[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 114 (Tuesday, September 21, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S9453-S9455]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS

                                 ______
                                 

SENATE RESOLUTION 430--DESIGNATING NOVEMBER 2004 AS ``NATIONAL RUNAWAY 
                           PREVENTION MONTH''

  Mr. HATCH (for himself and Mr. Leahy) submitted the following 
resolution; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary:

                              S. Res. 430

       Whereas the prevalence of runaway and homeless youth in the 
     United States is staggering, with studies suggesting that 
     between 1,600,000 and 2,800,000 young people live on the 
     streets of the United States each year;
       Whereas running away from home is widespread, with 1 out of 
     every 7 children in the United States running away before the 
     age of 18;
       Whereas youth that end up on the streets are often those 
     who have been thrown out of their homes by their families, 
     who have been physically, sexually, and emotionally abused at 
     home, who have been discharged by State custodial systems 
     without adequate transition plans, who have lost their 
     parents through death or divorce, and who are too poor to 
     secure their own basic needs;
       Whereas effective programs supporting runaway youth and 
     assisting young people in remaining at home with their 
     families succeed because of partnerships created among 
     families, community-based human service agencies, law 
     enforcement agencies, schools, faith-based organizations, and 
     businesses;
       Whereas preventing young people from running away and 
     supporting youth in high-risk situations is a family, 
     community, and national responsibility;
       Whereas the future well-being of the Nation is dependent on 
     the value placed on young people and the opportunities 
     provided for youth to acquire the knowledge, skills, and 
     abilities necessary to develop into safe, healthy, and 
     productive adults;
       Whereas the National Network for Youth and its members 
     advocate on behalf of runaway and homeless youth and provide 
     an array of community-based support services that address the 
     critical needs of such youth;
       Whereas the National Runaway Switchboard provides crisis 
     intervention and referrals to reconnect runaway youth to 
     their families and to link young people to local resources 
     that provide positive alternatives to running away; and
       Whereas the National Network for Youth and the National 
     Runaway Switchboard are co-sponsoring National Runaway 
     Prevention Month to increase public awareness of the life 
     circumstances of youth in high-risk situations and the need 
     for safe, healthy, and productive alternatives, resources, 
     and supports for youth, families, and communities: Now, 
     therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the Senate designates November 2004 as 
     ``National Runaway Prevention Month''.
                                 ______
                                 

  SENATE RESOLUTION 431--EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE SENATE THAT THE 
 UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL SHOULD IMMEDIATELY CONSIDER AND TAKE 
    APPROPRIATE ACTIONS TO RESPOND TO THE GROWING THREATS POSED BY 
CONDITIONS IN BURMA UNDER THE ILLEGITIMATE RULE OF THE STATE PEACE AND 
                          DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL

  Mr. McCONNELL (for himself, Mrs. Feinstein, Mr. McCain, Mr. Feingold, 
Mrs. Dole, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Lugar, and Mr. 
Corzine) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the 
Committee on Foreign Relations;
       Whereas the National League for Democracy, headed by Daw 
     Aung San Suu Kyi, is the legitimately elected political 
     leadership in Burma;
       Whereas the ruling State Peace and Development Council, 
     headed by General Than Shwe, and its affiliated organizations 
     continue, through a variety of means, to violate the human 
     rights and dignity of the people of Burma through murder, 
     torture, rape, forced relocation, the employment of child 
     soldiers, the use of forced labor, and the exploitation of 
     child laborers;
       Whereas the State Peace and Development Council has 
     detained over 1,300 prisoners of conscience, including 
     National League for Democracy leaders and supporters of 
     democracy;
       Whereas, under the repressive rule of the State Peace and 
     Development Council, the situation in Burma poses an 
     immediate and growing threat to the Southeast Asia region, 
     including through the unchecked spread of HIV/AIDS, the 
     illicit production of, and trafficking in, narcotics, 
     trafficking in persons, and alleged efforts to purchase 
     weapons from North Korea, China, and Russia;
       Whereas, at the 58th session of the United Nations General 
     Assembly, a resolution was adopted by the General Assembly 
     that expresses grave concern about the ongoing systematic 
     violations of human rights inflicted upon the people of Burma 
     and calls on the

