[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 62 (Thursday, May 6, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4973-S4980]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                        The Republic of Georgia

  Before I speak on that, I want to draw the attention of my colleagues 
to something that happened, on a very positive note, in the Republic of 
Georgia, one of the former Soviet Union

[[Page S4974]]

countries. It was reported today that one of the breakaway regions, 
Ajaria, has voluntarily come back into Georgia. The people have thrown 
out, vanquished kind of a local thuggish dictator, Aslan Abashidze, who 
had ruled this region for about 10 years. Thousands of Ajaris are now 
out in the streets, bringing Georgia back together, throwing out this 
guy who had been really a ruthless local, small-scale dictator in the 
region, and bringing the people back together of Georgia.
  This doesn't get the publicity of Georgia's ``rose revolution'' of 
last November, but the people are rising up and saying they want 
democracy, they want to be part of this country. We need a change in 
leadership. They have done it by nonviolent means. It is inspiring to 
read about and to see that has taken place and that the Georgians who 
we are working with and supporting are getting this done. A number of 
people celebrating this victory are waving Georgian flags and American 
flags. A number of places in the world would not be standing free if it 
weren't for us, and they appreciate that.
  Mr. President, now speaking on Iraq and Mr. Negroponte's nomination 
to the position of Ambassador of the United States to Iraq, he is an 
eminently qualified individual. I have worked with him in the Foreign 
Relations Committee. He worked in Central America, and he has been our 
representative in the U.N. He is the exact type of person we need to 
have in the region. He will take us from being the occupying power to a 
supporting role and not a governing role in Iraq. He understands that 
in a great way. Mr. Negroponte has great relationships around the world 
and he is a very wise man. I think he will do an excellent job for us.
  We all lament what has taken place in the Iraqi prisons and the 
problems and images that created. But more than the moral outrage this 
has generated, these terrible acts by a few do a great disservice to 
the men and women who have already lost their lives in the effort to 
free Iraq and help the people of Iraq to govern themselves.
  I had a closed town hall meeting with soldiers at Fort Reilly. They 
had recently returned from Iraq--about 300 Army men and women who had 
come back and served for an extended stay in Iraq. To a person, they 
were positive about the events that have taken place overall in Iraq. 
Yes, there have been problems and, yes, this is war. But they would 
talk about helping the children; they would talk about opening schools; 
they would talk about power services being brought back to levels 
higher, to pre-Saddam levels in that country. They would talk in 
glowing terms about what they are getting done on building a free, 
open, democratic Iraq.
  Yes, problems, yes, difficulties, and, yes, lost American lives. We 
have had 37 people stationed at Fort Reilly killed in this conflict.
  We have had a number of Kansans, as there have been people from all 
over the Nation, who have given their lives for the freedom of the 
people of Iraq and security for the people of American. We should not 
let the actions of a few do disservice to so many who have given their 
lives in this great and worthy cause.
  The damage done to our credibility in Iraq and the Middle East is 
going to be difficult to rebuild, but we must do that in earnest. 
People must be held accountable, especially those in the chain of 
command with direct control over the prison system. Perhaps it is time 
this prison that has such a terrible legacy in Iraq in the Saddam era 
simply be closed, torn down, and never used as a prison again.
  Let's keep in mind why we are in Iraq. I met with Jalal Talabani. He 
is one of the key leaders of the Iraqi Governing Council. He is a 
gentleman with whom I worked over the years as we moved forward in this 
country to confront the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein.
  Let me give a very brief history lesson. He was involved in the Iraqi 
coalition, the diaspora. Actually, he is from the Kurdish part of the 
country, so he was in country. He has been involved in that group for 
some period of time seeking the United States to come forward and 
support the liberation of Iraq.
  I remind my colleagues, in 1998, we passed the Iraq Liberation Act 
which called for regime change in Iraq. That was signed into law by 
President Bill Clinton who supported it. Mr. Talabani was involved in 
that effort from the outset. The Kurdish region has self-governance and 
has had it for the past 10 years and is doing remarkably well. He 
reminded me of a poll recently taken by CNN that had the Kurdish people 
supporting America and George Bush by over 95 percent and thankful for 
what is taking place, the liberating of their country and their region.
  He also said this to me: It is shameful to us that we as Iraqis are 
sitting down and not taking on the role of governing and security 
within our country while American soldiers are being killed.
  He said: It is our duty--the Iraqis' duty--to fight the terrorists, 
and we must do this as soon as possible.
  I agree, exclamation mark, and we have to move in that direction. For 
years, the people of Iraq suffered under the brutal dictatorship of 
Saddam Hussein. There will be a trial sometime soon, hopefully this 
year, of Saddam Hussein. The world will see the atrocities, the 
hundreds of thousands of people buried in mass graves as a result of 
this man's rule.
  Yet few--except for some countries in the region, Kuwait and Israel--
dare to denounce Hussein for what he did to his own people. Especially 
those countries we call our allies in the Middle East, Egypt and Saudi 
Arabia, have failed to assume the moral leadership to tell about the 
Saddam Hussein regime. We stepped into this void to do what others were 
unwilling to do. We did so grudgingly because going to war is never an 
easy decision for any country, particularly for America.
  Even before the Iraqi war resolution in 2002, we spent years 
supporting the passage of one resolution after another at the U.N. to 
make clear that the Iraqi regime was an outlaw regime condemned by the 
international community. We engaged the American people. After a 
thorough debate in the Senate regarding the risk, this Congress 
overwhelmingly voted to give the President the legal authority to go to 
war in Iraq. We decided as a nation we did not want America to 
compromise its moral authority by avoiding the demands of leadership. 
We sought freedom for the Iraqis and for that freedom to spread 
throughout the Arab world, and we desired security for Americans.

