudan.

     SEC. 8. TECHNICAL CORRECTION.

       Section 12 of the International Organizations Immunities 
     Act (22 U.S.C. 288f-2) is amended by striking ``Organization 
     of African Unity'' and inserting ``African Union''.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). Pursuant to the rule, the 
gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo).


                             General Leave

  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks 
on S. 2781, as amended, the Senate bill now under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Colorado?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, S. 2781, as amended, imposes some punitive measures 
listed in the Sudan Peace Act after a 30-day period. The bill also 
imposes an asset freeze on senior Sudanese officials and calls upon the 
President to impose a travel ban on senior Sudanese officials, 
including those responsible for planning and carrying out the genocide 
in Darfur.
  To guarantee a wider international response to the genocide in 
Darfur, S. 2781, as amended, includes instructions for the U.S. 
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to urge the Security 
Council and member states to pursue accountability for those complicit 
in the genocide in Darfur and to impose targeted sanctions, including 
the freezing of assets on senior members of the Government of Sudan, 
and to cease importing Sudanese oil.
  The bill also provides humanitarian assistance to Darfur and Eastern 
Chad, funding to support the African Union mission in Darfur, and 
assistance in preparing the population for peace. This will give 
material indication to the Sudanese civilians that they can find 
meaning and purpose in rebuilding their country after decades of war.
  Mr. Speaker, we are beyond the point of threatening the Government of 
Sudan with punitive measures. Time and again certainly I have been on 
this floor and many other Members have been on this floor expressing 
our concern over the situation in Sudan and the intransigence of the 
Sudanese government to operate in good faith and to

[[Page H10037]]

bring an end to the human tragedy on a scale that is almost 
unimaginable and for which they are greatly responsible. Time and again 
our efforts have been rebuffed. Time and again we have been forced to 
go to the next step in order to get the Sudanese government to respond.
  Genocide has been and is being committed, we know. We have said it. 
We now need to show that there are consequences for directing and/or 
participating in a campaign to destroy human life on such a massive 
scale. Every evening on the news, every day in the papers of this 
country we see the picture of this horrible, horrible situation in 
Sudan and the faces of the people who are suffering. How long can this 
go on? How long can this go on without this government paying even 
closer attention than it has? How long can this go on without the world 
paying closer attention than it has?
  To the credit of this administration and to this government, we have 
done more than any other country to try and focus world attention on 
the problems in Sudan, but we need the world to cooperate. We need the 
United Nations, we need the Security Council to do far more than they 
have done. We need the European Union to do more. We have a moral 
responsibility to respond to genocide.
  What we do at this juncture has implications for every conflict we 
will address in the future. Everyone is watching to see how we respond. 
Secretary Powell and the U.S. administration have taken a courageous 
stand, as I say, but this is just the beginning. If we fail to act 
forcefully now, it will be open season for genocide. If we make empty 
threats, it will have serious consequences for the future of 
international peace and security.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, 
and I rise in strong support of this bill.
  First, I would like to thank my colleagues, the gentleman from 
Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), 
for keeping this House focused on the grave atrocities in Darfur.
  Mr. Speaker, we are facing an ongoing genocide in Darfur. This House 
has said it; following our example the Senate has said it; the 
administration has come to the same conclusion; and the United Nations 
agrees: genocide is taking place in Darfur.
  What is keeping the international community from intervening in the 
Darfur crisis? I hesitate to ask because I hate to think that the 
answer is the same double standard that stayed our hand in Rwanda in 
the 1990s.
  Mr. Speaker, each of us has recounted the numbers in connection with 
the crisis in Darfur: an estimated 300,000 dead because of murder, 
starvation and disease, and 2 million refugees forced to flee their 
homes, most of whom are internally displaced, while others are forced 
out of the country.
  The humanitarian needs in Darfur are staggering. After a year of 
international pressure, there are now about 60 international 
humanitarian organizations registered to operate in Darfur, and I 
strongly support more such aid to ease the suffering. But while these 
NGOs set up their operations to reach some of those in need, thousands 
are still without any relief due to the ongoing conflict.
  The Sudanese military forces and its armed Arab militia, who I remind 
my colleagues are behind this tragedy in the first place, continue to 
commit some of the most heinous human rights abuses imaginable, and the 
number of those affected by this conflict continues to grow every day.
  Mr. Speaker, recently the African Union has stepped forward with 
monitors and 3,500 troops to end the persecution in Darfur, and Sudan 
has agreed to an increase in African Union deployment. But now it is 
being reported that Khartoum has repeatedly refused to give fuel to the 
African Union monitors while the government's attack helicopters are in 
the air assaulting civilians on the ground.
  While the African Union is committed to fulfilling its obligation to 
monitor and to report on human rights violations, it is hampered by all 
sides to the conflict not wishing to be implicated in the abuse. 
According to reports, the morale among African Union troops is very low 
because they are blocked at every turn by the ongoing violence and 
their inability to intervene.
  In response to calls for international civilian protection forces, 
Khartoum's leaders have threatened to open, and I quote, ``the five 
gates of hell,'' against such protection. And in a cynical attempt to 
pretend it is taking action to protect civilians, Khartoum has recycled 
Arab militia killers into the Sudanese police force and has assigned 
them to guard camps for the displaced.
  I am a strong supporter of African solutions for Africa's problems, 
and the deployment of African Union monitors and the protection force 
in Darfur is an opening sign that in the face of genocide, civilian 
protection should trump national sovereignty. But I am very much 
concerned that the African Union does not have the experience, the 
manpower, or the resources needed to provide civilian protection to end 
the genocide in Darfur. Their numbers are small compared to the task, 
and their resources are minimal.
  Mr. Speaker, it troubles me that in the face of genocide we do not 
take the best asset we have available, NATO, the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, long experienced in civilian protection, to deploy its 
forces in Darfur in support of the African Union mission. In the face 
of genocide, I think it is imperative that our NATO ambassador move at 
the North Atlantic Council demanding that NATO get involved in Darfur 
to protect civilians from genocide.
  While I recognize this is a tall order, when we were confronted with 
the crisis in Kosovo, NATO acted. We should expect nothing less for the 
African victims of genocide in Darfur. If we in the international 
community have the determination to end this genocide, that is what we 
must do. Otherwise, we have cause to wonder what exactly we harbor in 
our hearts toward the people of Darfur.
  In closing, I urge all of my colleagues to support S. 2781.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  1315

