[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 62 (Thursday, May 6, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H2680-H2698]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEPLORING ABUSE OF PERSONS IN UNITED STATES CUSTODY IN IRAQ
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 628, I call up
the resolution (H. Res. 627) deploring the abuse of persons in United
States custody in Iraq, regardless of the circumstances of their
detention, urging the Secretary of the Army to bring to swift justice
any member of the Armed Forces who has violated the Uniform Code of
Military Justice, expressing the deep appreciation of the Nation to the
courageous and honorable members of the Armed Forces who have
selflessly served, or are currently serving, in Operation Iraqi
Freedom, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate
consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of H. Res. 627 is as follows:
H. Res. 627
Whereas the American people and the world are dismayed by
revelations of abuses inflicted upon detainees at the Abu
Ghraib prison in Baghdad;
Whereas the military justice process so far has resulted in
charges being brought against six individuals, three of whom
have been recommended for trial by court martial;
Whereas the investigation by the United States Central
Command has identified problems of leadership, chain of
command, and training that contributed to the instances of
abuse;
Whereas the Congress was not fully informed of the
existence, or the seriousness, of those abuses or of the
investigation of those abuses until after they had been
disclosed in the national media;
Whereas such abuses are offensive to the principles and
values of the American people and the United States military,
are incompatible with the professionalism, dedication,
standards and training required of individuals who serve in
the United States military, and contradict the policies,
orders, and laws of the United States and the United States
military and undermine the ability of the United States
military to achieve its mission in Iraq;
Whereas the vast majority of members of the Armed Forces
have upheld the highest possible standards of professionalism
and morality in the face of illegal tactics and terrorist
attacks and attempts on their lives;
Whereas members of the Armed Forces have planned and
conducted, frequently at great peril and cost, military
operations in a manner carefully intended to prevent or
minimize injury to Iraqi civilians and property;
Whereas over 138,000 members of the United States Armed
Forces serving in Iraq, a total force comprised of active,
National Guard, and Reserve personnel, are executing a
courageous and determined mission to rebuild and rehabilitate
a proud nation after liberating it from the tyranny,
oppression, and genocide of Saddam Hussein's evil regime;
Whereas the Department of Defense has awarded members of
the Armed Forces serving in Operation Iraqi Freedom at least
3,767 Purple Hearts, as well as thousands of commendations
for valor, including at least 4 Distinguished Service
Crosses, 127 Silver Stars, and over 16,000 Bronze Stars;
Whereas members of the Armed Forces, United States
citizens, over 30 Coalition partners, and patriotic Iraqis
are working to finally return the government of Iraq to the
Iraqi people after decades of despotism;
Whereas since the deposing of Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi
people have enjoyed substantial improvements in essential
services, including major water, sewage, power,
infrastructure, transportation, telecommunications, and food
security projects that already benefit millions more citizens
than under the Ba'ath Party regime;
Whereas the quality of life for Iraqis has significantly
improved in the areas of food availability, health services,
and educational opportunities since the downfall of the
Hussein government; and
Whereas security provided by the United States Armed
Forces, the Coalition partners of the United States, and the
Iraqi people has permitted the adoption by Iraq of a
Transitional Administrative Law, with the promise of a
sovereign Iraqi Interim Government, national elections, a
constitution, and democracy: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) deplores and condemns the abuse of persons in United
States custody in Iraq, regardless of the circumstances of
their detention;
(2) declares that the alleged crimes of a handful of
individuals should not detract from the commendable
sacrifices of over 300,000 members of the United States Armed
Forces who have served, or who are serving, in Operation
Iraqi Freedom;
(3) reaffirms and reinforces the American principle that
any and all individuals under the custody and care of the
United States Armed Forces shall be afforded proper and
humane treatment;
(4) urges the Secretary of the Army to conduct a full and
thorough investigation into any and all allegations of
mistreatment or abuse of detainees in Iraq;
[[Page H2681]]
(5) urges the Secretary of the Army and appropriate
military authorities to undertake corrective action to
address chain of command deficiencies and the systemic
deficiencies identified in the incidents in question;
(6) urges the Secretary of the Army to bring to swift
justice any member of the Armed Forces who has violated the
Uniform Code of Military Justice to ensure that their actions
are not allowed to impugn the integrity of the United States
Armed Forces or undermine the United States mission in Iraq;
(7) reaffirms the need for Congress to be frequently
updated on the status of efforts by the Department of Defense
to address and resolve issues identified in this resolution;
(8) expresses the deep appreciation of the Nation to the
courageous and honorable members of the Armed Forces who have
selflessly served, or who are currently serving, in Operation
Iraqi Freedom;
(9) expresses the support and thanks of the Nation to the
families and friends of the soldiers, Marines, airmen,
sailors, and Coast Guardsmen who have served, or who are
serving, in Operation Iraqi Freedom; and
(10) expresses the continuing solidarity and support of the
House of Representatives and the American people for the
partnership of the United States with the Iraqi people in
building a viable Iraqi government and a secure nation.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter) and the gentleman from Missouri
(Mr. Skelton) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter).