  It is a heavy burden. At critical moments in world history, we have 
not hesitated to carry this burden places far from home. Wherever we 
went, our men and women in uniform inspired others, bringing hope and 
freedom to millions.
  I can quote a young man from Union Town, KS, who died in Afghanistan. 
I talked with his mother about his death and his service. He died at 21 
years of age. His mother said: He e-mailed me home, and he said:

       I would rather die for a cause than of one.

  How better do we summarize it than that? He put his life on the line 
so others in Afghanistan, on the other side of the world, can be free.
  On the interrogations, I understand interrogations are necessary in a 
war against a merciless enemy. But we have a long and honorable 
military tradition that is certainly not reflected in the photos from 
the Iraqi prison. Let's be guided by the moral courage to acknowledge 
our mistakes and to change what needs to be changed, and we will, and 
that is our pledge to the world. We need to behave better, be more 
humble, and understand that the war in Iraq, and the broader war on 
terrorism, is also a war of ideas and values.
  Those who threaten our soldiers, our diplomats, and even ordinary 
Americans, as happened on 9/11, believe in hateful ideas. We do not 
agree with those ideas. We need to help the people of Iraq and others 
in the Middle East understand this war of ideas; that it is not 
something we can do for them, they must do it for themselves. Only the 
people of Iraq and the millions of Arabs who yearn for freedom can do 
that.
  We must continue in our effort to give the Iraqis self-rule and free 
elections. These are our aspirations for the Iraqi people, and they are 
their aspirations as well. It is up to them to have the courage to move 
on, to realize these aspirations in a free nation that will bring 
democracy to their country and to the Middle East.
  We have in Ambassador Negroponte the chance to start a new chapter. 
On

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July 1, sovereignty will pass to the Iraqis. Ambassador Negroponte has 
enormous responsibility, and judging by his background, I cannot think 
of anybody better qualified to do this.
  In his capacity as the Ambassador to Iraq, I know he understands his 
role to be fundamentally different from that of Ambassador Bremer. 
Whereas the CPA is the ultimate political authority in Iraq, the 
Embassy will be in a supportive, not commanding, role. His role is to 
provide support in democratization and rule of law, religious freedom 
and tolerance, economic reconstruction, and security and 
counterterrorism. His mission will be to further cooperation with the 
U.N., the international community, and independent Iraqi electoral 
authorities, and all aspects of election preparation, which is critical 
for elections for a transitional national assembly, no later than the 
end of January 2005.
  He will need to assist the U.N. in establishing an independent 
electoral commission, an electoral law, and a political parties' law, 
encourage Iraqis to establish effective governing institutions in 
Baghdad and the provinces, as well as a myriad reconstruction efforts. 
This will be a critically important area because he will be responsible 
for holding these projects to the highest standards of financial 
accountability. He has the responsibility to the American people that 
the money for Iraq will be spent without waste and fraud, and in this 
context, he will need to encourage Iraq's new leaders to choose sound 
economic policies and enforce high standards of integrity in public 
administration.
  Ambassador Negroponte will also need to play a key role in building 
and strengthening the capacity of Iraqi security services to deal with 
both domestic extremists and foreign terrorists so that they patrol and 
deal with terrorists in their country and our troops are garrisoned. He 
should continue to bolster the role of a robust multinational force, 
but mostly build up the Iraqi force.
  Finally, he should make sure the role of the U.N. does not come at 
the expense of U.S. influence or interest, but rather the efforts be 
well coordinated and complementary.
  Ambassador Negroponte has a big job. He is up to it, and I support 
his nomination to be Ambassador for the United States in Iraq.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Chafee). The Senator from Oregon.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, what is the parliamentary situation?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority side has 80 minutes.
  Mr. HATCH. We are on the Negroponte nomination?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. That is correct.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I stand today in full support of the 
President's nominee to be our first ambassador to the new Iraq, 
Ambassador John D. Negroponte. This is the most important nomination 
for an ambassador that we have considered in several decades.
  This moment is historic.
  We are asked to approve the President's choice for an ambassador to a 
country whose previous leadership was an enemy to America, to its 
neighbors and to its own people. That dictatorship, the brutal and 
bloody regime of Saddam Hussein, was removed by force, by a coalition 
of nations led by this country, in a military campaign where we still 
face, every day, bloody resistance from the remnants of Saddam's 
Ba'athis regime, his criminal associates, and the international 
jihadists who have joined forces with the tattered remnants of the Arab 
world's bloodiest regime.
  We are engaged in a conflict we cannot, and will not, lose and the 
President has shown that our military determination is matched by our 
political determination to return this country to its people, beginning 
with the opening of an American embassy on July 1 of this year.
  That we are providing our advice and consent on this ambassadorial 
nomination demonstrates that this President is dedicated to returning 
sovereignty to the Iraqi people. Under the President's direction, 
Ambassador Bremer and the Coalition Provisional Authority, working with 
the international community, now represented by U.N. Special Envoy 
Lakhdar Brahimi, have listened to Iraqi leaders and are holding to the 
deadline of June 30 for the transfer of authority.
  That transfer of authority and the return of sovereignty require that 
the U.S. political presence be transferred from the office of the 
administrator, held by Ambassador Bremer, to a U.S. embassy, to be led, 
if this Senate approves, by Ambassador Negroponte.
  Jerry Bremer and John Negroponte are two of the finest diplomats ever 
to serve this country. Their contributions throughout their careers 
reveal skill and dedication that will set the standards for our 
diplomatic corps for generations to come.
  I truly hope that Ambassador Bremer, when his historic mission is 
over with the CPA, will continue to play a leading role representing 
our country to the world.
  Ambassador Negroponte has represented our country to the world on 
many fronts, serving as ambassador in the Philippines, Mexico and 
Honduras. Most recently he has served as permanent representative to 
the United Nations, where he has been as our ambassador since September 
18, 2001.
  There are those who charge that this administration has been unduly 
unilateral, caustic to coalition-building, and dismissive of 
the diplomacy necessary to winning the war on terrorism that erupted on 
our land on September 11, 2001.

