[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 115 (Wednesday, September 22, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H7381-H7386]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CALLING FOR THE SUSPENSION OF SUDAN'S MEMBERSHIP ON THE UNITED NATIONS
COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
concur in the Senate concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 137) calling
for the suspension of Sudan's membership on the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights.
The Clerk read as follows:
S. Con. Res. 137
Whereas in Darfur, Sudan, more than 30,000 innocent
civilians have been murdered, more than 400 villages have
been destroyed, more than 130,000 men, women, and children
have been forced from their villages into neighboring
countries, and more than 1,000,000 people have been
internally displaced;
Whereas the United States Government has been, and remains
as of September 2004, the largest contributor of assistance
to the people of Darfur, having provided over $200,000,000 in
assistance, which constitutes more than 70 percent of the
total assistance provided to that region;
Whereas the United States has pledged $299,000,000 in
humanitarian aid to Darfur through fiscal year 2005, as well
as $11,800,000 in support of the African Union mission in
that region, and is likely to provide support in excess of
those pledges;
Whereas United States citizens and private organizations,
as well as the United States Government, have admirably
worked, at great risk and through great effort, to ease
suffering in Darfur, Sudan, and in eastern Chad;
Whereas based on credible reports, Congress determined in
late July 2004 that acts of genocide were occurring in
Darfur, Sudan, and that the Government of Sudan bears direct
responsibility for many of those acts of genocide;
Whereas expressing its grave concern at the ongoing
humanitarian crisis and widespread human rights violations in
Darfur, including continued attacks on civilians that place
thousands of lives at risk, the United Nations Security
Council on July 30, 2004, unanimously adopted Security
Council Resolution 1556, which called upon the Government of
Sudan to fulfill immediately its obligations to facilitate
humanitarian relief efforts, to take steps to disarm
immediately the Janjaweed militias responsible for attacks on
civilians and bring the perpetrators of such attacks to
justice, and to cooperate with independent United Nations-
sponsored investigations of human rights violations;
Whereas the Government of Sudan has failed to take credible
steps to comply with the demands of the international
community as expressed through the United Nations Security
Council;
Whereas according to press reports, reports from
nongovernmental organizations, first-hand accounts from
refugees, and other sources, the Janjaweed attacks on the
civilians of Darfur continue unabated as of September 2004;
Whereas there are credible reports from some of these same
sources that the Government of Sudan is providing assistance
to the Janjaweed militias and, in some cases, that Government
of Sudan forces have participated directly in attacks on
civilians;
Whereas the United States Government, after conducting more
than 1,000 interviews with survivors and refugees, has
determined that genocide has occurred in Darfur, that it may
still be occurring, and that both the Janjaweed and the
Government of Sudan bear responsibility for these acts;
Whereas the Secretary of State has determined that the
attacks by the Government of Sudan and the Janjaweed on the
non-Arab people of Darfur and their villages are based on
race, not religion;
Whereas the United States has recently introduced a new
resolution in the United Nations Security Council that calls
for the Government of Sudan to cooperate fully with an
expanded African Union force and for a cessation of Sudanese
military flights over Darfur;
Whereas the introduced resolution also provides for
international overflights of the Darfur region to monitor the
situation on the ground and requires the United Nations
Security Council to review the record of compliance of the
Government of Sudan to determine whether the United Nations
should impose sanctions on Sudan, including sanctions
affecting the petroleum sector in that country;
Whereas the resolution also urges the Government of Sudan
and the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement to conclude
negotiations on a comprehensive peace accord and, most
important, calls for a United Nations investigation into all
violations of international humanitarian law and human rights
law that have occurred in Darfur in order to ensure
accountability;
Whereas the United Nations Security Council, in United
Nations Security Council Resolution 1556, emphasized that the
Government of Sudan bears primary responsibility for
respecting human rights and protecting the people of Sudan;
Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 1556
calls upon the Government of Sudan to cooperate with the
United Nations;
Whereas the United Nations Human Rights Commission,
established in 1946 and given the responsibility of drafting
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is responsible for
promoting respect for and observance of, human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all;
Whereas the Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares
that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights, that everyone is entitled to all the rights and
freedoms set forth in the Declaration regardless of race,
color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion,
or national or social origin, property, birth, or other
status, that everyone has the right to life, liberty and
security of person, that no one shall be held in slavery or
servitude, and that no one shall be subjected to torture or
to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment;
Whereas the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of
Genocide, done at Paris on December 9, 1948 (hereafter in
this resolution referred to as the ``Genocide Convention''),
delineates the criteria that constitute genocide and requires
parties to prevent and punish genocide;
Whereas Sudan is a state party to the Genocide Convention
and remains a member of the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights;
Whereas the Secretary of State determined that, according
to United States law, the Government of Sudan is a state
sponsor of terrorism and has been since 1993 and therefore
remains ineligible for United States foreign assistance;