  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) who has been laboring in this 
vineyard longer than I, longer than most, and who adds an aspect of 
both compassion and articulation that is desperately needed on this 
issue.
  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. 
Tancredo) and his staff for this bill. I also thank the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his efforts, the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), Senator 
Brownback, and many others that have been involved in this. Also, all 
of the NGOs, Andrew Natsios, Roger Winter, and all of the people who 
have been involved and very caring with regard to this issue.
  As we pass this bill today, we have to remember the 2.1 million 
people that have died in the war north-south, mostly Christian but a 
large number of Muslim and a large number of animists who have paid a 
tremendous price.
  Also, we have to remember that Osama bin Laden lived in Sudan from 
1991 to 1996, so these people in the south have been on the front line 
in fighting the war against terrorism more than most people realize.
  By passing this bill, we send hope to the men, women and children in 
Darfur who have been pushed out of African villages which have been 
burned, husbands who have been killed, women who have been raped and 
children who have been abducted. As we pass this bill today, we honor 
and recognize and send some hope to those in the IVP camps today that 
the United States Congress cares.
  I am going to leave it to other Members to explain what this bill 
does and just say that, without this bill passing today, there would be 
no hope for women in the camps, no sense or sign to the people in the 
Khartoum government for all of the bad and evil things that they have 
done but for the efforts of the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), 
who has been involved in this for so long, and the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce).
  Secretary Powell also deserves to take some credit for this, as does 
President Bush. I thank both sides of the aisle for the great work they 
have done.

[[Page H10038]]