  Frankly, that charge, now becoming a theme in a campaign year, leaves 
me baffled.
  It reveals deeply flawed thinking, and deeply flawed perception.
  Diplomacy cannot be measured by outcomes as expected by the 
multilateralists. This is a definition of diplomatic success that 
becomes a euphemism for subjugating national interest to international 
veto.
  The citizens of Utah reject this thinking, and they are correct. And 
I believe the rest of the country does as well.
  If diplomacy cannot be measured by multilateral consensus, it should 
not be shunted by unilateral arrogance. To suggest, as many on the left 
seem to do these days, that this administration has ignored diplomacy 
is to, in my opinion, ignore the facts.
  This administration has been, in my opinion, extraordinarily engaged 
in the international community.
  No President since the founding of the United Nations has been as 
respectful, solicitous and encouraging of the United Nations as has 
President Bush. That he has done so without ever sacrificing the 
fundamental sovereignty that rests in our Constitution makes him no 
less remarkable for the very public appeals he has made directly to the 
United Nations.
  On November 10, 2001, fewer than 2 months after the most catastrophic 
terrorist attacks on our homeland in the history of the Republic, 
President Bush traveled from Washington to speak before the U.N., where 
he recognized:

       The United Nations has risen to this responsibility. On the 
     12th of September, these buildings opened for emergency 
     meetings of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 
     Before the sun had set, these attacks on the world stood 
     condemned by the world. And I want to thank you for this 
     strong and principled stand.

  Less than a year later, on the day after the first anniversary of 
September 11, President Bush traveled from the White House to address 
the General Assembly again, where he declared:

       The conduct of the Iraqi regime is a threat to the 
     authority of the United Nations, and a threat to peace. Iraq 
     has answered a decade of U.N. demands with a decade of 
     defiance. All the world now faces a test, and the United 
     Nations a difficult and defining moment. Are Security Council 
     resolutions to be honored and enforced, or cast aside without 
     consequence? Will the United Nations serve the purpose of its 
     founding, or will it be irrelevant?

  The President answered the question:

       The United States helped found the United Nations. We want 
     the United Nations to be effective, and respectful, and 
     successful. We want the resolutions of the world's most 
     important multilateral body to be enforced.

  Critics of this administration have declared that our doctrine of 
preemption, not a doctrine new to this administration, is incompatible 
with a desire for international consensus.
  This is simply not true.
  For a nuanced perspective, may I recommend a review of none other 
than Secretary General Kofi Annan's words,

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in his address of October, 2003 before the General Assembly? In that 
speech, he was expected to denounce the doctrine of preemption. But 
while he stood by the principle of collective action enshrined in 
article 51 of the U.N. Charter, he recognized, as the honest man he is, 
that states which were threatened had to respond, and that if the 
United Nations were to retain its legitimacy in the 21st century, it 
would have to develop mechanisms to promptly address the threats of 
this new century.
  In my view, this was a recognition, by the Secretary General of the 
United Nations no less, that in dealing with Iraq, 12 years and 14 
resolutions without resolve could not be the way the United Nations 
retained its relevancy in addressing the security challenges we face 
today.
  In that same week, President Bush addressed the General Assembly yet 
a third time. And I note that no President of the United States has 
addressed the General Assembly three times in one term. He declared:

       The Security Council was right to be alarmed about Iraq. 
     The Security Council was right to declare that Iraq destroy 
     its illegal weapons and prove that it had done so. The 
     Security Council was right to vow serious consequences if 
     Iraq refused to comply. And because there were consequences, 
     because a coalition of nations acted to defend the peace, and 
     the credibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free and today 
     we are joined in the General Assembly by representatives of a 
     liberated country.