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, during the debate on the rule, I think every Member who
was listening to the debate as they listened to a number of speeches
being made over and over, sometimes the same things being said by
different Members, they understand the subject which we are addressing
today, which is the criminal acts of what has been identified so far as
six individuals, with three of them having been recommended under
article 32 of the UCMJ to the court martial convening authority for
general court martial for abuse of prisoners, assault, and dereliction
of duty.
That is one of the purposes of this resolution, for this House to
condemn those activities. Understand that the criminal prosecutions
have not taken place yet, the trials have not been held and that we are
not passing judgment at this point on people who are being focused on
as potential defendants in these cases. But I thought it was important,
Mr. Speaker, to talk about the other people, because the tendency of
the media and the discussion has been to forget about the 300,000
uniformed Americans who are serving our country with bravery, with
compassion, with ingenuity and doing great things, not in their own
communities, but in communities thousands of miles away where the only
reward they may receive is from a kid that they have given a soccer
ball to like hundreds of the 101 Airborne members, or for people whom
they have hooked up a water supply as people have done in all of the
cities throughout central Iraq or children that have been vaccinated by
American medics. The only thanks they are going to get, obviously, is
not going to come from the American press at this point because the
American press is fixated on what you might call the six bad apples who
have been identified to date, and there may be more. We all know that.
But the 300,000 who served honorably, they are not going to get too
much attention here because it is not in keeping with a good sound bite
today if you want to get on television to talk about the good things
that have been done in the country.
My great partner on this Committee on Armed Services, the gentleman
from Missouri (Mr. Skelton), was in full accord with this. We wanted to
make sure that the good people got talked about and that this did not
turn into the action of the demoralization of our fighting forces in
Iraq.
So we wanted to talk about the good things they have done. And this
resolution, and I would commend it to every Democrat and Republican,
from the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi) and all of the others
who may have had trouble or problems with this resolution, I would
commend it to them to approve and to support and to vote for.
I just wanted to say, Mr. Speaker, I am looking at right now some of
the untold stories; and I wanted to cite an untold story to you, a
couple of them. It is true that there were abuses so far by six people
who have been identified in this Abu Ghraib prison; but while that was
going on, Gunnery Sergeant Jeffrey Bohr of the United States Marine
Corps was awarded the Silver Star posthumously for conspicuous
gallantry and intrepidity in action against the enemy while serving as
Company Gunnery Sergeant, Company A, 1st Battalion, 5th Marine
Regiment, Regimental Combat Team 5, 1st Marine Division.
While moving through narrow streets toward the objective, the convoy
took intense small arms and rocket-propelled grenade fire. Throughout
this movement, Gunnery Sergeant Bohr delivered accurate effective fires
on the enemy, while encouraging his Marines and supplying critical
information to his company commander. When the lead vehicles of the
convoy reached a dead end and were subjected to heavy enemy fire,
Gunnery Sergeant Bohr continued to boldly engage the enemy while calmly
maneuvering his Marines to safety.
Upon learning of a wounded Marine in a forward vehicle, Gunnery
Sergeant Bohr immediately coordinated medical treatment and evacuation.
Moving to the position of the injured Marine, Gunnery Sergeant Bohr
continued to lay down a high volume of suppressive fire, simultaneously
guiding the medical evacuation vehicle until he was mortally wounded by
enemy fire.
Yes, we had abuses by some six people. We have had apparent abuses by
some six people who are now going through the criminal justice system
of the U.S. Army, which I think our Members will find moves a lot
faster than the domestic justice system. But at the same time, Corporal
Marco Martinez was undertaking actions which led to him being awarded
the second highest award that our government can give for heroism, the
Navy Cross.
So I thought I might take a little bit of this time that was intended
to beat up the U.S. military, to congratulate some of those 300,000
people who have served U.S. so well.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise with heavy heart, a heavy heart for two reasons.
The first reason is that a group of American soldiers forgot that they
were soldiers and they forgot that the middle name of a soldier is
``honor,'' in doing the despicable acts that they did in that prison.
That breaks my heart. I know it breaks the hearts of Americans who saw
those pictures and learned of those acts which border on the
unspeakable.
But the seconds reason my heart is broken is that the occurrences
happened between October and December of last year; they were reported
in January of this year. A two star general in the Army, Major General
Taguba was called to investigate and his report was rendered in
February. And as ranking member on this committee, I found out about it
this month, in May, not by any official sources, but through the news
media.
Mr. Speaker, that also breaks my heart. We in Congress under the
Constitution are the first of the three parts of government listed. We
are the ones that raise the money and write the rules for those who
serve in the military. We are an important part of the national
security, and I think that we should be informed as quickly as possible
when these very, very tragic occurrences happen.
Recently in the Wall Street Journal, on April 22, an administration
official in response to the expenditure of appropriations funds
regarding Iraq and the Middle East stated, ``If lawmakers do not ask
questions, they do not get answers.''
Mr. Speaker, it is incumbent upon them to keep U.S. informed because
we are the genesis of their funding. We are the genesis of the rules by
which they in uniform operate and the defense of our Nation are
concerned.
This error has become a mistake. The late John F. Kennedy once said,
``An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.