  By passing this, it gives hope if there is an agreement signed and 
something positive comes out of Nairobi, Kenya, there is some lasting 
push behind it so there can be peace someday for the people in the 
north, in the area of Khartoum, and in the south, and also for the men, 
women and children in the Darfur region.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), the chairman of the Subcommittee 
on Africa, who has been enormously helpful in bringing this bill to the 
floor today.
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  I just want to indicate the sheer magnitude of the horror of what is 
unfolding in Sudan as we speak. Because what is occurring there is a 
scorched-earth policy that has killed in excess of 70,000 people, that 
has displaced more than a million of people within Sudan, and forced 
hundreds of thousands of people over the border into Chad.
  When we think of the magnitude of the several hundreds villages burnt 
to the ground, the irrigation systems that have been systematically 
destroyed, that the government-backed militias, referred to as 
Janjaweed, are committing wide-spread rapes and atrocities, that the 
very people in the NGO communities, the very charitable organizations 
that are attempting to get in on the ground and to assist in this 
region are prevented access to those starving, I think when we reflect 
on what we know we can only imagine as to the extent of the horror in 
those villages in which we have no access, and to have had the United 
States, to have this Congress and the administration explain that this 
is genocide is only a first step.
  The question has been how do we get the international community to 
take action, a concerted action, in order to effectively apply pressure 
on the government in Khartoum to reverse its actions in supporting the 
Janjaweed. We have made it clear that we are going to support 
international criminal courts, we are going to support bringing to 
justice those that have been found to be involved in this process. But, 
in the meantime, there is the question of how we negotiate with a 
United Nations in which that body and the Security Council is not 
willing to take the steps that the United States has taken to call this 
genocide, nor to put the types of embargoes that the United States has 
placed on Sudan. They are not willing to go as far.
  In addition to speaking in favor of this resolution, I wanted to 
speak for just a moment about some of my concerns about the United 
Nations Security Council resolutions on Sudan. That draft resolution is 
dated November 18. This resolution is expected to be offered in 
Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses the issue of the ongoing negotiation, of 
an attempt to achieve peace in a separate conflict in southern Sudan.
  Again, this Congress went on record declaring the killing in Darfur 
as genocide. This was a historic determination not to be taken lightly. 
It was a fitting response to the atrocities committed by the Sudanese 
government and their proxy forces.
  For those of us on the floor today, we believe that genocide requires 
exceptional responses by the United States and the international 
community. We also believe that these responses should be taken with or 
without the concurrence by the government of Sudan. So when we look at 
the draft resolution that the United Nations is working on, we see that 
they urge bilateral and multilateral donors ``to continue their efforts 
to prepare for the rapid delivery of an assistance package for the 
reconstruction and economic development of Sudan, including official 
development assistance, possible debt relief and trade access to be 
implemented once a comprehensive peace agreement has been signed and 
its implementation begins.'' This document expresses hope that this 
implementation will occur by the end of next month.
  Let me just say, as chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, we should 
not support such a so-called peace dividend which benefits the 
government of Sudan merely for signing a peace agreement. We should not 
be doing that while killing rages in Darfur.
  Numerous agreements, including memorandums of intent to sign future 
agreements, already have been signed, and countless deadlines have long 
since passed. Rewarding the government of Sudan for just the act of 
signing another agreement without setting concrete and verifiable 
benchmarks for implementation would be both foolhardy and unacceptable.
  I realize that the administration is operating within the constraints 
of the Security Council and that the United States has been the leading 
and most aggressive country in trying to resolve the crisis in Sudan, 
and I understand that any Security Council resolution is a consensus 
document. But, nevertheless, those of us involved in policy on the 
Sudan ask the U.N. to reconsider, to reconsider whether the price of 
consensus is in this instance too high, and we ask the United Nations 
Security Council to redouble its efforts to put pressure on the 
government in Khartoum to end the killing in Darfur and to bring 
whatever powers we can to that end.
  I am heartened by the offer by the African Union, by the Nigerian and 
the Rwandan troops, to go in on the ground to try to defend the people 
of Darfur. I would suggest that we ask the Security Council and the 
African Union to expand that mission and allow them to more 
aggressively pursue that defense and at the same time we continue our 
efforts with the heavy-lift capability and our efforts to get that 
force in place to defend these victims of genocide.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank again the author of this resolution.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), my good friend, a distinguished member of the 
Committee on International Relations and a tireless fighter for human 
rights.
  Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman yielding me 
this time, and I applaud the sponsors, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. 
Tancredo), the distinguished chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce), and the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Payne) for bringing this forward.
  In a sense, it is bittersweet that we have to do this because of the 
continuing crisis in Sudan, but the fact is that this Congress has been 
moving forward and shining the spotlight. This is another step towards 
making a difference, helping provide safe haven for hundreds of 
thousands of innocent people. As the world proceeds with words of 
concern, the people of Darfur continue to suffer at the hands of the 
Sudanese government and their militia allies because good words are not 
a sufficient substitute for appropriate action.
  I appreciate the commitment we have here in Congress to do something, 
to take action. I view this resolution as the next step in moving us 
along that path.
  It authorizes desperately needed humanitarian aid for over 1.5 
million people forced from their homes. It includes both a carrot and a 
stick. It gives aide to Sudan if the government finishes the north-
south peace process, begins to protect civilians and disarm the 
militia, and provides for sanction against senior government officials 
if they do not. Time will tell whether or not we have hit the right 
balance.
  I appreciate the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) talking about 
the role of the United Nations and the work we need to do there. It is 
an important issue for us as Members of Congress, because this is one 
of the areas, frankly, that I felt even in the fall when there was a 
lot of partisan passions, there were legitimate disagreements on areas 
of policy from Members, but this is an area where our shared values as 
Americans were more important than any partisan differences.
  I remember the evening of our last resolution where Members came 
together in this Chamber, and it made me feel that maybe we would be 
able to take that step forward. I appreciate this resolution as being a 
part of the process, but I would offer the question for my colleagues 
if maybe we might take another small step. I have been in consultation 
with some of my colleagues like the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Payne), the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) and others, about 
whether or not we might resolve as a Congress that in the next

[[Page H10039]]

session we would make a priority to take one small step, that each 
Member in the 109th Congress be able to visit the Sudan, to be able to 
spend a night on the ground in Darfur, and as we leave that country to 
stop off in Khartoum and let the government of Sudan know that their 
behavior is reprehensible and the spotlight of the world is trained 
upon them.

                              {time}  1330

  If we as Members go to our leadership in the spirit of bipartisan 
cooperation that this resolution has been authored, with the leadership 
of our International Relations Committee, and ask that the leadership, 
the Speaker, the minority leader, the majority leader, join with us in 
making sure that there are a series of CODELs over the next 2 years, I 
would respectfully suggest that there is no man or woman that serves in 
this Chamber that cannot find 4 days out of their lives in the next 2 
years that could result in the saving of tens of thousands of lives.
  I have received feedback from people in the NGO community that are 
doing outstanding work; they say if every Member of Congress would go 
to the Sudan over the next 2 years, that it would have a 
transformational effect, even if we had only 50 or 60 of our 
colleagues. So by all means, approve this resolution, stand, speak out, 
move forward; but I would ask that my colleagues join me in making a 
visit on the ground to be a priority for us all. This small gesture can 
save tens of thousands of lives.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I submit for printing in the Congressional 
Record an exchange of letters between Chairman Hyde and Chairman 
Thomas.

                                         House of Representatives,


                                  Committee on Ways and Means,

                                Washington, DC, November 18, 2004.
     Hon. Henry J. Hyde,
     Chairman, Committee on International Relations, Rayburn House 
         Office Building, Washington, DC.
       Dear Chairman Hyde: I am writing concerning S. 2781, the 
     Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.
       As you know, the Committee on Ways and Means has 
     jurisdiction over revenue matters, including any legislation 
     relating to imports. There are two provisions within the bill 
     that may relate to imports and thus fall within the 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. Section 
     4(b)(8) expresses the Sense of Congress that ``the Government 
     of the United States should not normalize relations with 
     Sudan, including through the lifting of any sanctions, until 
     the Government of Sudan agrees to, and takes demonstrable 
     steps to implement, peace agreements for all areas of 
     Sudan.'' Section 6(a) requires the President to impose 
     certain sanctions outlined in the Sudan Peace Act (P.L. 107-
     245), including the requirement to ``take all necessary and 
     appropriate steps, including through multilateral efforts, to 
     deny the Government of Sudan access to oil revenues,'' which 
     could be interpreted to direct the President to impose an 
     import ban on oil.
       However, in order to expedite this legislation for floor 
     consideration, the Committee will forego action on this bill. 
     This is being done with the understanding that it does not in 
     any way prejudice the Committee with respect to exercising 
     its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar 
     legislation.
       I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming 
     this understanding with respect to S. 2781, and would ask 
     that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be 
     included in the Congressional Record during floor 
     consideration.
           Best regards,
                                                      Bill Thomas,
     Chairman.
                                  ____