  John Negroponte, as ambassador to the United Nations, stood by the 
President during those three historic addresses to the international 
community.
  Today, the President has chosen our current ambassador to the United 
Nations, John Negroponte, to be the first U.S. ambassador to an Iraq 
liberated from tyranny.
  Ambassador Negroponte has worked with the United Nations through this 
most historic of times. During this time, he worked closely with U.N. 
Special Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi on supporting Afghanistan after our 
forces deposed the Taliban. Ambassador Brahimi's efforts to guide the 
transition in Iraq from the Coalition Provisional Authority to 
sovereignty under an interim government has, as my colleagues know, the 
support of President Bush and his administration.
  Ambassador Negroponte understands this. In his statement before the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he said:

       The prospect of legitimacy that the United Nations can 
     bring to the process of political reconciliation is a point 
     of crucial interest in both the region and the broader 
     international community. With an expanded United Nations role 
     in the political arena, I believe that it will be easier to 
     generate the international support that the successful 
     rehabilitation of Iraq requires. Secretary General Annan's 
     and Ambassador Brahimi's contributions may well open the door 
     to creative thinking about ways in which the international 
     community, as well as the Coalition, can further contribute 
     to the process of rehabilitating Iraq, both politically and 
     economically.

  I want to be clear that a vital United Nations role does not come at 
the expense of the United States' influence or interests. Our efforts 
can be well coordinated and complementary; there is ample evidence 
across a broad range of situations that a strong partnership with the 
international community, including the United Nations organization, is 
in our strategic interest.
  I hope my colleagues recognize that in supporting this nominee, we 
are supporting a man of exceptional experience, a man who represents 
the best thinking by this administration on the challenges we still 
face in Iraq. He is also a very good man, a good father, a good 
husband. He is an example to us all.
  Let us be honest: The challenges in Iraq remain large.
  Our engagement there is historic, and our commitment to support this 
engagement until we achieve success must remain strong.
  As all of my colleagues, I have been shocked by the reports out of 
Abu Ghraib prison in the past weeks.
  I have been shocked and I have been disgusted.
  I join the people of Utah, and the good citizens throughout this 
country, in expressing how appalled we all are at the barbarous acts we 
have witnessed. In the prison that Saddam Hussein used to torture 
Iraqis, a few Americans have engaged in acts that demean Iraqis and 
besmirch the honor of Americans in uniform.
  Every day, members of the American military are risking their lives 
in Iraq, in order to bring about a better society for the Iraqi people.
  In combat, American military, the best trained in the world, have, 
time and again, exercised restraint of force in order to minimize 
civilian casualties. Sometimes that restraint has resulted in 
increasing the risk to our soldiers. That a handful of American 
soldiers committing brutalities in one of Saddam's reclaimed prisons 
could occur is worthy of all of our outrage--not least because we are 
proud of the honor and decency and sacrifice offered by the vast 
majority of our military in Iraq everyday.
  We must expose what went on in Abu Ghraib prison. We must conduct 
full investigations, and follow those investigations wherever they 
lead. Those who committed crimes must and will be held accountable. 
Respect for the Iraqi people demands this, as does respect for the 
honor of all Americans in uniform, and all Americans who support them.
  The security situation in Iraq is still hostile. We face enormous 
challenges, challenges we will meet. We have learned in recent days 
about the President's request for appropriations to fund our historic 
mission. This will lead to further debate, as it should.
  Our duty as legislators is to render democratic scrutiny to the most 
important issues before this government.
  If you want to support the transition to the first stage of Iraqi 
sovereignty, as the President has committed to do by the end of June, 
if you want to support continuing our appeal to the international 
community to join in the historic cause of rebuilding Iraq, and if you 
want to support this President, as he asserts his constitutional 
prerogative to conduct diplomacy at this most critical time in the 
history of our foreign policy, you must support his superb selection of 
John D. Negroponte to be the first Ambassador to an Iraq free of 
despotism.
  He is certainly going to have my vote. I have met him in various 
nations around the world. I have seen him in action in diplomacy. I 
know what a brilliant man he is, I know what a good man he is, I know 
what a fine man he is, I know what a good family man he is, and I know 
what he has meant to the diplomatic corps in this country, and I know 
what he has meant at the United Nations.
  I support him fully, and I hope every other Senator in this body will 
support him as well. There may be some who do not, but if they don't, 
they just plain do not know the man.
  This is not an easy position. This is a position which will take a 
great deal of courage, a great deal of diplomacy, a great deal of 
common sense, a great deal of genius. This is the fellow who can 
provide all that.
  Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President. I do appreciate the opportunity to 
discuss my very good friend, John Negroponte, in support of his 
nomination to be the United States Ambassador to Iraq. John and I have 
known each other since 1977 with his appointment as Deputy Assistant 
Secretary of State for Oceans and Fisheries Affairs with the rank of 
Ambassador. Because he handled several fisheries negotiations of vital 
interest to my state, John was a frequent visitor to Alaska. In 1978, 
John negotiated a breakthrough agreement with the Government of Japan 
which provided crucial protection for Alaskan salmon stocks from 
Japanese high seas fishing fleets. This agreement provided countless 
benefits to the Alaskan fishing community which endure to this day.
  I have also had the pleasure of working with John in his subsequent 
assignments: as Ambassador to Honduras; as Assistant Secretary for 
Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs, as 
Ambassador to the Philippines and more recently as U.S. Ambassador to 
the United Nations. In each situation, I was able to witness