Whereas due to the human rights situation in Darfur, it
would be consistent with United States obligations under the
Genocide Convention for the Secretary of State and the United
States Permanent Representative to the United Nations to seek
the immediate suspension of Sudan from the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights and, in the event a formal
investigation results in a determination by the United
Nations that genocide has occurred in Darfur, the ultimate
removal of Sudan from such Commission; and
Whereas it is a mockery of human rights as a universal
principle, a challenge to the United Nations as an
institution, and an affront to all responsible countries that
embrace and promote human rights that a government under
investigation by the United Nations for committing genocide
against, and violating the human rights of, its own citizens
sits in judgment of others as a member in good standing of
the United Nations Commission on Human Rights: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives
concurring), That Congress--
(1) recognizes and approves of the findings of the
Secretary of State that genocide has occurred and may still
be occurring in Darfur, Sudan, and that the Government of
Sudan bears responsibility for such acts;
(2) supports the Secretary of State's call for a full and
unfettered investigation by the United Nations into all
violations of international humanitarian law and human rights
law that have occurred in Darfur, with a view to ensuring
accountability;
(3) supports the resolution introduced by the United States
Government in the United Nations Security Council on
September 9, 2004, with regard to the situation in Darfur;
(4) calls upon the Secretary of State and the United States
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to take
immediate steps to pursue the establishment of a formal
United Nations investigation, under Article VIII of the
Genocide Convention, to determine whether the actions of the
Government of Sudan in Darfur constitute acts of genocide;
(5) calls upon the Secretary of State and the United States
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to take
immediate steps to pursue the immediate suspension of Sudan
from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights;
(6) calls upon the Secretary of State and the United States
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to take
further steps to ensure that the suspension of Sudan from the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights remains in effect
unless and until the Government of Sudan meets all of its
obligations, as determined by the United Nations Security
Council, under United Nations Security Council Resolution
1556 of July 30, 2004, and any subsequent United Nations
Security Council resolutions regarding this matter;
(7) calls upon the Secretary of State and the United States
Permanent Representative to the United Nations to take steps
to ensure that, in the event that the formal investigation of
acts of genocide in Sudan results in a determination by the
United Nations that genocide has occurred or is occurring in
Darfur, the United States Government takes appropriate
actions to ensure that Sudan is removed from the United
Nations Human Rights Commission;
(8) calls upon the member states of the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights to convene an immediate special
session to consider the urgent and acute human rights
situation in Sudan for the purpose of considering whether
Sudan should be suspended from membership in such Commission;
and
(9) expects the Secretary of State to report to Congress on
progress made toward taking the actions and accomplishing the
objectives
[[Page H7382]]
outlined in this resolution not later than 60 days after the
date on which Congress agrees to the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
(Mr. SMITH of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
In April of 2004, Mr. Speaker, at the same time as world leaders were
gathered in Kigali, Rwanda, to remember the Rwandan genocide of 10
years earlier, a humanitarian cease-fire was signed between the
government of Sudan, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, and the Sudan
Justice and Equality Movement to end the atrocities and reverse the
humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The agreement was facilitated by the
U.S., European Union, the African Union and the United Nations. All
parties agreed to take immediate steps to stop the violence and
atrocities being perpetrated by the Janjaweed militias.
Sadly, the agreement was not worth the paper it was written on, and
the violence continued. The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan
later said, ``The only difference between Rwanda and Darfur now is the
numbers involved.'' President Bush confirmed this conclusion on
September 9 by declaring ``The United States is appalled by the
violence in Darfur, Sudan. The world cannot ignore the suffering of
more than 1 million people.''
Mr. Speaker, despite the best efforts of the U.S. Government,
including the extraordinary efforts of Ambassador Williamson at the
U.N. Conference in Geneva, and I was there and I saw it up close and
personal, he did an extraordinary job; Sudan was given nothing more
than a half-hearted slap on the wrist during the sixtieth session of
the U.S. Commission on Human Rights which concluded its work in May.
Like I said, I was there in Geneva, and I was appalled when Sudan was
reelected to serve on the commission for another 2 years. The hypocrisy
of the election of Sudan, one of the worst violators of human rights on
the planet, to serve on the U.N. Commission For Human Rights should not
be lost on anyone. It is utterly outrageous.
Sudan now, as it has in the past, uses its clout on the Human Rights
Panel to thwart scrutiny of its policies and to water down resolutions
of condemnation. Sudan uses its seat on the committee to network and to
collude with other rogue nations to run interference for the
dictatorships. And again, I saw that firsthand as they were walking the
halls in Geneva and working the room to try to water down resolutions.
Finally, let me just say, Mr. Speaker, the atrocities committed in
Darfur have all been well documented. An estimated 50,000 people have
been killed and another 300,000 face imminent death in the coming
months. Over a million have been displaced, and some 200,000 others
have been forced to flee to neighboring Chad. This atrocity must come
to an end. This resolution again puts us on record in trying to
mitigate and, hopefully, end this crisis.