Without debate, without criticism, no administration, no country can
succeed and no republic can survive.''
We seem, Mr. Speaker, to have forgotten that.
I support this resolution, and I think it is necessary. It is a
shameful series
[[Page H2682]]
of acts. I support this resolution because it deplores and condemns the
abuse of those in custody. And it is not just about isolated cases of
abuse. This incident could very well be the tipping of the security and
reconstruction of Iraq. I hope that is wrong. But if we lose the trust
of the Iraqi people, if we lose their hearts and minds, we cannot bring
anything else effectively to that part of the world.
We must win back the trust, the safety of our troops, and the future
of these citizens of Iraq. For that reason, I support this resolution.
It urges the Secretary of the Army and the appropriate military
authorities to complete a thorough investigation to bring anyone who
committed crimes to justice. This applies regardless of who committed
the crimes, military personnel, government agencies or private
contractors.
The Iraqi people must see U.S. taking swift and strong action. As a
matter of fact, we here in Congress and our chairman, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Hunter), has announced that we will have a hearing
on this very subject tomorrow in the hearing room 2118 at 3 o'clock
with Secretary Rumsfeld. I think that is the right thing for the
gentleman to have called, and I thank him for it publicly.
It is an important role for U.S. to have continuing oversight of this
issue. We do need, in addition thereto, a congressional inquiry by the
staff on the broader policy issues that were raised by this incident. I
will underline that.
Finally, I believe this resolution appropriately points out that so
many of our troops have served honorably, and the chairman is correct
on that, done extraordinarily well in difficult circumstances.
Not long ago I attended a funeral over here at Arlington Cemetery of
a staff sergeant from the Fourth District of Missouri, which I am
privileged to represent. And these soldiers who forgot that they were
soldiers caused his death, in so many respects, to have been in vain.
We have to correct this and make sure that those who pay the ultimate
sacrifice will be remembered and will be honored for the work that they
do in Iraq to bring stability and some sort of representative
government there.
We have to look at the chain of command. We have to look at the
command atmosphere that allowed these occurrences to happen. So for
this reason and the reason that we were not told promptly and the fact
that we need not only the hearing tomorrow, which I am pleased we will
have, we need a thorough investigation to go forward on this subject.
We must be successful in Iraq. We must show not just the Iraqi
people, we must show the world the values of our country. We need to.
And one way to do it is to proceed to investigate this and make this a
very transparent, clear picture for the world to see.
Mr. Speaker, I thank you for this time. It would be well for those in
authority to understand the admonition that sat on the desk of the late
President Harry S Truman: ``The buck stops here.''
Keeping that in mind, let U.S. move forward and do the right thing,
for the Iraqi people, for those who served so honorably and so well,
and for those who paid for the sacrifice of their service. Let this be
a reflection of the decency and honesty and thoroughness of the values
of America in what we do.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Hayes).
{time} 1330
Mr. HAYES. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from California
and chairman for yielding the time. Let me thank my friend, my
colleague, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) with whom I
completely identify and thoroughly agree with the remarks he made in
setting the stage for the purpose of this resolution.
As I hold this picture here, it is reference that what our troops are
about in Iraq. When I spoke earlier supporting the resolution and the
rule, I referred to a call that I had just received from an 82nd
Airborne trooper, who had lost a leg in Iraq for these children, for
these men and women.
I called Daniel Metzdorf back on the phone at Walter Reed Hospital,
where he is back because of additional infection. I said, Daniel, what
do you all think about what is going on? He said, it is wrong. Those
people will be punished, and, oh, by the way, the people who put the
pictures on the television to undermine our troops, they ought to be in
jail, too.
God bless our troops and protect them.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Rangel), who is the ranking member of the Committee on Ways
and Means.
Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Missouri (Mr.
Skelton) for the time.
This is a very difficult time for me because I find it difficult to
rise in opposition of this resolution, and the reason I do it is
because there just does not seem to be enough outrage involved in what
is being said.
We should not have to apologize for brave men and women. We should
not have to apologize for what the executive branch or the Congress has
or has not done. We should not be put in this position.
Several months ago, I called for the resignation of the Secretary of
Defense because I thought, as a major architect of this war, that he
was fighting this war with other people's children, and when he said
that he did not know whether or not we were winning or losing the war,
when he said that he did not know whether we were creating more
terrorists than we were killing, when he said we did not have any plan
to end the war, that it was a slog, I thought, as a former combat
veteran, is this the leadership that we can expect from the Secretary
of Defense? I thought that America and the military deserve better than
that and he should resign.
Now the information that we receive is that a climate has been
created where a handful of people have committed these atrocities
against human kind in an atmosphere where all of the people that are in
Iraq have been demonized where it appears to American people and
certainly to our military that the people in Iraq are responsible for
9/11 and causing us pain, that the Secretary of Defense did have
information months ago about these atrocities; and that he kept it from
the President, he kept it from the Congress and he kept it from the
American people. I think that this rises to the point that it is a high
crime and misdemeanor if he disappointed the President, kept
information from the Congress and kept this information from the
American people.