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first hand his ability to manage large and complex diplomatic missions 
and to observe his effectiveness and sensitivity in dealing with his 
foreign counterparts.
  Educated at Yale, he speaks five languages fluently--something that I 
consider a true asset for this position.
  I believe President Bush, on the recommendation of Secretary of State 
Powell, has chosen extremely wisely and well in his selection of John 
to be our Nation's representative in Iraq. I also believe that at this 
point in time in our Nation's history, it is vital to have John at the 
helm in Iraq--we will need his expertise to help guide us through the 
next few months. I can tell you without any question, this man is one 
of the most distinguished public servants that I have had the honor of 
knowing and serving with. I know his family and I know this man.

  With the unfortunate development we have recently had in terms of the 
conduct of some of the people involved in the prisons in Iraq, I am 
confident that John Negroponte is the man necessary to be there, in 
Iraq, to represent our Government. He will represent us well, and we 
will be very well served by his confirmation.
  I urge the Senate to quickly confirm John Negroponte as our 
Ambassador to Iraq. I thank the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. CORZINE. Mr. President, may I inquire of the time allocation for 
each side?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There are 10 minutes remaining.
  Mr. CORZINE. I request permission to use 5 of those minutes and be 
informed when 4 minutes have been used of the time allocated.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CORZINE. Mr. President, like you, I sit on the Foreign Relations 
Committee and I reviewed the nomination of this experienced diplomat, 
our U.N. Ambassador, John Negroponte. I, too, both in the Foreign 
Relations Committee and on the floor, will have voted for his 
confirmation.
  I do that, acknowledging, however, there are legitimate questions 
that can be raised about previous concerns in his tenure as an 
ambassador in Honduras, and human rights violations which are so 
important in the context of some of the things that are of great 
concern to us today.
  But more troubling to me is the context in which this confirmation is 
actually being considered.
  The reality is, once again we are doing something on the fly. We are 
rushing to confirm an ambassador to maybe the most important choice and 
role we have. In and of itself, it is indicative of the crisis we have 
in Iraq--frankly, the mess Ambassador Negroponte will be walking into.
  If the administration--I am very troubled about this--sticks with an 
arbitrary, artificial June 30 deadline, Ambassador Negroponte's job 
will begin in less than 2 weeks with little or no definition about what 
he will be doing. There are no secure or thoughtful political or 
security plans in place. We do not know who will be making those 
judgments, how those people will be chosen, their role, or what the 
true definition of sovereignty in the context of this June 30 transfer 
will be all about. We do not know how they will be selected. We do not 
know what the role of the Ambassador will be with regard to those 
individuals. It is very unclear what sovereignty means.
  By the way, put into the most dramatic terms today, what is the role 
of the new ambassador with regard to what is happening to the prison 
guards? Who will be responsible for that? Sovereignty questions are 
totally unclear. We still do not have a structure for our forces and 
how they fit in and what we do going forward and what is the 
relationship with the United Nations.
  This is a real problem. We continue with failed and confusing 
policies. They are true with regard to the U.S. Ambassador. But they 
reflect the basic incompetence we have seen with regard to our crippled 
occupation from the start, some might even say our crippled war from 
the start, because we executed this with real questions about what the 
justification was with regard to weapons of mass destruction in 
relation to al-Qaida. We have continued it with poor planning, or no 
planning, with regard to the occupation that has been in place.
  Right from the start, there were questions about what the force 
structure needed to be on the ground. We have heard over and over again 
the warnings General Shinseki gave us, several hundred thousand troops, 
dismissed out of hand by the Pentagon. The administration has refused 
to talk about the cost of this occupation and what the cost to the 
American people will be, aside from the tragedy of the loss of life. 
When there have been predictions, they have been so far off base it has 
made no sense in the context of reality.
  The administration promised or thought we would be greeted as 
liberators. We have been anything but that. Seventy percent of the 
Iraqi people believe we are occupiers. There has been serious 
resistance with the insurgency. By the way, history would have shown 
that would be the indication that would occur in the Middle East. But 
we dismissed every single outside expert, Member of Congress, who might 
have raised any questions about it and emphasized we had a coalition of 
the willing that was anything but a serious coalition.
  Ninety percent of the cost, 90 percent of the troops, 90 percent of 
the effort, or more, were all American. It is an American occupation. 
The administration continues with these failed policies. As we go 
forward, I certainly think we see it very clearly in the lack of 
clarity with regard to this tragic situation we see now with regard to 
the administration of prisons and detainees. The fact is, no matter 
what we do, every time the administration executes one of these 
policies, there is a flip-flop.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 1 minute remaining.
  Mr. CORZINE. The idea that we were not going to have the U.N. 
involved; now we have the U.N. involved. We were going to have de-
Baathification; and then we have reentry of Baaths. The issue of 
deployment of troops.
  I am supportive of this Ambassador, but it is high time we get a 
consistent, thoughtful policy that is vetted with more than a few, 
narrow interests inside the Pentagon and maybe inside the White House. 
We need to have a real discussion about the direction of our policies 
on occupation and transition of political power and sovereignty. It is 
too costly.
  In the context of this series of events that all Americans are 
repulsed by, we need to stand back and say it is time to be thoughtful 
and fully vet the kinds of policies we are going to put in place 
because this is a long-term project.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. BUNNING. Mr. President, I want to talk briefly about Ambassador 
John Negroponte and support his confirmation to be the United States' 
first ambassador to the free and democratic Iraq. Not only will he be 
the first ambassador to the free and democratic Iraq, but he will be 
the first ambassador to Iraq since the first Gulf War in 1991.
  Ambassador Negroponte is one of the most experienced diplomats in the 
State Department. His experience is necessary for this job because he 
will be assuming one of the most challenging and important positions 
the State Department has ever had.
  Throughout his career in the State Department, Ambassador Negroponte 
has been stationed at eight different posts covering most parts of the 
world. While he has not been previously stationed in the Middle East, I 
have no doubt in his ability to handle the task ahead. His experience 
representing the United States at the United Nations since September 11 
and serving in nations like Vietnam and Honduras during periods of 
turmoil will guide him during Iraq's transition to democratic self-
government.
  Many challenges lie ahead for Iraq, including holding orderly 
elections, establishing government bodies, reconstructing 
infrastructure and the economy, and securing the country. The United 
States will be a partner for Iraqis throughout the coming challenges.
  Critical to the successful transition to a sovereign Iraq is the 
participation of the international community. Ambassador Negroponte has 
earned respect among his colleagues while representing the United 
States at the United Nations. He will do a fine job