         Committee on International Relations, House of 
           Representatives,
                                Washington, DC, November 18, 2004.
     Hon. William M.Thomas,
     Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means, Longworth House Office 
         Building, Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. Chairman: Thank you for your letter concerning S. 
     2781, the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act.
       Clearly, under House Rule X, the Committee on Ways and 
     Means has jurisdiction over revenue matters, including any 
     legislation relating to imports. I concur with your 
     assessment of the matters in S. 2781 which fall within the 
     jurisdiction of the Committee on Ways and Means. Section 
     4(b)(8) expresses the Senate of Congress that ``the 
     Government of the United States should not normalize 
     relations with Sudan, including through the lifting of any 
     sanctions, until the Government of Sudan agrees to, and takes 
     demonstrable steps to, implement peace agreements for all 
     areas of Sudan.'' Section 6(a) requires the President to 
     impose certain sanctions outlined in the Sudan Peace Act 
     (P.L. 107-245), including the requirement to ``take all 
     necessary and appropriate steps, including through 
     multilateral efforts, to deny the Government of Sudan access 
     to oil revenues,'' which could be interpreted to direct the 
     President to impose an import ban on oil.
       I appreciate your willingness to permit this important bill 
     to proceed to the floor without the necessity of your 
     Committee formally considering it. I understand that it does 
     not in any way prejudice the Committee with respect to 
     exercising its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar 
     legislation.
       As you have requested, I will ensure that a copy of our 
     exchange of letters on this matter be included in the 
     Congressional Record during floor consideration.
           Sincerely,
                                                    Henry J. Hyde,
                                                         Chairman.

  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to my good 
friend, the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).
  Mr. ALLEN. I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan 
Act. Despite the increase in world attention toward Sudan in the past 
months, the genocide in Darfur has continued without any serious 
attempt by the Sudanese government to do what governments primarily 
exist to do, protect their citizens. Instead, Khartoum has been 
complicit in propagating the brutal acts of violence committed by the 
Janjaweed, has failed to disarm these Arab militias, and has hindered 
the delivery of humanitarian aid to Darfurians in dire need.
  Congress has spoken out and acted several times to address this 
crisis, and I commend this body for its aggressiveness on this issue 
and for contributing more funds for humanitarian assistance than any 
other country. However, we have a moral obligation to do more. As the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) has said, we must continue to 
set an example for the rest of the world. The punitive measures 
contained in this bill need the cooperation of the world in order to 
truly succeed in putting pressure on the Sudanese government.
  I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I note that the genocide 
in Darfur cannot be addressed without seeing it in the context of 
Sudan's other tragic conflicts: the 21-year North-South civil war, and 
Sudan's support for LRA bases on Sudan's border with northern Uganda. 
We should remain careful to address all of these conflicts 
comprehensively, for none of them persists in a vacuum.
  I also support the gentleman from California's call for NATO to get 
involved in addressing this most serious humanitarian crisis. The 
Khartoum regime will do what it must to survive. In 1995, sanctions led 
Sudan to cut its ties with terrorists and expel Osama bin Laden. The 
international community should take the same forceful action now to 
save hundreds of thousands of lives. If the world has learned anything 
from the horrific tragedy of Rwanda and all previous genocides, we must 
not commit the same mistake again.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield the balance of my 
time to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the distinguished 
ranking member of the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on 
International Relations who has been our leader on all matters relating 
to that important continent.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 additional minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).
  (Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of S. 2781, 
the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act. The bill is a result of weeks of 
negotiations between House and Senate cosponsors. First of all, this 
would have been impossible without the cooperation of the leadership of 
both the House and the Senate, and I would certainly like to commend 
the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the chairman of the committee, 
who has not said no to any request that we have made as relates to 
Sudan. There could not have been any more cooperation from a chairman 
of a committee in such a bipartisan manner than we have seen from the 
gentleman from Illinois. I would certainly like to commend him at this 
time.
  Of course, the driving interest and support from the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) who saw the effects of genocide decades ago 
when the

[[Page H10040]]