I think America and the world wants us to show the outrage, not by
rhetoric, but by taking action, and if the President does not fire the
Secretary, if he does not resign, I think it is the responsibility of
this Congress to file articles of impeachment and force him to leave
office. Then the whole world would know, not just our military, not
just Americans but the whole world what we stand for.
If people can say ``mission completed'' when it looks like there is
victory and we see atrocities like this and it happens on someone's
watch, if they do not have the dignity to say I am sorry and move on,
then we have the responsibility under our Constitution to remove these
people from office.
He kept the information away from this Congress. We have the
responsibility of oversight. I am preparing articles of impeachment
today.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Virginia (Mrs. Jo Ann Davis).
Mrs. JO ANN DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support
of this resolution, and I want to thank the gentleman from California
(Chairman Hunter) for bringing it to the floor.
First, I want to stress my unwavering support for our men and women
in uniform. I am absolutely convinced that recent reports of prisoner
abuses are in no way representative of the majority of those who serve
in our armed services.
Our fellow Americans who are in Iraq are some of the most dedicated
and honorable people in our whole country. It is a rare thing these
days to find them with such strong commitment to the values that have
made this Nation so great.
Our military is known throughout the entire world for upholding and
fighting for human rights, and that is why the American people are so
[[Page H2683]]
shocked at the recent reports of prisoner abuse and torture. I, too, am
shocked, and it is unfortunate that a few soldiers have harmed the
reputation of our entire military.
There is no excuse for abusing and torturing any human being. We are
there to restore dignity to the Iraqi people, not to demean and
humiliate them.
It absolutely cannot and should not be tolerated. We would not want
American POWs abused, and we should not abuse those who we hold as
prisoners of war.
The United States has always held very strictly to the standards of
the humane treatment of POWs that are universally accepted as
international law. We should hold those standards now more than ever.
As the world's superpower, we are an example to every Nation and are
viewed as the defenders of life and liberty.
One of the reasons we are in Iraq is because we wanted to liberate
the Iraqi people from the torture and abuse of Saddam Hussein's regime.
What kind of message do these very few soldiers send to the people of
Iraq and to the entire Middle East by now abusing the people that we
once rescued? There is absolutely no excuse.
The vast majority of Iraqi people have been treated with respect and
dignity by our service members, and I know will continue to be treated
properly. Our men and women in uniform know they have a moral and legal
obligation to treat prisoners of war humanely and with decency.
These very few individuals who have not acted in this upright
tradition should be quickly brought to justice.
Already, the Army has placed a new unit leadership at this facility.
As of April 1, we now have one single person responsible for all the
detainee activities in Iraq.
Additional training on the Geneva convention and the rules of
engagement have been given to all new units going into these
facilities.
A mobile training team of corrections and legal experts is on the
ground working to help train soldiers to improve operations at the
facilities.
I am encouraged and I applaud the quick response by our military
leaders. I hope this incident, which involved just a very small group
of individuals, will not overshadow the integrity of our soldiers.
The 138,000 Americans in uniform in the Iraqi theater are some of the
most dedicated and honorable people, and they are doing a tremendous
job. Because of the sacrifices that they are making, our Nation is more
secure, and Iraq is on the path to becoming a free and prosperous
Nation.
May God bless America and may God bless our men and women in uniform.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time we have
remaining, please?
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ose). The gentleman from Missouri (Mr.
Skelton) has 19 minutes remaining.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Harman), who is the ranking member on the Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence.
Ms. HARMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time and commend him for his leadership, along with that of the
Chairman of the House Committee on Armed Services, a committee on which
I was privileged to serve for 6 years.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, though I wish it
had called for a thorough investigation by Congress of the acts
described in it. Our Nation is strong, not only because of our military
might, but because of our values. In peacetime, those values may seem
easy to uphold, but in wartime, they are inevitably going to be tested.
To keep us strong, we must reaffirm to the American people and the
world that those values permeate everything we do as a Nation, at home
and all over the world.
We are not naive. We know that the fog of war is thick, and we
understand, certainly those of us on the House Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence understand, that interrogation is an integral
part of gathering intelligence about the enemy. Good intelligence
hopefully prevents and disrupts attacks. That saves lives.
Many of us on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
care deeply that we get it right. I have traveled to Guantanamo three
times to assess the effectiveness of our interrogations and to assure
that detainees are being treated properly. While I strongly disagree
with the lack of legal status for Guantanamo's detainees, I have been
increasingly impressed by the tangible improvements in prisoner
treatment and by the yield from interrogations.
I have been to Baghdad twice, again focused on intelligence issues.
There was no hint in my second visit to Baghdad in February of this
year, a month after the devastating photos were delivered to the
Pentagon, that anything was amiss with respect to interrogations in
Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, my colleagues and I were doing our job to make sure
things were done right, but the failure to alert us to the
circumstances that led to the request of General Taguba to prepare his
report was a failure by the intelligence community to keep our
Committee informed. It was a failure by the executive branch to keep
Congress informed.
After everything this country has been through over the past 3 years,
the horrors at Abu Ghraib made crystal clear the need for major
intelligence reform. It is not acceptable for people to retreat into
``chain of command'' stovepipes. It is not credible that a few bad
apples carried out what the Taguba report calls ``numerous incidents of
sadistic, blatant and wanton criminal abuse'' without any explicit or
implicit tolerance from those who supervised them.