[[Page S9454]]

     State Peace and Development Council to release all political 
     prisoners, respect the results of the national elections in 
     1990, and restore democracy to Burma; and
       Whereas the National League for Democracy has called upon 
     the United Nations Security Council to intervene on behalf of 
     the people of Burma: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that the 
     United Nations Security Council should immediately consider 
     and take appropriate actions to respond to the growing 
     threats posed to the Southeast Asia region by conditions in 
     Burma under the illegitimate rule of the State Peace and 
     Development Council, including the threats posed by 
     widespread human rights violations, the unchecked spread of 
     HIV/AIDS, the illicit production of, and trafficking in, 
     narcotics, trafficking in persons, and alleged efforts by the 
     State Peace and Development Council to purchase weapons from 
     North Korea, China, and Russia.

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, today I submit, along with some fellow 
members of the unofficial, bipartisan Senate Burma Caucus, a resolution 
expressing the sense of the Senate that the United Nations Security 
Council should immediately consider and take appropriate actions to 
respond to the growing threats posed by the State Peace and Development 
Council (SPDC) in Burma to its immediate neighbors and the entire 
region.
  What are these threats? The unchecked spread of HIV/AIDS that is 
further aggravated by the SPDC's use of rape as a weapon of war against 
the people of Burma, particularly ethnic women and girls; the illicit 
production and trafficking in narcotics, which destroys the lives of 
Asian youth and families; trafficking in persons and brutal crackdowns 
on ethnic minorities that create significant populations of internally 
displaced persons and refugees; alleged efforts to purchase weapons 
from North Korea, the People's Republic of China and Russia.
  For the past decade, we have know that the SPDC poses a clear and 
present danger to the people of Burma, including democracy leader and 
Nobel Peace Prize recipient Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and other senior 
members of the National League for Democracy (NLD). Resolutions, 
statements and reports by the U.S. State Department, the United 
Nations, the European Nation (E.U.), and human rights organizations 
have repeatedly documented and condemned brutal human rights violations 
committed with impunity by the SPDC.
  Today, there is no question that Burma's myriad problems are no 
longer the internal affair of a handful of psychopathic generals in 
Rangoon.
  Last May, the NLD called upon the U.N. Security Council to intervene.
  Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the United Kingdom, and the 
Administration, who are scheduled to take over chairmanship of the 
Council in October and November, respectively should heed their call.
  In Burma, time now favors the democrats. With the international 
community's continued vigilance, appropriate pressure can be placed on 
the SPDC before they assume chairmanship of the ASEAN in 2006 to secure 
a meaningful path toward reconciliation that includes the full and 
unfettered participation of the NLD. If the Security Council takes up 
the matter of Burma, significant strides will be made toward democracy 
and justice in that country.
  It is an understatement to say that I am disappointed with the E.U.'s 
decision to allow ``low level'' participation by the SPDC in the 
upcoming ASEM meeting in Hanoi, Vietnam. Such action serves only to 
prolong the suffering of the Burmese people, including the hundreds 
currently languishing in prisons for peacefully championing the 
principles of freedom and justice, and the three NLD youths recently 
arrested for the ``heinous'' crime of gathering signatures on a 
petition calling for Suu Kyi's release from house arrest.
  With France, Spain and Portugal reportedly clamoring to derail the 
toughening of sanctions against Burma, it is only fair to ask: When 
will they act to support the democrats of Burma?
  It is time the world's democracies make 2006 the ``Year of 
Democracy'' in Burma.
  I want to recognize Senators Feinstein, McCain, Mikulski, Feingold, 
Leahy, and Dole for their support of the resolution, and freedom and 
justice in Burma.
  I ask unanimous consent that an article by William Ashton that 
appeared in the Irrawaddy on the SPDC's efforts to procure weapons be 
printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                  The Arms Keep Coming--But Who Pays?