Mr. Speaker, in April 2004, at the same time as world leaders were
gathered in Kigali, Rwanda to remember the Rwandan genocide of 10 years
earlier, a humanitarian cease-fire was signed between the government of
Sudan, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army, and the Sudan Justice and
Equality Movement to end the atrocities and reverse the humanitarian
crisis in Darfur. The agreement was facilitated by the United States
Government, the European Union, the African Union, and the United
Nations. All parties agreed to take immediate steps to stop the
violence and atrocities being perpetrated by the Janjaweed militias.
Sadly, the agreement wasn't worth the paper it was written on and the
violence continued. The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan later
said, ``The only difference between Rwanda and Darfur now is the
numbers involved.'' President Bush affirmed this conclusion on
September 9 by declaring, ``The United States is appalled by the
violence in Darfur, Sudan . . . The world cannot ignore the suffering
of more than one million people.''
Despite the best efforts by the United States Government, including
the extraordinary efforts of Ambassador Williamson, Sudan was given
nothing more than a half-hearted slap on the wrist during the 60th
Session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, which concluded its
work in May. I was there in Geneva and was appalled when Sudan was
reelected to serve on the Commission for another two years. The
hyprocacy of the election of Sudan--one of the worst violators of human
rights on the planet--to serve on the U.N. Commission for Human Rights
should not been lost on anyone. It is utterly outrageous.
Sudan uses its clout on the Human Rights Panel to thwart scrutiny of
its policies and to water down resolutions of condemnation. Sudan uses
its seat on the Committee to network and collude with other rogue
nations to run interference for dictatorships.
Mr. Speaker, this is the third time in the past 4 months that this
House has considered resolutions which have shed light on the crisis in
the Darfur region. The first resolution, House Concurrent Resolution
403, condemned the Government of Sudan for its attacks against
civilians in Darfur. The second, House Concurrent Resolution 467,
declared that the atrocities taking place in Darfur constitute
genocide. This declaration of genocide was affirmed by President Bush
and Secretary of State Powell. Senate Concurrent Resolution 137, which
lies before you now, represents a logical next step.
Senate Concurrent Resolution 137 endorses the Secretary of State's
call for an investigation into violations of international humanitarian
law and human rights law that have occurred in Darfur, and calls for
Sudan's suspension from the Commission on Human Rights until that
investigation has been completed. Should the investigation lead to a
determination by the United Nations that genocide has occurred or is
occurring in Darfur, the resolution calls for the removal of Sudan from
the Human Rights Commission. Finally, the resolution calls upon the
Member States of the Human Rights commission to convene an immediate
special session to consider suspension of Sudan's membership.
The atrocities committed in Darfur have been well documented. An
estimated 50,000 people have been killed, another 300,000 face certain
death in the coming months, over a million have been internally
displaced and some 200,000 others have been forced to flee to
neighboring Chad. Attacks show a systematic pattern and include murder,
rape, gender-based violence, and other scorched earth tactics. Despite
the existence of a cease-fire, African Union monitors have confirmed
government support for and participation in attacks against civilians
in Darfur as recently as August 26, 2004. Human Rights Watch reports
that the Sudanese Government has allowed the Janjaweed to maintain
military camps in all Darfur states--several of which they share with
the Sudanese Army--and that many Janjaweed have been incorporated into
the army or police.
On July 22, 2004 the House voted unanimously to declare that the
atrocities in Sudan constituted genocide. On September 9, 2004, the
State Department followed suit, releasing a report which outlines these
atrocities and concludes that the Sudanese Government has ``promoted
systematic killings based on race and ethnic origin,'' and that these
acts constitute genocide.
It is unconscionable that a government which has perpetrated genocide
would be welcome to sit on the U.N. Commission on Human Rights--the
very body charged with the protection of human rights around the globe.
Sudan should be in the dock--being held accountable for crimes against
humanity. Sudan's flagrant disregard for the principles enshrined in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights makes a mockery of the Human
Rights Commission's work, and tangibly undermines that work. Its
continued presence on that Commission degrades the United Nations
system as a whole.
The preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights places
great importance on each member country having a common understanding
of human rights and freedoms. One must wonder if the Government of
Sudan, which has demonstrated such a flagrant disregard for these
principles, has ever read that document. If they have, surely they have
not taken it to heart.
Mr. Speaker, I welcome the recent adoption of United Nations Security
Council Resolution 1565, which establishes the International Commission
of Inquiry called for by both this body and by President Bush. But in
light of the evidence already before us, I believe it would be
extraordinarily difficult to make an argument against suspending
Sudan's membership from the U.N. Commission on Human Rights. This
resolution is timely, it is logical, and I urge your support.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) control the remaining time on
our side.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
[[Page H7383]]
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution,
and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend our colleagues in the
Senate for passing this critically important resolution. The passage
was in the spirit of a bipartisan, bicameral coalition that has worked
together over the last few years and few months, in particular, on the
problem in Darfur, to bring peace and justice there. I commend the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) on his statement and all of those
who have worked so diligently, including the gentleman from Colorado
(Mr. Tancredo), the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Cummings) of the Black Caucus, who have all come
together to support the terrible actions of the government of Sudan.