[[Page S4978]]

working with other nations to help Iraq flourish under the rule of 
Iraqis.
  In summary, I believe President Bush has made a fine choice in 
nominating Ambassador Negroponte. I support his nomination and 
encourage my colleagues to swiftly confirm him to this vital position.
  Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of the nomination 
of John Negroponte to be our U.S. Ambassador to Iraq. When he takes his 
oath of office, Ambassador Negroponte will be our first ambassador to 
Iraq since the Gulf War of 1991.
  I have had the pleasure of meeting with the ambassador many times 
over the last 3 years. He was a member of the Foreign Service from 1960 
to 1997 and he is currently serving as the U.S. Permanent 
Representative to the United Nations. His leadership there has been 
exemplary as he has provided our country with a strong voice and a 
presence at the United Nations that has been vital during these 
extremely difficult times. His experience at the United Nations gives 
him a great deal of insight into the thinking of the international 
community that will be invaluable in his new role in Iraq.
  Soon Iraq will be welcomed back into the family of nations and the 
rights and freedom so cherished by the people of our nation will become 
a part of daily life in Iraq. Given our history in the region, I am 
certain my colleagues understand the wisdom of appointing an 
experienced diplomat with an informed opinion and a vision for the 
installation of a new government and the birth of a new nation of Iraq.
  During our consideration of Ambassador Negroponte's nomination, I 
have heard some of my colleagues express their concerns about recent 
events in Iraq. That is understandable, because these are concerns we 
all share about this sensitive region of the world. We must not, 
however, allow those legitimate concerns to be politicized and used as 
a club against the President and his efforts to stabilize Iraq and 
introduce democracy there. Our soldiers' lives are on the line and we 
owe them every consideration while they are in harm's way.
  Before anyone says I am being overly sensitive to the rhetoric of a 
campaign year, let me share with you a few of the details about what 
happened during a trip I took in April when I was able to visit wounded 
U.S. soldiers at Landstuhl Regional Medical Center in Germany. Before 
we met them, I was anticipating they would need some encouragement and 
we should try to lift their spirits after all they'd been through. The 
opposite turned out to be the case. They encouraged me and strengthened 
my spirit and resolve to see this through to the end. Every one of 
them, these brave men and women, said to me--``We are making a 
difference in Iraq. We know the people there. We know our job. We are 
doing our job and the people are responding to what we are doing. We 
are making a difference and we want to go back there with our comrades 
so we can finish the job.''
  I don't believe anyone knows better than those who are serving on the 
front lines--those actually doing the work and living the dangers of 
life in a war zone every day. We have made a difference in Iraq. We 
have removed a brutal dictator from power and we are working with the 
Iraqi people to build a nation based on democracy and freedom. We are 
continuing to make a difference every day in the schools we help to 
build and operate, in the infrastructure we continue to improve and 
repair, and in the sovereignty of the people of Iraq which continues to 
command our deepest respect. We will continue to make a difference 
through democratization and the rule of law, economic reconstruction, 
and security and counterterrorism. By supporting all these areas, our 
diplomatic, civilian, and military personnel will make a lasting 
difference in the lives of the Iraqi people and they will, through 
their efforts have literally changed the world.