                          (By William Ashton)

       Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council, or 
     SPDC, has been at pains over recent months to tell the 
     international community that it is devoting a considerable 
     effort to implementing a new ``road map'' to multi-party 
     democracy and introducing measures for a more open economy. 
     The military government has also claimed major advances in 
     promoting education and public health, and in developing the 
     country's civil infrastructure.
       The Rangoon regime can certainly point to an increase in 
     diplomatic activity, and show visitors to Burma many new 
     roads, buildings and dams. However, the SPDC's statements 
     continue to ignore the fact that, for the past 15 years, a 
     large proportion of its central budget-probably between 35 
     and 45 per cent each year-has been allocated to the armed 
     forces, or Tatmadaw. This does not include significant 
     allocations to the defense sector from off-budget sources and 
     unofficial payments that never appear in the national 
     accounts. Also, while an increasing proportion of Burma's 
     annual defense expenditure is now used to pay for recurring 
     personnel and maintenance costs, a high percentage is still 
     devoted to the acquisition of new arms and equipment from 
     abroad.

                      Continued Military Expansion

       When the armed forces took back direct political power in 
     1988, they launched an ambitious defense expansion and 
     modernization program. Since then, the regime has 
     consistently spent a greater proportion of central government 
     outlays on defense than any other country in the Asia-Pacific 
     region. The Burmese armed forces have doubled in size, making 
     them the second largest in Southeast Asia and, by some 
     calculations, the 15th largest in the world. New command and 
     control structures have been put in place, and capabilities 
     in key support areas like intelligence, communications and 
     logistics have been substantially upgraded. The country's 
     military infrastructure has also been improved. In addition, 
     the Burma Army has acquired a wide range of tracked and 
     wheeled armor, towed and self-propelled artillery, air 
     defense weapons, transport, small arms and communications 
     equipment. The air force has taken delivery of more than 150 
     helicopters, fighters, ground attack, transport and training 
     aircraft. The Burma Navy too has expanded dramatically, with 
     new corvettes, missile patrol boats, offshore patrol vessels 
     and riverine craft.
       Given its enormous expansion since 1988, the massive influx 
     of arms and equipment since then, and the difficulties of 
     keeping its current inventory fully operational, it might be 
     expected that the Tatmadaw's acquisition programs would now 
     be slowing down. Yet, over the past 18 months, there has been 
     clear evidence that the Rangoon regime continues to give its 
     highest priority to the development of Burma's military 
     capabilities.
       While some of the SPDC's more ambitious projects, such as 
     the planned acquisition of strategic weapon systems, have 
     reportedly been shelved for the time being, other major 
     contracts have gone ahead. China remains Burma's principal 
     source of military technology but, despite an arms embargo 
     imposed by its traditional suppliers, the regime has managed 
     to find a number of new vendors.

                            Arms Deliveries

       A survey of arms deals with Burma over the past 18 months 
     has revealed the following:


                                 China

       Rangoon is locked into a continuing close logistical 
     relationship with Beijing, due to the need to maintain all 
     the arms and military equipment purchased from China, at an 
     estimated cost of billions of dollars, since 1988. However, 
     the SPDC is interested in acquiring even more arms, and new 
     weapons and consignments of materiel continue to be 
     delivered. There have been reports of 200 heavy-duty trucks 
     crossing the China-Burma border, and of shipments of 
     unspecified ``air force weapons'', multiple rocket launchers 
     and possibly artillery. There were also reports in March 2004 
     that the Burma Army was negotiating yet another arms deal 
     with China, this time to buy obsolescent weapons being phased 
     out by the People's Liberation Army. In addition, there have 
     long been rumors that Burma has been negotiating with China 
     for the purchase of combat helicopters, minesweepers, anti-
     ship missiles and sea mines.