Mr. Speaker, this past May, the United Nations Economic and Social
Council voted on candidate states for 14 open seats on the Human Rights
Commission, the monitoring watchdog of the United Nations. To the
dismay of the international community, Sudan was nominated from the
Africa group.
Just one month later, the commission censured Sudan over its severe
human rights violations in the country's western Darfur region. Sudan
was charged with systematically destroying whole villages, executing
civilians, raping women and displacing hundreds of thousands of people.
I went to that region, to Chad and went 30 miles from the border of
Sudan and talked to the refugees there and heard firsthand the horrible
stories that they told us about rapes and beatings of children, boys
being forced into huts and the huts being burned, just horrible,
horrible stories.
Mr. Speaker, this is the same government that gave sanctuary to Osama
bin Laden from 1991 to 1996, allowing him to build his terror network
worldwide. In fact, I would argue that al Qaeda was conceived and
created in Sudan in the early 1990s. Other terrorist acts also link
current officials directly to a number of the terrorist acts, and they
still sit in the government of Sudan.
Mr. Speaker, in the north-south conflict, more than 2 million people
perished, and an estimated 5 million people have been displaced over
the last decade. It is the same government that terrorized, enslaved
and killed innocent civilians in southern Sudan and the Nuba that is
now yet again engaged in the terror campaign that we see in Darfur in
western Sudan. We cannot stand idly by, silent and allow Sudan a seat
on that body while it is responsible for the ongoing genocide against
the people of Darfur.
Before the House and Senate adjourned for summer recess, both
chambers took a historic step in passing a resolution declaring that
genocide is occurring in Darfur. The Congress has never declared
genocide while it was occurring. So this was a giant step forward.
Finally, the administration came to the same conclusion following its
own independent investigation, that the Sudanese government was
sponsoring genocide by the Janjaweed militia against the ethnic
Africans in Darfur.
This past Saturday, the U.N. Security Council approved a U.S.-
sponsored resolution asking U.N. Secretary Kofi Annan to set up an
investigative commission. This Commission would determine whether the
violence in Darfur amounts to genocide. The resolution also threatens
oil and other targeted sanctions against Sudan if atrocities continue
in Darfur.
We were disappointed by the weak nature of this resolution and for
its limited effects. The reaction from Khartoum that ``it could have
been a lot worse'' shows us how far we are from a strong resolution on
Darfur. While it passed by 11 votes, I must express extreme
disappointment with China, Algeria, Russia and Pakistan, the four
nations that abstained from supporting this resolution. As a matter of
fact, China had declared that it may veto it, and therefore, the
resolution was really diluted, and they still abstained.
We, as the United States, need to rethink our relationships with
these nations. One suggestion could be that we revoke Normal Trade
Relations status with the People's Republic of China. How would they
like it if we said, no longer do you have normal trade relations or, as
we used to call it, preferential treatment. I think it would perhaps
make them sit up and listen.
Pakistan, called a friend by the administration for its partnership
in the war on terrorism, is promoting the terrorist government of Sudan
by abstaining on the vote. In a statement today, Khartoum called these
nations its ``true friends.''
While the government of Sudan grudgingly accepted the resolution, as
we speak its surrogate militias continue their gruesome assault on
innocent men, women, and children in Darfur. Further, in response for
calls to international civilian protection forces, Khartoum's leaders
threatened to open the ``five gates of hell'' against such protection.
In a cynical attempt to pretend it has taken action to protect its
civilians, Khartoum has recycled Janjaweed militia killers to the Sudan
police force and is now using them to guard the camps for the
displaced.
Mr. Speaker, how can we expect killers to protect those who they seek
to kill? It is an unconceivable notion. How can we stand by and allow
this murderous regime to sit on the U.N. Human Rights Commission?
Mr. Speaker, with more than as many as 50,000 civilians slaughtered
and over 1 million driven off their lands into unprotected camps, we
cannot allow Khartoum to degrade the purposes of the Human Rights
Commission by its presence. It is incumbent that the United States
Government continue to lead the world on this matter of genocide and do
everything possible to have Sudan suspended from the Commission.
The African Union should be recognized for what they are doing in
sending 300 monitors to Darfur, but this is definitely not enough. The
AU has been sponsoring negotiations between the parties in Abuja,
Nigeria, since August 23. The combination of international pressure and
facilitation by the AU hopefully will help move Darfur out of this
crisis and on to the road of peace.
Mr. Speaker, I commend Secretary of State Colin Powell for finally
calling the Darfur genocide by its rightful name. I also want to say
that we must, as Secretary Powell has stated, support the AU. It is our
responsibility as members of the international community and the United
States in particular, as the world's wealthiest Nation, to work along
with the African Union and not leave the formidable Darfur crisis to
fall on their shoulders alone. They need our support.