Tom Friedman writes today, ``We are in danger of losing something
much more important than just the war in Iraq. We are in danger of
losing America as an instrument of moral authority and inspiration in
the world.''
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Connecticut (Mr. Simmons), one of our great veterans.
Mr. SIMMONS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the time, and I
associate myself with the remarks of the chairman and of the ranking
member.
I also have a heavy heart. As someone who served as a U.S. Army
military intelligence officer for more than 30 years on active and
reserve duty, I am appalled and disgusted by the images of U.S.
soldiers mistreating prisoners in Iraq. Not only is the abuse of
prisoners repugnant to our moral values as Americans, but it has little
to no utility in eliciting useful intelligence from hostile elements.
Army Field Manual 34-52 clearly defines interrogation as the art of
questioning and beaming a source to obtain the maximum amount of usable
information. The goal of any interrogation is to obtain usable and
reliable information in a lawful manner, in a lawful manner.
It goes on to say, ``The use of force, mental torture, threats,
insults, or exposure to unpleasant and inhumane treatment of any kind
is prohibited by law and is neither authorized nor condoned by the U.S.
Government. Experience indicates that the use of force is not necessary
to gain the cooperation of sources for interrogation. Therefore, the
use of force is a poor technique, as it yields unreliable results.''
This is Army Field Manual 34-52.
I am outraged to think that the stupid and insulting behavior of a
very few soldiers and officers could undercut the honorable and the
courageous service of so many American soldiers in Iraq. A full
investigation is in order. Punishment for the guilty parties is
required, and we must send a clear message to the world that the action
of a very few does not represent the values of most American soldiers
and most Americans.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Cardin) for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request.
(Mr. CARDIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, the abuse of Iraqi prisoners by American
soldiers and personnel constitute deplorable, despicable acts. We are
all sickened by the pictures of our troops laughing and pointing at
Iraqi prisoners who had been stripped naked, possibly beaten, and
forced to pose in sexually explicit positions. These actions have
compromised not only our mission in Iraq, but also the reputation of
the American governments and its agents. Let me be clear: All but a few
of our
[[Page H2684]]
soldiers and military personnel perform their jobs honorably on behalf
of the American people, and our military is playing an important role
in keeping the peace and promoting democracy around the world.
Our next step is clear: Congress must hold an open, complete and
bipartisan investigation into these terrible allegations. We have a
responsibility to oversee our military and intelligence services, and
only through an independent investigation by Congress will we be able
to regain our Nation's credibility as a champion for human rights. I am
disappointed that the pending resolution does not reference an
independent inquiry by Congress. The Pentagon must also take quick
action to punish those involved, including holding those superiors who
knew, encouraged, condoned, or should have known about those abuses.
The resolution rightly points out the military must undertake
corrective action to address chain of command deficiencies and systemic
deficiencies in the military. We must also examine the role played by
American civilian contractors in performing governmental functions such
as interrogation of enemy prisoners.
Mr. Speaker, I serve as the Ranking Member of the Commission on
Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), commonly known as the
Helsinki Commission. The United States is one of the fifty-five nations
that serve as members of the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe (OSCE), the largest regional security organization in the
world.
The United States has agreed to a number of Helsinki commitments
beginning in 1989 in Vienna regarding democracy, rule of law, and human
rights. We regularly criticize other governments in Europe and Central
Asia when they use, condone, or fail to stop acts of torture in their
prisons. Part of our commitments include: The education and training of
all personnel--whether civil, medical, or military--that handle
prisoners; systematic review of interrogation rules, methods, and
practices; and a systematic review of arrangements for custody and
treatment of detained persons, with a view to preventing any cases of
torture. The OSCE publishes a ``preventing torture'' handbook to help
Participating States eradicate torture.
As the United States seeks to wage a global war on terrorism, many
questions have been raised regarding U.S. efforts to combat terrorism
and whether related actions are consistent with our international
obligations and commitments. Last year on June 26, on the International
Day in Support of the Victims of Torture, President Bush declared that
``Torture anywhere is an affront to human dignity everywhere.'' He
observed that ``Freedom from torture is an inalienable human right.''
The State Department has also noted that ``Freedom from torture is an
inalienable human right, and the prohibition of torture is a basic
principle of international human rights law. This prohibition is
absolute and allows no exception.'' Finally, as the General Counsel to
the Defense Department, William Haynes wrote to Senator Leahy that,
``the United States does not permit, tolerate, or condone any such
torture by its employees under any circumstances.''
Mr. Speaker, last year I offered, and then withdrew, an amendment to
the Department of Defense Appropriations bill for FY 04 that would
prohibit the use of any funds in the bill from being used to carry out
torture. I was disturbed by a December 2002 article in the Washington
Post. The article cited a number of defense and intelligence sources
which allege that some detainees in Afghanistan and elsewhere may have
been tortured.
The abuse of Iraqi prisoners by American soldiers not only harmed the
victims, but also harmed our country. It has damaged our mission in
Iraq. It has soiled our reputation in pursuit of humanitarian issues.