                              North Korea

       Rangoon's developing relationship with Pyongyang has gone 
     well beyond the small arms ammunition purchased in 1990, and 
     the sixteen 130mm artillery pieces acquired by the SPDC in 
     1998. For example, in 2003 a team of North Korean technicians 
     was sent to Rangoon to install surface-to-surface missiles on 
     some new Burma Navy vessels. In addition, discussions have 
     taken place between Rangoon and Pyongyang over the purchase 
     of a small submarine, and possibly even a number of SCUD 
     short-range ballistic missiles. Late last year there were 
     even suggestions that North Korea was assisting Burma with 
     the construction of a nuclear reactor, raising the specter of 
     the Rangoon regime one day acquiring a nuclear weapon.

[[Page S9455]]

                                 India

       As part of a renewed effort to get closer to Burma, India 
     has provided the Tatmadaw with a range of weapons, ammunition 
     and equipment. In May 2003 the Indian Defense Ministry 
     confirmed that it had sold the Tatmadaw eighty 75mm howitzers 
     (or ``mountain guns''). Also, India has reportedly sold 
     mortar and artillery ammunition to Rangoon, and advanced 
     communications equipment. A Burmese military delegation 
     visiting India in early 2004 said that the Tatmadaw welcomed 
     further arms deals. The Indian Defense Minister has stated 
     that New Delhi is keen to sell Burma naval vessels. A 
     demonstration by Indian combat aircraft in Burma this year 
     prompted speculation about future sales to the Burma Air 
     Force.


                                Ukraine

       The Russian language press stated in late 2002 that the 
     Ukraine had contracted to provide Burma with some 36D6 radar 
     systems. In mid-2003 it was reported that the Ukraine had 
     sold the Tatmadaw 50 T-72 main battle tanks. In February 
     2004, a Ukrainian-flagged ship made a secret delivery to 
     Rangoon, probably of air defense weapons. Also, in May 2003, 
     one of the Ukraine's leading arms exporters signed a contract 
     with Burma worth US $500 million, to provide the Rangoon 
     regime with components for 1,000 BTR-3U light armored 
     personnel carriers. Over the next ten years these vehicles 
     will be supplied in parts, and assembled in a new, purpose-
     built factory in Burma. More arms deals between Rangoon and 
     Kiev are likely.


                                 serbia

       In December 2003, Serbian language sources claimed that 
     Rangoon had contracted with Belgrade to buy a number of 
     ``Nora'' self-propelled howitzers. The cost of these weapons, 
     which are marketed by Jugoimport-SDPR, is unknown. In 
     addition, in March 2004 about 30 Serbian engineers arrived in 
     Burma to repair and upgrade the Burma Air Force's 12 Soko G-4 
     jets, which were purchased from the Republic of Yugoslavia in 
     the 1990s. These aircraft have been grounded for several 
     years, due largely to a lack of spare parts.


                                 russia

       In late 2002 the SPDC purchased eight MiG-29B-12 air 
     superiority combat aircraft and two dual-seat MiG-29UB 
     trainers from Russia, at a reported cost of about US $130 
     million. All these aircraft were delivered to Burma by the 
     end of 2003. In addition, in July 2002 Rangoon signed a 
     contract with the Russian Ministry of Atomic Energy (Minatom) 
     for the construction of a nuclear reactor in Burma. While the 
     project has encountered major problems, probably due to its 
     cost, it may still go ahead. It is likely that the shipments 
     of Russian military equipment detected in southern Burma in 
     April 2003, which were thought to be components for the 
     reactor, were in fact deliveries of a new communications 
     system.