Holocaust was going on and the world looked the other way. His passion 
for issues that are right certainly shows clearly in his overwhelming 
support for action against the Government of Sudan and alleviating the 
situation of the people of Sudan.
  Let me thank Senator Biden and, of course, our chair of the 
Subcommittee on Africa whose tireless effort has also been 
extraordinary in bipartisanship. I think that if the Congress could put 
a prototype of the Subcommittee on Africa and then see if it could 
spread towards the total Congress, much more positive legislation would 
be passed. And so I commend the gentleman from Orange County, the 
chairman of our subcommittee, and also the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. 
Tancredo) who has been a real asset to our work. His first CODEL was a 
trip to southern Sudan. And so the gentleman from California (Mr. 
Royce), the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo), and the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Royce) who even before any of us came was fighting 
the fight and he continues to fight the good fight.
  The world has witnessed genocide before but never as we have seen it 
again here before in Darfur, but the difference is we have declared 
genocide and that is something that the world has not done before. The 
world usually watched, said it is terrible, that sort of something 
should be done, and after it has been done, maybe a decade or two 
later, will do a study. And after the study is concluded, they will say 
indeed genocide occurred. The fact that in 1948 the world body said 
that there should be a law, there should be a responsibility to step in 
to prevent genocide, but it has not happened 10 years after Rwanda.
  A film is coming out now that I wish everyone would be able to see 
about a person who saved 1,200 lives at the Mille Collines Hotel, where 
he simply kept 1,200 people, Tutsis and moderate Hutus, alive. And so 
as we see what has happened before, it is so important that we have 
stepped up, but to declare it is not enough. We see the brutal killings 
and unnecessary deaths due to cholera, diarrhea, and starvation.
  We know the facts. Over 70,000 innocent men, women and children have 
been killed in this genocide conceived, sponsored, and carried out by 
the Government of Sudan. Government troops and the Janjaweed militias 
they have recruited and armed have internally displaced close to 1.6 
million people and forced 200,000 people into Chad. They have raped 
countless women and children. What kind of world are we living in today 
in the new millennium where this can occur while the international 
community still looks on and debates the issue?
  S. 2781 is our response to genocide, and it contains asset freezes on 
government officials as well as travel bans. It provides $200 million 
in fiscal year 2005 to the Darfur humanitarian relief and the African 
Union mission as well as $100 million to development in the southern 
Sudan. It says to the Government of Sudan that the United States is 
watching and will punish them for this genocide, despite any agreement 
that they may reach with the SPLM.
  Let us not get ourselves confused. For 40 years the North and South 
have been at war and finally the Sudanese government has agreed to now 
another 30 or 45 days. They were supposed to sign it with the Security 
Council being in Nairobi, Kenya, but they said, well, give us until 
December 31. But let us not make any mistake about the fact that if the 
North-South agreement goes on, that we cannot turn a blind eye and give 
concessions to the Government of Sudan as they continue genocide in the 
West. We will not stand for that. It is unacceptable.
  It is unconscionable that a government attacks its own people, yet 
the Government of Sudan has a history of doing this. In southern Sudan 
for years they practiced a scorched-Earth campaign of aerial 
bombardment that has killed over 2 million people and displaced another 
5 million over the course of the last 3 decades.
  Today in Nairobi, Kenya, the Security Council is meeting to discuss 
the North-South peace process, as I indicated earlier. It is key that 
we do not forget Darfur while we are pushing for peace in the North and 
the South.
  I also urge my colleagues in the Congress to condemn the apparent 
shift of policy by the administration to reward the genocidaire 
Government of Sudan with debt relief and reconstruction if they sign an 
agreement by the end of the year instead of punishing them.
  I think that this is a very key point. For decades and decades and 
decades the Government of Sudan has done the wrong thing. They allowed 
Osama bin Laden to live in Sudan. In those 4 or 5 years, Osama bin 
Laden, who had not developed an international organization, did not 
have the comfort to develop and strategize because he was even expelled 
from Saudi Arabia, the Government of Sudan, the same people who are in 
power, the same ministers, the same directors of programs, the same 
police officers, the same generals allowed Osama bin Laden to plan and 
to strengthen his organization, to develop a worldwide network in the 
United States, throughout Asia, throughout Africa, throughout the 
Middle East, and plan the bombings in Dar es Salaam and in Nairobi, 
which killed hundreds of Americans and Tanzanians and Kenyans.
  And finally, after tremendous pressure, Sudan allowed him to leave, 
but the damage was done. Had that government not allowed Osama bin 
Laden to stay under their protection, the government issued visas to 
people who carried the bombs into those countries and we have reports 
of that. They supplied the ammunition needed to set off the bombs, this 
same government, who now have attacked the West. We say that it will be 
wrong. The North-South agreement is something that should not even have 
had to be signed because there should not have been the North 
atrocities on the South for the last 20 or 30 years.
  That is good that there is finally becoming an agreement. But let us 
not allow that to blind us in saying that the government is doing the 
right thing. They are doing something that they should not have done 
before and let us have Darfur to make sure that the genocide ends 
there.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The time of the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) has expired.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  The gentleman from New Jersey referenced a trip that we took to the 
Sudan, he and I, now over 5 years ago, 5\1/2\ years ago. It was 
certainly as a result of that trip that I have committed as much of my 
time and energy to this issue, and it is a result of the gentleman from 
New Jersey's leadership in this area that I stay connected to it.
  Let me just tell you one thing that happened on that trip that I 
remember to this day and will remember it for the rest of my life. We 
were in a little town called Yai. As we walked through the town, a 
group of children surrounded us so that it was almost impossible to 
move. They kept yelling something. They were pointing up. They kept 
saying something, and of course I could not understand. We were trying 
to move by. I asked somebody, what are they saying?