  I hope my colleagues will remember that when we speak here on the 
Senate floor, our words are heard by those brave men and women 
overseas. Our words are heard by their families and their friends who 
make it possible for them to serve our Nation so well. They are also 
heard by our enemies who look to twist and distort our open discussions 
to make it appear that we have lost our will to see this through to the 
end. We must remember that fact each time we speak. If you wonder how I 
know if what I say is true, I can share my sources with you--our U.S. 
soldiers. They have asked me more than once: How come everything sounds 
so bad back home when it is improving in Iraq? We keep hearing this 
rhetoric which is based on the fight to win a presidential election, 
and it has nothing to do with what is happening in Iraq. Nonetheless, 
it has an impact on the morale and safety of our troops.
  I have spoken here on the Senate floor about the importance of 
supporting our troops. I noted that we must remember to pray for our 
troops. When we do, I think we should also be praying for the 
opposition as well. We should pray that the hearts of those we fight 
will soften, and they will realize the role they are playing in the 
world and in Iraq. It is not too late for them to join us in the effort 
to build a better Iraq for all its people. Praying can make a 
difference, and it is up to all of us to do that every day. It is 
something we can do that is real and it has real power. With our faith, 
and our belief in our cause because it is just, we will continue to 
provide the brave men and women who serve in our armed forces, their 
spouses and their families with the support and encouragement they need 
and deserve by keeping them in our thoughts and in our prayers.
  We also need to pray for those few soldiers at Abu Ghraib whose 
actions were severely misguided as well as those who suffered the shame 
and humiliation of those acts. I have heard many speak today about 
tearing down this prison facility, and that is a good idea. Let's rid 
the world of this terrible prison and do it completely so that it will 
never house or harm another Iraqi.
  I hope that people in the United States and throughout the world will 
remember that these deeds do not represent the character of any but a 
few misguided American soldiers. This should not be the image that the 
world has of our troops because it is not the truth. I am pleased that 
action is being taken immediately to address this situation. Charges 
are being levied, investigations are continuing, and changes are being 
made to the prison administration. We are blessed to have a truly 
exceptional military force whose image should not be tarnished by the 
actions of a few.
  We have a job to finish in Iraq and we must not shy away from 
completing it. The more rapidly the people of Iraq are able to stand on 
their own, the sooner our troops will be able to come home. We have 
undertaken a job, and we cannot afford to fail to complete the task at 
hand.
  I have often heard it said that exceptional times call for 
exceptional people to lead us through them. We must have someone in 
Iraq who is able to fully represent the United States at the time the 
Coalition Provisional Authority transitions out of the country. As the 
chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee stated this morning, we 
cannot expect to wake up the morning on July 1 and have a fully 
functioning U.S. Embassy. The time to plan for that day is upon us and 
I encourage my colleagues to join me in taking the first vital step by 
supporting Ambassador Negroponte's nomination. With the confirmation of 
this exceptional individual, we will ensure that we have a strong U.S. 
voice on the ground and the right person in charge who will show the 
world the level of our commitment to Iraq. It will also underscore our 
determination to make life better for Iraqis for generations to come. 
It is a dream we share with the Iraqi people and, with the right people 
in charge, it is a dream that will come true.
  Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I rise to express my great admiration of 
our brave Montana servicemen and women in Iraq, Afghanistan and 
elsewhere in the world. These brave men and women have put their lives 
on hold and on the line. Their families and their communities--our 
communities--support them. These Montanans and all American soldiers 
are in our thoughts and prayers. We want them to come home quickly and 
safely.
  We need a plan to bring their mission in Iraq to conclusion. And we 
need the administration to communicate that strategy clearly to the 
world, and to our brave troops.
  I am deeply troubled by the allegations of abuse of Iraqi prisoners. 
I was

[[Page S4979]]

horrified by the images we have seen over the last week. Our nation, 
which our men and women are serving with such honor, must lead by 
example if we want to win the global ``war of ideas''.
  Although we know the vast majority of our men and women in uniform 
are serving honorably, these allegations of abuse demonstrate that we 
are not giving our troops all of the support that they need.
  These images of prisoner abuse are not at all consistent with the 
principles I know our men and women in the Armed Forces hold clear. Our 
men and women went to Iraq to protect this Nation, to make the world a 
safer place. They have performed admirably under harsh conditions, 
sometimes with insufficient equipment, because they believe in their 
mission. I believe in them and I will continue to make sure that they 
get the support they need.
  What our troops need now more than ever is visionary leadership. They 
Need to know what their mission is and when that mission has changed. 
They must be trained for that mission and given all of the resources 
they need for it, be it body armor or bottled water.
  In order to win the war of ideas and make the world safer, we must 
share our vision of how to win the global war on terrorism. Sharing the 
vision to win means building effective, lasting partnerships with not 
just other countries and governments, but international institutions. 
The whole world benefits from a stable Iraq. The U.S. needs to work 
together with other nations to share the risk and responsibility U.S. 
forces face today.
  Sharing our vision of how to win the war on terrorism also means 
ensuring exemplary leadership for every private first class in the 
United States armed services. We want to ensure that the unconscionable 
actions of a few misguided soldiers do not endanger the mission of the 
thousands who work day in and day out to fulfill that vision.
  This is why I supported the President's nomination of Ambassador 
Negroponte to be Ambassador to Iraq. This administration must 
demonstrate that it has not only the determination but also the vision 
to win the war on ideas that the war on terror truly has become.
  Now is the time when we must share our vision with the troops who 
serve with dignity and honor, with the American people and with the 
world.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I inquire of the Chair how much time 
remains on both sides.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The minority has 5 minutes and the majority 
has 60 minutes.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, in a moment I will ask for a quorum call 
and then shortly after that, ask unanimous consent all time be yielded 
back and we proceed to the question on Ambassador Negroponte.
  For the moment, having given a clear signal, I suggest the absence of 
a quorum and ask the time be charged equally to both sides.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, we are about to vote. I had an opportunity 
to speak earlier today. Let me conclude and then yield back whatever 
time remains by saying Mr. Negroponte is a serious diplomat with 
significant experience. When he appeared before our committee, he 
impressed me that he was more likely to be straightforward and 
unequivocal in answering our questions.
  I will end where I began. I quite frankly think we owe him and his 
wife a debt of gratitude for being willing to take on what, without 
exception, in my view, is the most difficult and, at this moment, most 
dangerous job in U.S. diplomacy.
  I urge my colleagues to vote for Mr. Negroponte, notwithstanding that 
they may feel, as I do, that this administration's policy on how to 
handle the circumstance in Iraq has been seriously wanting.