What happened in Baghdad's Abu Ghraib prison does not reflect U.S.
values. We must speak out and take action against torture anywhere in
the world, even if it occurs under our watch. We must act decisively.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1345
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Ferguson).
Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
resolution. The actions of several U.S. soldiers in Baghdad are
fundamentally inconsistent with our mission in Iraq, American
principles of justice, and the basic tenets of morality. They have
stained our character and damaged our credibility.
I fear there are no words in the English language that can adequately
describe the depth of our disillusionment over the goodwill generated
by millions of Americans and billions of American dollars squandered in
an instant.
But I do know this: out of this tragedy is born opportunity to show
the watching world how we, a Nation founded on the rule of law, conduct
ourselves in the aftermath of this tragedy. What distinguishes us from
the regime that we ended is justice. While this behavior was once
commonplace in Iraq, it is foreign to our national experience and to
our nature, and we will deal with it not by saluting those who
perpetrated those acts, as the former regime did, but by bringing the
perpetrators to justice.
I was fortunate to visit a free Iraq in January. I met with our
soldiers, including some from my home State, New Jersey. I say to each
of our soldiers and servicemembers, do not allow the injustices done by
a few to undermine your faith, for the cause which brought you to Iraq
is right and just. You have freed 24 million people from the clutches
of unspeakable tyranny, and your actions and character are sowing
freedom in a place that has known evil. May God continue to bless all
of those who serve honorably in our Nation's military, and may God
continue to bless America.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro), a senior member of the Committee on
Appropriations.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, all Americans were shocked by what we saw
at the Abu Ghraib prison. The abuse of Iraqi prisoners offends our
values as human beings and as Americans. I am deeply disturbed by the
administration's handling of this issue. A 3-month-old investigation
has only now come to light. Some are questioning whether we may have
lost control of civilian contractors who fall outside of the military
chain of command.
But there is something equally as alarming about this news, the
discovery that unregulated private contractors are interrogating
prisoners in Iraq on behalf of the Coalition Provisional Authority.
This now becomes a question of accountability. In the fog of war, it
is not only our military but also private companies deciding whom to
deploy, whom to carry out operations, and how those people are vetted.
There is almost no congressional oversight, civil regulation, or
military law that governs them. By contracting out these critical tasks
to civilian contractors who fall outside of the chain of command, there
is no quality assurance, and there is questionable accountability.
The Secretary of Defense has been inattentive and perhaps negligent
at great cost to our reputation and our security, and the call for the
Secretary of Defense resignation is growing stronger day by day. At the
very least, the Republican leadership in this House should convene
bipartisan, bicameral congressional hearings to examine this urgent
matter.
This reminds us that before we win the hearts and the minds of the
Iraqis in this effort, we must win something else, trust, the trust of
the American people.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to address what the gentlewoman just said
because she has made a mistake. She said that the 3-month-old
investigation has only now come to light. I have in front of me the
news release that I will give to the gentlewoman. As of January 16,
which was 3 days after the soldier came forward and gave to his
commanding officer the evidence that bad things were taking place at
the prison, CENTCOM released a news release to every news agency in the
world stating that an investigation has been initiated into reported
incidents of detainee abuse.
So they announced to the world 3 days after the soldier came forward
in January that an investigation had been started; and General Kimmet
announced to the combined audiences of Fox News, MSNBC and CNN, by my
calculations over 20 million people, on January 16 that an
investigation had been started. Outside of that, nobody was told.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HUNTER. I yield to the gentlewoman from Connecticut.
Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, I would just say to the gentleman that I
think the report in terms of Members of Congress, the people's House,
that we have in fact been kept in the dark. There may have been some
who have known about it. I listened to General Myers.
[[Page H2685]]
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I will tell the gentlewoman the entire world
was told by this news release.
Ms. DeLAURO. Then it is even more poignant.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I think this is a very
important point. The soldier came forward on January 13 and gave this
evidence to his commanding officer that prisoners were being abused.
CENTCOM announced to the world through their official news release that
they were investigating this 3 days later; and General Kimmet, who was
before an audience of some 20 million people three days later, January
16, announced it was in fact being investigated.
So the statement that the investigation has just now come to light is
not accurate.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a
unanimous consent request to the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Woolsey).
(Ms. WOOLSEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her
remarks.)
Ms. WOOLSEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask that this resolution be less timid
and actually ask for a commission beyond the Department of Defense.
Mr. Speaker, I was absolutely outraged last week when I, along with
the rest of the world, learned that U.S. servicemembers and private
American contractors in Iraq had abused and tortured Iraqi prisoners of
war, and had forced them to commit heinous sexual acts.
War is devastating and terrifying, but even in war there is no place
for actions such as these. The vast majority of soldiers in Iraq are
performing courageously and honorably, upholding the high standards of
the U.S. military. But the abuse inflicted by a few soldiers will
likely be responsible for much ill will around the world. What's worse,
I fear that it will embolden our enemies to commit further acts of
terrorism against the United States.
We must get to the bottom of this scandal, but we must do it in the
right way. H. Res. 627, which will be voted on today, does not
adequately address these abuses because it doesn't go far enough.