                              {time}  1345

  And the interpreter said they are fearful of bombs because, of 
course, the town had been bombed just prior to our getting there. The 
Antanov bombers had come by, and they were saying that they thought 
that because we were from the United States, because we were 
Congressmen, that they would not be hit by these bombs if they stayed 
close to us. And, of course, I could not promise that that could not 
happen. But I still remember their eyes, the eyes of these children 
looking up to us, looking for safety around us. And I will never forget 
that as long as I live. I will take that picture to my grave. And I 
committed myself at that time to do everything I could possibly do as a 
Member of Congress and as a human being, as a person with a soul, to do 
everything I could possibly do to provide them the shelter that they 
were looking for, them and all of the other children in Sudan and all 
of the other people that have suffered so mightily in this war-torn, 
ravaged country.
  There are places all over the world I know that have experienced 
horrible events, and it happens daily. We come here ourselves and we 
say what can we do individually. We have to carve out something that we 
are going to focus on and spend time and energy on until it is 
accomplished or we are taken away, one way or the other, from this 
place.

[[Page H10041]]

  So as I say, it has been certainly a pleasure to work with as many 
wonderful people as we have over the time. Father Dan, my colleague 
remembers, that we met there, who I always refer to as the individual 
in Sudan that anybody would go to if they want to know what was really 
happening, and he himself has saved thousands of people, thousands. We 
went to a church the last day we were there. Thousands of people came, 
and they had themselves experienced the most horrible things.
  Almost 7,000 died on the way to this refugee camp that Father Dan had 
set up for them. And yet they came singing the praises of Jesus Christ 
and their thankfulness to be saved. I mean, it was the most incredible 
experience in my life, really. It was amazing. So I must say that the 
gentleman's kind words to me are certainly appreciated, but they are 
undeserved especially in terms of what he has done and others, my 
colleagues here.
  We are pulled to this not for any political reason whatsoever. There 
are no votes. I mean, it is one of the few kinds of things we do on 
this floor that has absolutely no political advantage to anybody. We 
are pulled to this because we are human beings with souls and our souls 
are what tell us we must do, what we are doing here today.
  So I thank the gentleman. I want to thank Molly Miller on my staff, 
who has spent so many countless hours and sleepless nights both 
probably in the office and also in her home worrying and thinking about 
this and trying to help us get to the floor tonight. Molly has been 
wonderful.
  I just wish that this were the end of it. I wish that once we pass 
this, we could all walk away and think it is done, we have accomplished 
it, there is peace in Sudan. It is not the case. We know that is not 
the case. But it is what we are required to do today. And if there is 
more required to do tomorrow, I commit myself and I know my colleagues 
to the same. I commit myself to that task for as long as it takes.
  Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, by now we are all aware of the ongoing 
crisis in Darfur, Sudan. The United Nations and U.S. officials have 
both asserted that the situation there is currently the worst 
humanitarian and human rights crisis in the world. To date, 1.4 million 
people have been internally displaced, 200,000 have been forced into 
exile, and an estimated 70,000 civilians have been killed. Some figures 
put the number of lives lost at nearly 300,000.
  In light of this incomprehensible tragedy, I am extremely pleased to 
support the passage of the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004, S. 
2781. The bill represents a non-partisan effort to provide adequate 
humanitarian and peacekeeping assistance to the Darfur region, as well 
as, hold accountable the perpetrators of the atrocities.
  The bill seeks to appropriate $200 million for Darfur humanitarian 
relief, as well as assistance to the African Union's peacekeeping 
efforts in the region. through the application of economic sanctions, 
the bill will also seek to take punitive action against the Government 
of Sudan if it continues its brutal transgressions against the 
Darfurian people. In addition, the bill will appropriate $100 million 
in FY 05, 06, and 07 for reconstruction efforts in Southern Sudan.
  The passage of S. 2781 will send a clear message that the people of 
Darfur are not alone in their struggle, and that the acts being 
perpetrated by the Sudanese government will not be tolerated. As a co-
sponsor of H.R. 5061, the companion bill to S. 2781, I urge my fellow 
colleagues to lend their support to this critical measure, as it now 
lie son the cusp of passage.
  I cannot stress enough its importance. Its success will no doubt aid 
in the cessation of genocide in Darfur, and the ability of its people 
to rebuild their lives and reclaim their liberty. As a nation that 
values freedom, we must make certain that it endures, not only for 
ourselves but for all our human brethren. S. 2781 is but one step in 
that eternal endeavor.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of S. 2781 
regarding the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan. I fully supported 