So, therefore, I would like to also urge all of our colleagues in the
House to support H.R. 5061, introduced by the gentleman from Colorado
(Mr. Tancredo) and myself to provide assistance for the current crisis
in the Darfur region of Sudan and to facilitate a comprehensive peace
plan in Sudan. I urge my colleagues to support S. Con. Res. 137.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
General Leave
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on the Senate concurrent resolution now
under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Speaker, it is my honor now to yield such time as he
may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf), a gentleman who
is certainly no stranger to humanitarian causes and who has traveled
the world over in support of the oppressed wherever they may be found
and no stranger to this region and the good people of this Congress.
(Mr. WOLF asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his
faithfulness and his leadership on this issue. I share his statement,
and I am a supporter of his bill and the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Tancredo), and I urge all
[[Page H7384]]
Members on both sides to cosponsor his bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. Con. Res. 137 calling for
the suspension of Sudan's membership on the United Nations Commission
on Human Rights. I want to commend Majority Leader Frist and the
gentleman from Illinois (Speaker Hastert) for moving this important
resolution very quickly through the Congress, and also the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos).
On September 9, Secretary of State Colin Powell declared that
genocide is occurring in Darfur, and we all owe Secretary Powell a debt
of gratitude, because that took a tremendous amount of courage, and he
did it.
Sudan is accused of the most heinous crime which can be inflicted on
an entire group of people. The gravity of what is occurring must not be
lost on anyone, not the United States, not the international community
and certainly not the United Nations.
On July 30, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted
Security Council Resolution 1556, calling on the government of Sudan to
fulfill immediately its obligation to facilitate humanitarian relief
efforts and disarm the Janjaweed militia, bring those responsible for
atrocities in Darfur to justice and to cooperate with U.N.-sponsored
human rights monitors.
To date, the government of Sudan has failed, has failed to comply
with that U.N. resolution.
The Janjaweed is still attacking innocent civilians with support from
the government of Sudan, and as recently as late August, credible
reports point to direct attacks on villages by the government of Sudan.
Just last week, the U.N. Security Council passed a new resolution, as
the gentleman from New Jersey said, stating that the government has
failed to meet the requirements under the previous resolution and
calling on Sudan to cease attacks and cooperate fully with the expanded
African Union force or face economic sanctions.
It may come as a surprise to some that Sudan, the country that is
committing genocide, the country that is allowing people to go on to
kill men, rape women, abduct children and burn villages, sits on the
United Nations Human Rights Commission, the lone body responsible for
promoting respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
{time} 1715
I call on the United Nations to seek the immediate suspension of
Sudan from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. And if the
United Nations determines that genocide has occurred in Darfur, to see
that Sudan is permanently banned from the commission. This is a test
for the United Nations. More importantly in some respects, this is a
test for Kofi Annan. Kofi Annan is a good man, decent, honest. But Kofi
Annan was the head of the U.N. Peacekeeping Forces in 1994 when the
genocide swept through Rwanda and 800,000 Tutsis died. The fact that he
was in at that time when genocide took place in Rwanda and is now the
head of the whole organization when genocide is taking place in Darfur
gives him a tremendous burden and responsibility and that
responsibility is to immediately seek the suspension of Sudan from the
Commission of Human Rights. It is a slap in the face to the pursuit of
universal human rights and a direct affront to the United Nations and
all countries which respect the God-given rights of their citizens to
have Sudan sit in judgment of others as a member of that commission.
I urge every Member to vote in favor of this resolution. I thank the
chairman. I want to particularly thank the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Payne). He has been there from the very, very beginning as many
others have, the Black Caucus has, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Tancredo), Senator Brownback, Senator Frist and many others. I think
eventually we will be successful, but I want to thank the gentleman.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman who has really
done an outstanding job in this area for a decade, and I certainly
would like to associate myself with his remarks.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman
from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Payne), for yielding me time.
I want to join the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and the
gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) and others in congratulating the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his leadership, his
tenacious, unwavering leadership on this issue, calling the Congress's
attention, calling America's attention, indeed, focusing the
international community's attention on the genocide that is occurring
before our eyes.
Mr. Speaker, the international community can no longer avert its eyes
from the humanitarian and human rights catastrophe that is occurring in
the Darfur region of Sudan today. Secretary of State Powell has labeled
the killings in Darfur as genocide, pointing out that the attacks on
innocent men, women, and children by the Sudanese government and the
Arab militia group called the Janjaweed are part of a ``coordinated
effort, not just random violence.'' This is an intentional, considered
act of murder.
The United Nations calls the situation the ``world's worst
humanitarian crisis.'' An estimated 30,000 civilians have been
murdered. More than 400 villages have been destroyed. One million
people have been displaced, and 130,000 have fled to neighboring Chad.
And still, and still the international community stands on the
sidelines.
Mr. Speaker, inaction in the face of genocide must not be an option.