Instead of encouraging an investigation through the Department of
Defense, this resolution should call for congressional investigations
to investigate the roles of both servicemembers and private civilian
contractors who may have played a role in the abuse of Iraqi prisoners
of war.
The military should not investigate itself in this matter, because we
don't yet know if the military leadership itself bears some
responsibility for these atrocities.
We also owe an apology to the people of Iraq, and to all the
countries around the world that look to the United States for
leadership and guidance in the area of democracy. This resolution
offers no apology. Instead, it absolves the Congress of blame, claiming
that we weren't informed of the abuses while they were happening. But
the fact that we weren't informed should not stop this body from
offering our sincerest regret that military procedures failed to stop
this kind of abuse from occurring. Are we so arrogant that we cannot
apologize for some of the most heinous acts that member of our military
have ever committed?
This resolution must be amended to get to the bottom of this terrible
scandal. I urge my colleagues to vote against H. Res. 627 unless it is
amended to include congressional investigations and regret for the acts
of those wearing the uniform of the United States military.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the ranking member of the Committee on Energy
and Commerce.
(Mr. DINGELL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, I have read this bill. I may be one of the
few on the floor who has. But as a long-serving Member of this body, as
a private who finished World War II as a second lieutenant, I sat on
boards, courts martial, served as military prosecutor, and also as
defense. I find in the legislation no word of anybody other than
Members of the armed services. I find no mention of discussion of
members of the CIA, of members of the civilian leadership, of the
Defense Department or other government agencies. I find nothing about
civilian contractors.
My question to the chairman, are we going to go into that behavior,
or are we just going to sack a bunch of poor infantrymen up to the rank
of sergeant or something like that and say you are going to jail, when
in fact this was policy which originated much higher?
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. DINGELL. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I would say that the investigation, there
are now six investigations ongoing, the investigation that was started
has identified some six individuals. Those are all people wearing
uniform.
If the investigation reveals further people who are civilian
contractors, those people can be punished under the laws of the United
States which have been extended to theater.
Mr. DINGELL. It sounds to me like they are going to stick it to the
ordinary uniformed military service under the rank of lieutenant, and
let everybody else off the hook. This is a bad proposal.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Thornberry).
Mr. THORNBERRY. Mr. Speaker, generally I think we can be faulted on
this floor for saying the same thing over and over again in our
debates; but in this case, I think it is important to say over and over
again so it is heard clearly and definitively that the conduct here,
including the taking and distribution of photographs, is abhorrent to
our Nation and to our values; and also to say that we are proud of and
grateful to the thousands and thousands of men and women who do
represent and exemplify our values every day in Iraq, for every day
there are countless acts of kindness and generosity and respect shown
to Iraqis by American soldiers, risking their own lives. Part of the
tragedy of this episode is it gets so much attention while all of those
acts get so little attention.
Yet it is important for us to continue to do the right thing, to hold
those involved accountable for their actions or their neglect, and to
not let up in our efforts to overcome the malicious forces of
oppression, working with the Iraqi people for a free and secure and
stable Iraq.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a
unanimous consent request to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-
Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise
and extend her remarks.)
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support H. Res. 627
only because we need to begin the healing process, not because it
offers a real solution to our troops and peace in Iraq.
Mr. Speaker, yet again we are seeing politics driving our policy in
Iraq rather than logic, and compassion, and sense of duty. The
resolution before us today is political damage control. This Congress
has a constitutionally mandated duty of oversight over the executive
branch. We and the world have seen over the past days that some
horrible deeds have occurred in Iraq--deeds that truly threaten to
undermine everything that we have worked toward on the international-
diplomatic front for the past century. We must be thoughtful in
crafting our approach to diffusing this awful situation, bringing those
responsible to justice, and protecting the honor of those members of
our armed-services who serve so valiantly and honorably around the
world.
This resolution contains several provisions, including (1) deploring
and condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners in U.S. custody; (2)
reaffirming and reinforcing the American principle that any and all
individuals under the custody and care of the U.S. armed forces shall
be afforded proper and humane treatment; and (3) urging the Department
of Defense to conduct an investigation into any and all allegations of
mistreatment or abuse of Iraqi prisoners and bring to swift justice all
members of the Armed Forces who have violated the Uniform Code of
Military Justice.
I agree with all of that; however, is that all the duty of this
Congress is? All this resolution does is says, ``We read in the paper
that mistakes were made. Somebody else, find out what happened.
Somebody else, tell us what you find out. Somebody else, make this
problem go away.'' That is a dereliction of our duty.
Members in this body have extraordinary experience and expertise in
these issues. We owe it to the people we represent to immediately
launch full congressional investigations into Iraqi prisoner abuse.
After the Defense Department report was buried and hidden from
Congress, and maybe even the President, for months, it is absurd to now
trust that same department to police itself and purge itself of bad
actors. We are already seeing the methods by which they will approach
this--blame the six people in the pictures and maybe a couple of
others, and assume that they were some sort of outliers.