H.R. 5061, which sought to provide the assistance that is necessary to 
begin to address the crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan and begin to 
usher in stability throughout the region and is related. The 
legislation before us today, S. 2781 does the following:
  Sets forth the Comprehensive Peace in Sudan Act of 2004 which 
contains the sense of Congress regarding: (1) The Sudan Peace Act and 
its extension to the Darfur region of Sudan; and (2) actions to address 
the conflict in Sudan;
  Amends the Sudan Peace Act to authorize additional FY 2005 
appropriations to address the humanitarian and human rights crisis in 
the Darfur region and its impact on eastern Chad;
  Authorizes additional FY 2005 appropriations for Sudan upon the 
conclusion of a peace agreement between the Government of Sudan and the 
Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) if the President certifies to 
the appropriate congressional committees that: (1) The Government of 
Sudan has taken steps to stop attacking civilians, disarm militias, 
cooperate fully with observer missions, and allow humanitarian access 
to all areas of Sudan, including Darfur; and (2) the SPLM is complying 
with the peace agreement;
  Requires suspension of assistance to either party for its failure to 
adhere to certification requirements;
  Requires: (1) Blocking of senior government officials' assets if such 
certification is not submitted within 120 days of enactment of this 
Act; and (2) continuation of existing restrictions until such 
certification;
  Requires the President to report within 60 days of enactment of this 
Act on the planned U.S. response to a peace agreement for Sudan; and
  Amends the International Organizations Immunities Act to replace a 
reference to ``Organization of African Unity'' with ``African Union.''
  I congratulate our Senate colleague from Indiana for his hard work in 
crafting this legislation. However, some of its provisions may require 
additional urgent action to supplement its legal effect. For example, 
the 30-day delay required before sanctions can be placed by our 
government represents a significant concession.
  Nevertheless, I feel that the authorization of $200 million in FY 
2005 for Darfur humanitarian relief, as well as $100 million for FY 
2005, 2006, and 2007 for the development of Southern Sudan will provide 
major relief in the near future.
  H.R. 5061 called for sanctions against the Government of Sudan and 
that would allow the United States President to freeze the assets of 
senior Sudanese officials. These sanctions will enable the U.S. 
Government to facilitate the weakening of the Sudanese groups that 
threaten the lives of so many innocent people and the effectiveness of 
the N'Djamena Agreement (which is between the Government of Sudan, the 
Justice Equality Movement, and the Sudan Liberation Army) and other 
peace negotiations.
  H.R. 5061 further aimed to include instructions for the U.S. 
Permanent Representative of the U.N. to urge the Security Council and 
member states to pursue accountability for those that are facilitating 
the genocide in Darfur. The provisions of that bill also sought to end 
the importation of Sudanese oil and to impose an arms embargo on the 
government of Sudan, the Janjaweed and the Peoples Democratic Front.
  We know why this legislation and the bill before us are important. We 
have read in our newspapers and magazines and have watched our 
televisions to learn more about the lawlessness that is afflicting 
Darfur. Members of this Congress have traveled to Sudan and reported 
back the bad news. It continues to be a bloodbath situation in Sudan 
and this Congress must support this bill and take a stand against the 
murderous actors and to show out support for the millions of refugees 
whom have fled to neighboring countries. This bill will provide aid to 
the millions of refugees in eastern Chad and Darfur, who seek only to 
feed their children and seek solace from Janjaweed militias.
  The situation in Darfur is dire. We must do more than simply label 
this horrendous act as genocide; we must take action to stop it. The 
people of Darfur continue to be raped and pillaged by militia forces. 
These militiamen ride into towns, villages, and even refugee camps on 
horseback carrying AK-47s and drive families from their farms, destroy 
their homes, rape their women, and in many cases murder them. Because 
of the overcrowding in the refugee camps and the inability of foreign 
aid workers to reach the camps due to instability, disease has become 
rampant. Right now in Darfur, thousands are succumbing to these 
diseases.
  Mr. Speaker, the situation in Darfur is a disaster that has been 
brought upon the people of Darfur by the systematic efforts of the 
Janjaweed, which is strongly supported by the Sudanese Government in 
Khartoum. They have been orchestrating efforts to exterminate the 
ethnic African culture in Darfur, which this Congress, and most 
recently the president of these United States, labeled genocide.
  Therefore this Congress must act now and support S. 2781. In addition 
to thanking Senator Lugar for his hard work, I would like to thank 
Congressman Thomas Tancredo and Congressman Donald Payne for their 
tireless efforts to raise awareness on this horrific act. I want to 
commend them for working to produce this bill and I can only pray that 
Congress will pass this legislation on behalf of those who are hoping 
for better days in Sudan.
  Imagine a world where bands of armed militia raid and burn villages, 
kill men, rape