  Do not confuse the lack of a coherent policy, from my perspective, 
anyway, with a lack of competence and ability of Ambassador Negroponte. 
I urge a yes vote on Ambassador Negroponte.
  Mr. President, I yield the remainder of my time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I appreciate again the assistance of the 
distinguished ranking member of the Foreign Relations Committee, 
Senator Biden, and, for that matter, all members. Many of the members 
of our committee, of which the distinguished Chair is a member, have 
spoken today, and have indicated they plan to support John Negroponte, 
as I will.
  I think one reason why the committee has this feeling is that we 
appreciate the fact he has been forthcoming in response to our 
questions. He understands the gravity of the situation and its 
complexity. He does not have a doctrinaire point of view, but clearly 
recognizes the political realities in Iraq, in this country, and in our 
international relations.
  As a part of his responsibilities at the United Nations, even as we 
speak, he is working with other nations on behalf of the best ideals of 
our country, and is attempting to bring to the people in Iraq the full 
possibilities that might come from much more intense and favorable and 
constructive relations with the United States and its allies.
  I was impressed in our hearing with Ambassador Negroponte, that he 
has been there many times before, in the sense of very difficult 
situations, tortuous circumstances, dangerous predicaments, ways in 
which he had to work with the elements of whatever administration he 
served, that may or may not have agreed with his point of view, but at 
the same time, through his experience and the gravity he brought to the 
issue, he was persuasive and effective.
  Finally, I conclude by saying John Negroponte is not any more certain 
than Senator Biden or I am of precisely what is going to happen day by 
day in Iraq. It is a day-by-day story. And that is not all bad, in the 
sense that sometimes we make improvements day by day. Sometimes we are 
able to listen to the evidence, try to take a look at the rest of the 
world, talk to other people, consult more broadly.
  But the fact is, I believe Ambassador Negroponte is prepared to 
consult. He is prepared to talk. He is prepared to open up. He is 
responsive to our committee, to the Senate and, I believe, to the 
Congress and, therefore, through us, to the American people, the people 
we serve.
  The final point I want to make in this debate is I believe Members of 
the Senate are not unreasonable, I believe members of our committee are 
not unreasonable, in asking for discussion and consultation during 
these very difficult times, because the support of all of us--Democrats 
and Republicans, Americans--is going to be required.
  I appreciate, on very short notice, the preparation for the hearing 
of the Ambassador. But I had the feeling he did not need much notice; 
that, as a matter of fact, he has been thinking about these issues for 
a long time. His responses indicated a degree of both maturity but, 
likewise, willingness to listen that I found very appealing and 
reassuring.
  I encourage Members to vote for him so he might proceed to his 
duties.
  Having said that, Mr. President, I yield back the remainder of the 
time available on our side and ask that the Chair pose the question.
  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the nomination 
of John D. Negroponte, of New York, to be Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to Iraq.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I announce that the Senator from Wyoming (Mr. Thomas) 
is necessarily absent.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kerry) 
is necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cornyn). Are there any other Senators in 
the Chamber desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 95, nays 3, as follows:

[[Page S4980]]

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 85 Exe.]

                                YEAS--95

     Akaka
     Alexander
     Allard
     Allen
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bunning
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Cantwell
     Carper
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Clinton
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Collins
     Conrad
     Cornyn
     Corzine
     Craig
     Crapo
     Daschle
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Dole
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Edwards
     Ensign
     Enzi
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Graham (FL)
     Graham (SC)
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Hollings
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lieberman
     Lincoln
     Lott
     Lugar
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Miller
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Nickles
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stabenow
     Stevens
     Sununu
     Talent
     Voinovich
     Warner
     Wyden

                                NAYS--3

     Dayton
     Durbin
     Harkin

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Kerry
     Thomas
      
  The nomination was confirmed.
  Mr. LUGAR. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. CRAIG. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the President shall 
be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

                          ____________________