The international community and the United States must be prepared to
act to end the armed conflict at the heart of this crisis. Regrettably,
the U.N.'s record of responding to crises of this type and magnitude,
notably in Rwanda and the Balkans, has been shameful, shameful. The
United Nations talks about it, but it does not walk. The United Nations
rings its hands but does not raise its hands to stop the killing.
I watched with grief as the United Nations blue helmets were on the
ground in Bosnia, watching genocide be perpetrated, and they did
nothing to stop it. We watched as the world, ourselves included,
lamented what was happening in Rwanda and 800,000 defenseless, innocent
souls perished because the mighty stood by and watched. History will
not judge us well for that negligence.
Did the slaughter of hundreds of thousands 10 years ago not teach us
anything? Does the painful memory of our inaction then not compel a
different response today? The answer is muted at best.
We pass resolutions in this body. We talk in New York and people die.
We continue to talk in New York and people are displaced. We continue
to talk in New York and women are raped. We continue to talk in New
York and children starve. Talk is cheap. Talk does not stop killing.
Talk does not stop genocide.
It is time for the world to act. This resolution by itself will not
diffuse the crisis or stop the bloodshed, but it is nevertheless a
siren call to the world that we can no longer ignore the genocide, we
can no longer rationalize those who commit it. We ought not to treat as
citizens of the world and the United Nations nations who commit
genocide.
This resolution is an explicit recognition that is not only a
perverse, but a grotesque, situation that Sudan is allowed to retain
its membership on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. What
kind of world do we live in where the perpetrator of genocide is
included on the nations of the world's Commission on Human Rights? Is
there no intellectual honesty in the international community?
This resolution would urge our Nation's representatives at the U.N.
to seek the immediate suspension of Sudan from the commission. I would
go further than that. I would suggest the immediate suspension of Sudan
from membership in the United Nations until this genocide stops. But
this resolution is appropriate. It is not enough, but it is a step; and
I support it.
I thank my friend from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his leadership and
for his yielding me time.
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus) who also has a great interest in
this resolution and is a member of this cause.
[[Page H7385]]
(Mr. BACHUS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks, and include extraneous material.)
Mr. BACHUS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
I too want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). As
the gentleman knows, I have been a member of this Congress since 1992;
and it seems like ever since I have been a member of this Congress, we
have been hearing about Sudan. We first heard about Sudan when the
Secretary of State declared Sudan a state sponsor of terrorism and
determined that they had been since 1993.
We may recall that Osama bin Laden, who many of us were unaware of
who he was and what he was until 9/11, but he in fact had his base of
operations in Sudan. He was sponsored by the government of Khartoum. It
is the same Sudan that we are here today talking about. The gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf),
Senator Brownback, many have traveled to Sudan. We have talked to
refugees. We have talked to survivors from Southern Sudan, people who
have witnessed their families being killed.
At that time we suspected that religion may be the root cause because
many of those in Southern Sudan were Christians. The Khartoum
government was a Muslim government. All was a factor. But whatever the
factors, we spoke out and as this House sponsored a sanction, a similar
sanction to what the U.N. is considering now against the oil. The
Sudanese government duly pulled back at that time, and we passed with
only two dissenting votes. It was a strong sanction. It went over to
the Senate, and it died there.
Since that time, the one difference in the sanctions that are being
considered now and the sanctions that were being considered then is
that 2 million Sudanese have died. Action is too late for them. Their
bones have long since been buried in Sudan where there are too many
graves.
This latest action by Sudan, and all this time they were members of a
select group, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, a country
where we have witnessed the worst human rights violations and the worst
humanitarian violations known to the world, has sat this entire time on
the U.N. body that is designed to take action against. What a travesty.
What an embarrassment. What a blight on our international community and
on the U.N.
This resolution is a start; but, I would say, and the gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and I had thought maybe he might do it today, he
introduced back on September 9 ``Documenting Atrocities in Darfur.''
And what we are now witnessing in Western Sudan, for a while in
Southern Sudan it was hidden, and there were explanations given by the
Sudanese government. There is no explanation. There is no
justification. There is no, there are simply no grounds for what is
happening in Western Sudan today.
It follows a pattern. And the Sudanese government says we cannot
control these Arab militia, Janjaweed. We cannot control them. They say
this is a historic thing between nomadic Arab tribesmen and black
farmers, and it is just something that has gone on for hundreds of
years.
What has gone on for hundreds of years is they have lived peacefully
together for hundreds of years. What is going on today is not an Arab
militia out of control. It is, in fact, the government of Khartoum.
Thirteen hundred survivors were interviewed, and 25 percent of them
said it was not Arab militia. It was government bombers and aircraft
and helicopters who flew over our villages, strafed our villages,
killed our people. It was not Arab militia because the Arab militia did
not have aircraft. They did not have helicopters. This was the
government of Khartoum.