                                slovakia

       According to a news report dated October 2003, the Unipex 
     Company of Slovakia is currently being investigated for 
     taking part in the illegal export to Burma of machines for 
     the manufacture of ``artillery grenades'' (possibly rocket 
     propelled grenades).
       It is likely that other contracts have been signed but not 
     yet been made public. The frequent visits to Rangoon of North 
     Korean and Ukrainian cargo vessels over the past 18 months, 
     and the measures taken to hide the nature of their cargoes, 
     strongly suggests that other deliveries of arms and equipment 
     have occurred. Several eastern European countries are keen to 
     sell arms to Burma. Also, countries like Singapore, Pakistan 
     and Israel maintain close links with Rangoon. All have weapon 
     systems that are on the Tatmadaw's wish list. In the past, 
     these factors have often led to substantial sales of weapons, 
     military equipment and dual use goods to Burma, and related 
     training contracts.


                            paying the bill

       In considering the financial implications of these sales, 
     several factors need to be borne in mind. Not only does the 
     regime need to cover the initial purchase price of these 
     arms, but it faces the continuing costs of keeping them 
     serviceable, providing facilities to house them, buying spare 
     parts to maintain them and training people to repair and use 
     them. The latter often includes sending selected military 
     personnel overseas for specialized training, and in a few 
     cases supporting foreign experts resident in country. Some of 
     these costs can be paid in local currency, but they still 
     constitute a heavy drain on Burma's precious foreign exchange 
     reserves. The regime is still able to earn hard currency 
     through the export of gas, gems, timber, agricultural produce 
     and other natural resources, but its economy is facing major 
     problems. These have not been helped by the new sanctions 
     imposed by the U.S. in June 2003, after a government mob 
     violently attacked democratic opposition leader Aung San Suu 
     Kyi.
       In the past, some of these costs have been met through 
     trade deals, under which Burma has paid for part of its 
     contracts with primary goods like rice and teak. North Korea 
     and Russia, for example, have accepted such commodities in 
     part payment for arms and military equipment. Even the 
     Russian nuclear reactor could be paid for in part through 
     barter arrangements. Also, for strategic and other reasons, 
     some arms suppliers have been very generous in their terms. 
     For example, China has repeatedly offered the Rangoon regime 
     special ``friendship prices'' for arms, and overlooked 
     deadlines for the repayment of loans. The Ukrainian firm 
     selling Burma APCs has probably provided vendor financing of 
     some kind.
       Even so, given the regime's current debts, its continuing 
     need for foreign logistical support, and its latest 
     acquisitions, the investment required now and in the future 
     will be huge for a country like Burma. These costs must 
     inevitably be carried at the expense of other sectors of the 
     government that are desperate for scarce resources.

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today to express my support for 
a resolution submitted yesterday by Senator McConnell and myself that 
urges the United Nations Security Council to respond to the growing 
threats posed to the Southeast Asia region by conditions in Burma under 
the rule of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
  I have been proud to work with Senator McConnell to raise awareness 
about the situation in Burma and to put pressure on the SPDC to respect 
the wishes of the Burmese people, restore democracy, and release from 
house arrest the leader of the National League for Democracy and Nobel 
Peace Prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi. Congress has acted decisively in 
support of these efforts by passing the Burmese Freedom and Democracy 
Act of 2003 to impose a complete ban on Burmese imports for one year 
and renewing that ban this past July.
  There is still much work to be done. The threat posed by the military 
junta goes beyond Burma's borders and extends to the entire Southeast 
Asia region. The SPDC has committed numerous human rights abuses and 
detained over 1,300 political prisoners. It has allowed the spread of 
HIV/AIDS to go unchecked. It has engaged in the illicit production and 
trafficking of narcotics. It has engaged in the trafficking of human 
beings. It has attempted to purchase weapons from North Korea, China, 
and Russia.
  The international community simply cannot afford to ignore these 
threats any longer. Inaction will only strengthen the regime in Rangoon 
and foster greater instability in the Southeast Asia region. This 
resolution simply encourages the United Nations Security Council to 
consider the situation in Burma carefully and take appropriate action.
  While I am proud that the United States has acted in support of 
freedom and democracy in Burma, we need the help of our friends and 
allies to put pressure on the SPDC to change its behavior and respect 
the wishes of the Burmese people and the international community. I 
urge my colleagues to support the resolution.

                          ____________________