[[Page H10042]]

women, and abduct children, and force entire families off their lands. 
These are not scenes from a war movie; these are slices of everyday 
life for ethnic African people living in the Darfur region of western 
Sudan.
  Relief workers and U.S. officials have reported seeing thousands 
children whose round bellies and sunken eyes reveal a famine so severe 
that even the most well fed of the land would still be considered 
malnourished. And they are a stone's throw from fertile ground. The 
problem is that Janjaweed militiamen riding on horseback and carrying 
AK-47s, have driven families from their farms, destroyed their homes, 
cut them off from resources, and refused to let them prepare for the 
upcoming rainy reason. The monsoons will likely overwhelm leaky huts 
and inadequate sewage systems and increase the risks of cholera, 
diarrhea, meningitis, measles, and possibly typhoid fever and polio. 
But this is not a natural disaster. It is a wholly unnatural, man-made 
disaster, brought about through the systematic efforts of the 
Janjaweed, and supported by the Sudanese Govenment in Khartoum. It is 
an effort to exterminate the ethnic African culture in Darfur--an 
international crime.
  For the past year and a half, the Government of Sudan has supported 
and enlarged the interests of the Janjaweed militia. In the melee, more 
than 30,000 people have died and 300,000 more may die by year's end 
even if we contribute our best humanitarian effort. Now, in the twelfth 
hour, world leaders in Washington, at the U.N., and around the world 
are finally beginning to heed the cries of the people in Darfur. 
International aid and human rights organizations are stepping in to 
assess and meet the needs for humanitarian aid in both the Sudan and 
Chad where many displaced people of Darfur are seeking refuge.
  Visits by Senator Sam Brownback, Representative Frank Wolf and, most 
recently, United States Secretary of State Colin Powell and United 
Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan have done much to bring this issue 
to the forefront of world politics.
  The world's attention and international media coverage are essential 
but insufficient to restore peace. To end this crisis, we must first 
acknowledge the scope of this crisis. What is happening in Darfur is 
genocide. In historic fashion, the House of Representatives, in an 
almost unprecedented show of bipartisanship passed legislation from my 
colleague in the Congressional Black Caucus Donald Payne, H. Con. Res. 
467--a formal declaration of genocide in Darfur, Sudan.
  Today, I met with Secretary of State Colin Powell, and leaders from 
the Congressional Black Caucus, to discuss possibilities for future 
action in Sudan. Secretary Powell's passion and commitment to the cause 
of peace and justice for the Darfurians was obvious. But it is now time 
for similar dedication at the highest levels of govenment. I have 
written a letter to the President, co-signed by 30 other Members of 
Congress, both Republicans and Democrats, requesting a meeting as soon 
as practicable. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and 
President Bush must work in concert with us in the Congress to pressure 
the Sudanese to disarm the Janjaweed militias and end their reign of 
terror on ethnic-African peoples. If disarmament does not occur and if 
proper security measures are not taken to ensure that humanitarian 
workers will be able to do their jobs on the ground, we need to explore 
other more aggressive options, with our partners at the U.N., 
especially those nations in the African Union.
  Today, U.S. lawmakers and U.N. officials know too much about the 
horrors taking place in Darfur for this administration and govenment to 
repeat the fate of Rwanda in 1994. We now have the momentum to move 
forward and prevent thousands and, possibly, millions from dying. With 
such a narrow window of opportunity to avert tragedy and with the 
urgent warnings issued this week by the 9/11 commission, I believe 
Congress should cut our recess short, and come back to Washington, to 
immediately address the issues that face this Nation and our friends in 
the world. It is our moral duty to put an end to what has already 
become a human rights catastrophe. We must stop the suffering and the 
commission of blatant crimes against humanity.
  Mr. Speaker, I support this legislation and ask that this body unite 
for its passage.
  Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend my colleagues, 
Donald Payne and Tom Tancredo for working with the Senate to draft a 
bill that will hopefully be the beginning of the end of genocide in the 
Sudan.
  Since February 2003, Sudanese government troops and their allied 
militia, the Janjaweed, have raped, tortured, maimed, and burned entire 
villages to cleanse the Darfur areas of African Muslims.
  Seventy thousand have died. Over 200,000 have fled across the border 
into Chad and 1.6 million have been forced from their homes and into 
camps, where they remain vulnerable to attacks and lack basic services.
  While the Sudanese government has done little to protect its people, 
the African Union has shown tremendous leadership in trying to stop the 
atrocities.
  The African Union has led peace talks since August and sent hundreds 
of monitors and security forces to assist in stopping the atrocities.
  It is my hope that the bulk of the assistance included in this bill 
will go to ensure that the African Union is successful in its mission 
to finally end the genocide in Darfur!
  Additionally, we must continue to insist that the Sudanese government 
cease support for and disarm the Janjaweed militias by immediately 
utilizing sanctions against the government officials responsible for 
stopping the atrocities.
  Darfur has waited long enough. We must act now.
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this ill-
conceived, counter-productive legislation. This represents exactly the 
kind of unconstitutional interventionism the Founding Fathers warned us 
about. It is arrogant and dangerous for us to believe that we can go 
around the world inserting ourselves into civil wars that have nothing 
to do with us without having to face the unintended consequences that 
always arise. Our steadily-increasing involvement in the civil war in 
Sudan may well delay the resolution of the conflict that appears to be 
proceeding without our involvement. Just today, in talks with the UN 
the two sides pledged to end the fighting.
  The fact is we do not know and cannot understand the complexities of 
the civil war in Sudan, which has lasted for 39 of that country's 48 
years of existence. Supporters of our intervention in Sudan argue that 
this is a clear-cut case of Sudan's Christian minority being oppressed 
and massacred by the Arab majority in the Darfur region. It is 
interesting that the CIA's World Factbook states that Sudan's 
Christians, who make up five percent of the population, are 
concentrated in the south of the country. Darfur is a region in the 
mid-western part of Sudan. So I wonder about this very simplistic 
characterization of the conflict.
  It seems as if this has been all reduced to a few slogans, tossed 
around without much thought or care about real meaning or implication. 
We unfortunately see this often with calls for intervention. One thing 
we do know, however, is that Sudan is floating on a sea of oil. Why 
does it always seem that when we hear urgent clamor for the United 
States to intervene, oil or some other valuable commodity just happens 
to be present? I find it interesting that so much attention is being 
paid to oil-rich Sudan while right next door in Congo the death toll 
from its civil war is estimated to two to three million--several times 
the estimated toll in Sudan.
  At a time when we have just raised the debt-ceiling to allow more 
massive debt accumulation, this legislation will unconstitutionally 
commit the United States to ship some 300 million taxpayer dollars to 
Sudan. It will also freeze the U.S. assets of certain Sudanese until 
the government of Sudan pursues peace in a time-frame and manner that 
the U.S. determines.
  Inserting ourselves into this civil war in Sudan will do little to 
solve the crisis. In fact, the promise of U.S. support for one side in 
the struggle may discourage the progress that has been made recently. 
What incentive is there to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict 
when the U.S. government promises massive assistance to one side? I 
strongly urge my colleagues to rethink our current dangerous course 
toward further intervention in Sudan. We may end up hurting most those 
we are intending to help.
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bass). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) that the House 
suspend the rules and pass the Senate bill, S. 2781, as amended.
  The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor 
thereof) the rules were suspended and the Senate bill, as amended, was 
passed.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________