Of those interviewed, half of the survivors say that government
troops participated in these raids and in these attacks. Read, if you
will, what some of these refugees said. Here is what one said. He said,
``Slaves run. Leave the country. You don't belong here. Why are you not
leaving this area? This area is for Arab cattle to go graze, not
yours.''
A Sudanese tribesman was told by a man in a brown uniform and a
hundred of his followers, ``This place belongs to Arab tribes. Blacks
must leave.''
Look, if you will. I would ask every Member to read ``Documenting
Atrocities in Darfur.'' It is only five pages long.
{time} 1730
First, the government aircraft comes in and strafes the village, and
then the Janjaweed or government soldiers come in. They burn the
village. They kill the livestock, they drop them down the wells to
poison the wells, but then they began shouting racial epithets at the
survivors. They rape women in front of their husbands and children.
They kill any young man that is of military age between the ages of 18
and 25 and then they drive the rest off.
Today, as a result of all this, what do we find? We find that 1.25
million Sudanese are living in refugee camps. Those are the fortunate
ones that have survived, but they are not fortunate by any other terms
because they are at this time permanently displaced.
Let me say this. This is what we should always be mindful of. We need
a permanent solution. What the Sudanese Government has done is, they
have allowed humanitarian aid to come in on occasion to feed these
people in these refugee camps. They have talked to some of the leaders
of the opposition. They have engaged in talks, and they have allowed
government troops from other areas to come in and protect the refugee
camps. But all of this time, they have not gone after the Arab militia.
They have not controlled them. They are continuing to arm them, and
they go out in the villages and destroy villages, this month, last
month. And their design is to never let these people return home, never
to let them go home, to allow them to stay in these refugee camps, a
permanently displaced population of millions of people, and let
international forces feed those people. That simply will not do.
Those people need to return to their villages. They need to be
protected. These Arab militia and their leaders need to be brought to
justice, and we can at least start this process.
The last time we voted sanctions on Sudan, 3 years ago and a million
deaths ago, two Members of this body voted against it. Today, I hope,
as God is our witness, that this is a unanimous vote and that it is not
the end of things, it is only the beginning of things.
I second everything that the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) and
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) said about the United Nations.
This is genocide in every sense of the word. It is ethnic cleansing in
every sense of the word. And for it to be permitted, sanctioned by the
United Nations is a travesty and an atrocity in and of itself.
Analysis of the refugee interviews points to a pattern of
abuse against members of Darfur's non-Arab communities,
including murder, rape, beatings, ethnic humiliation, and
destruction of property and basic necessities. Many of the
reports detailing attacks on villages refer to government and
militia forces, preceded by aerial bombardment, acting
together to commit atrocities. Respondents said government
and militia forces wore khaki or brown military uniforms.
Roughly one-half of the respondents noted GOS forces had
joined Jingaweit irregulars in attacking their villages.
Approximately one-quarter of the respondents said GOS forces
had acted alone; another 14 percent said the Jingaweit has
acted alone. Two-thirds of the respondents reported aerial
bombings against their villages; four-fifths said they had
witnessed the complete destruction of their villages. Sixty-
one percent reported witnessing the killing of a family
member. About one-third of the respondents reported hearing
racial epithets while under attack; one-quarter witnessed
beatings. Large numbers reported the looting of personal
property (47 percent) and the theft of livestock (80
percent).
Most reports followed a similar pattern:
1. GOS aircraft or helicopters bomb villages.
2. GOS soldiers arrive in trucks, followed closely by
Jingaweit militia riding horses or camels.
3. GOS soldiers and militia surround and then enter
villages, under cover of gunfire.
4. Fleeing villagers are targets in aerial bombing.
5. The Jingaweit and GOS soldiers loot the village after
most citizens have fled, often using trucks to remove
belongings.
6. Villages often experience multiple attacks over a
prolonged period before they are destroyed by burning or
bombing.
Mr. PAYNE. I thank the gentleman from Alabama for his very passionate
remarks and all of his support for
[[Page H7386]]
many years, even in the capital market sanctions. I really commend him
for that.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Meeks).
(Mr. MEEKS of New York asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, let me just say thanks to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), to the gentleman from Virginia
(Mr. Wolf) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) for the fine
work that they have done in bringing this resolution to the floor.
We are here to speak about, why is it that the world is not doing
more to stop the Sudanese Government troops and their allied military,
the Janjaweed? Together, they have raped, tortured, maimed and burned
entire villages to cleanse the area of African Muslims resulting in
close to 50,000 deaths.
Another 1.5 million persons have been forced from their homes into
camps where they remain vulnerable to attacks by the Janjaweed, who are
among the police guarding the camps. The world cannot continue to
condone this genocide.
We can also not continue to condone the presence of human rights
abusers on a commission that is charged with protecting human rights
because it is ridiculous and unconscionable to think that the very
perpetrator of a genocide could also be the enforcer of human rights.
But that is exactly what is happening by allowing Sudan to continue to
serve on the United Nations Human Rights Commission.
That is why I stand behind this bill to suspend the Sudan from the
U.N. Commission on Human Rights and for the U.N. to launch a formal
inquiry into its acts of genocide in Sudan.
Let us hope the world will begin to work harder to end the atrocities
by, first, suspending Sudan from a commission it fails to respect, and
second, by standing behind the efforts of the African Union to stop
these atrocities.
We are here today to simply speak about why it is that the world is
not doing more to stop Sudanese government troops and their allied
militia, the Janjaweed. Together they have raped, tortured, maimed, and
burned entire villages to cleanse African Muslims from the area--
resulting in close to 50,000 deaths. Another 1.5 million persons have
been forced from their homes and into camps, where they remain
vulnerable to attacks by the Janjaweed, who have been hired as police
to guard the camps. The world cannot continue to condone this genocide.
We can also not continue to condone the presence of human rights
abusers on a Commission that is charged with protecting Human Rights.
It is simply unconscionable to think that the very perpetrators of
genocide could also be the enforcers of human rights. But that is
exactly what is happening by allowing Sudan to continue to serve on the
United Nations Human Rights Commission.
Numerous reports provide evidence of the Sudanese government's
involvement in actively committing atrocities in Darfur. However, the
Sudanese government continues to deny any connection to the atrocities
carried out by the Janjaweed and simultaneously, has done little to
stop them. By insisting that no genocide is taking place and repeatedly
denying any responsibility for protecting their own people, the
Sudanese government has demonstrated that it is not fit to serve on the
United Nations Human Rights Commission.
What is needed now is action from the international community. First,
Sudan's membership on the United Nations Human Rights Commission must
be suspended. The universal declaration on human rights states that,
``everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person'' and
that no ``state, group or person has any right to engage in any
activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the
rights and freedoms.'' The Sudanese government, through its involvement
in perpetrating the genocide in Darfur, and its inaction in doing
anything to resolve the humanitarian crisis, is in violation of the
basic principles of the United Nations Human Rights Commission. It,
therefore, cannot remain a member.
Second, the international community must offer increased support to
the African Union, which has been a leader in attempting to resolve the
conflict in Sudan. In addition to leading peace talks, the African
Union has led a small contingency of troops to Darfur to monitor the
cease-fire and serve as observers. The African Union must be
congratulated on these efforts. Additionally, support for their efforts
must be increased. It is essential that the African Union's force be
enlarged and allotted a robust mandate to protect Darfur's civilians
from new attacks.
We can no longer sit on the sidelines and pretend that nothing is
going on while the Sudanese government commits crime after crime
against humanity. Murder, rape, forced displacement--these are clearly
not the tools of human rights supporters. That is why I stand behind
this bill to suspend Sudan from the U.N. Commission on Human Rights and
for the U.N. to launch a formal inquiry into the acts of genocide in
Sudan.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Very briefly, I thank all of the Members on both sides, certainly the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne). And my compliments to the
gentleman from New Jersey for his leadership not only on this issue but
on so many involving human rights. And the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Hoyer), my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), of
course, and my two colleagues on our side of the aisle, the gentleman
from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) and the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus)
have summed up the horror of this situation and the incredible
circumstances which surround it.
I join with the gentleman from Alabama's (Mr. Bachus) closing
comments that certainly all of us hope and pray that we will have
resounding support for this very necessary, unfortunately very
necessary resolution, and one that in no way exceeds the dire
circumstances in which the Sudan, the Darfur region, finds itself.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Congressional Human
Rights Caucus, I am pleased to support the resolution before us today
and to add my voice to those speaking out against the brutality the
world is witnessing in Sudan. This Congress has repeatedly condemned
both the atrocities committed by the Janjaweed militia and the Sudanese
government's insufficient response to such horrendous acts. Since
violence began in the Darfur region in February 2003, tens of thousands
of people have been killed and more than a million have been displaced
from their homes. Sadly, despite repeated calls from the international
community, the Sudanese government has not reined in the militia
groups, and the killing continues. The World Health Organization now
estimates that between 6,000 and 10,000 are dying every month from
violence and disease.
It is unfortunate that we must again come to the floor to express our
collective outrage about the situation in Sudan. I was pleased that the
U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution last week that establishes
an inquiry into the violence in the Darfur region to determine whether
it constitutes genocide. The resolution also threatens sanctions
against Sudan, a tool we must seriously consider if we do not witness
rapid improvements. However, the strong sentiments expressed in the
U.N. Security Council Resolution are undermined by the fact that Sudan
still holds a seat on the U.N. Human Rights Commission--even while its
government betrays the very principles on which the Commission was
founded. The resolution before us today is a clear condemnation of this
glaring inconsistency and will place greater pressure on the Sudanese
government to act responsibly and protect its citizens from harm. I
urge my colleagues to support S. Con. Res 137.
Mr. McHUGH. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Terry). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House
suspend the rules and concur in the Senate Concurrent Resolution, S.
Con. Res. 137.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the Senate concurrent resolution
was concurred in.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
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