[[Page H2686]]
We all hope that that is indeed the case, but we must make sure. Last
week, I wouldn't have believed that any American soldiers were capable
of such grotesque abuses. We must be objective as we delve into whether
this problem goes far deeper than just a few cells at Abu Ghraib.
Further missteps in the U.S. response to these atrocities could bring
about a monstrous backlash in Iraq, and across the Middle East.
What message does it send to those struggling for democracy and
freedom around the world, when this People's House, in the greatest
democracy in the world--simply toes the majority party line?
We need bipartisan congressional investigations to be conducted
immediately into these allegations of abuse, including those by U.S.
civilian contractor personnel or other U.S. civilians, and into chain
of command and other systemic deficiencies that contributed to such
abuse.
We all know that the vast majority of U.S. troops in Iraq are
performing superbly. It is tragic that the behavior of a small number
of American soldiers has besmirched the reputation of U.S. troops
overall. The vast majority of U.S. troops in Iraq are courageously
performing their duties and are living up to the highest standards of
the U.S. military. They are serving our country with honor, distinction
and dedication and deserve our country's deepest gratitude.
However, the grotesque abuse of Iraqi prisoners is completely
unacceptable--and is against everything our country stands for and
holds dear. The abuse of Iraqi prisoners in the Abu Ghraib prison by
U.S. soldiers that has been documented with photographs is abhorrent
and does not represent America. The citizens of America have been
appalled by what they have seen and condemn these actions as against
our ethics and against our practices. These abuses are truly un-
American.
Congressional investigations are critically needed in order to get to
the bottom of this outrage. Among the questions that must be answered
are: How widespread were these incidents of prisoner abuse? Were
personnel trained adequately to do the jobs to which they were
assigned? When did senior leadership of the Department of Defense learn
of these allegations? Was their response timely and did it reflect the
seriousness of this situation?
We owe it to the American people, to those around the world who are
watching intently, and especially to our troops whose reputations have
been called into question by this situation. We must put this Congress
to work purging our military of those who encourage such un-American
behavior, and restore the honor of our brave soldiers serving in Iraq
and around the world.
I again call for Secretary Rumsfeld to appear before the full body of
this House with the complete story of this travesty. Ultimately, I call
for his resignation and that of Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), the ranking member on the Committee on the
Budget and also a senior member of the Committee on Armed Services.
(Mr. SPRATT asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, there is nothing we hold in trust more
sacred than the good name of America, and the good name of our great
country is at stake. We have been defiled, maligned, if not damaged
irreparably in some parts of the world; and we cannot diminish the
consequences.
Just as the world has been fixated on those revolting photographs,
the world is watching now to see what America will do, not what we will
say, but how we will respond in fact. We should first of all rise up in
indignation and outrage and condemn these atrocities and not diminish
them. I do not care whether six soldiers or 600 were involved. We
should make it unmistakably clear that this is conduct that Americans
will not tolerate, we will not diminish, we will not excuse, and we
will punish with severity.
But our response cannot end with just indignation or even an abject
apology. We must make every effort to find out what was involved in
these atrocities, who was involved in these atrocities, directly
involved, and involved in a supervisory capacity up the chain of
command and down the chain of command, wherever it leads; and we must
punish everybody who is culpable in a way that makes clear this is
despicable conduct which we will not abide in the United States of
America.
That quest for facts must ask candidly, painfully whether or not
these were isolated acts, these atrocities were isolated acts of poorly
trained, undisciplined reservists, or whether they arise out of a
culture that permitted and allowed interrogation techniques that call
for hoods, sleep deprivation, and incessant questioning.
These are hard questions. We have got to ask them. Was this military
intelligence, military police, or was it both? Where did the system
break down?
In the committee room of the Committee on Armed Services, Mr.
Speaker, we have cast in bronze a plaque with article 1 clause 8 of the
Constitution which gives Congress the power to raise and support an
Army, a Navy, and provide for their regulation. This was the way that
the Parliament in the 17th century gained control of the government by
gaining control of the military, among other things, by keeping on a
short leash the law that permitted courts martial.
The Department of Defense is and ought to be conducting its own
investigation; but if we are worth our salt, if we are up to the powers
the Constitution vests in us, we must conduct our own investigation.
{time} 1400
Woodrow Wilson once said that our greatest power is the power to
investigate, to inform, to check the Commander-in-Chief, to notify, to
make the American people understand what is happening in their
government. So this is not a matter that we can delegate. This is not a
matter that we can trust anyone else. This is a matter where we must
not take the role of outsiders looking in. We should launch our own
investigation. And one of the places where this resolution stops short,
I would say to my good friend, the chairman of the committee, is that
it does not emphatically call for our own independent investigation to
lead wherever the facts may take us. We should do it because it is our
duty. We should do it because of the trust we hold. We should do it for
the sake of the soldiers, the vast majority of soldiers, who have are
served honorably, who have served and sacrificed and secured the
interests of our country.
But here, as in many places, this resolution pulls its punch. I
support it. I will vote for it, but I think it should be more emphatic,
more outraged, and I think it should be more of a beginning to our
effort than an end, to the constitutional trust that we all hold, to
find the facts, to ask why we are so late ourselves in being informed,
and to see that the truth and the whole truth comes out.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I say to my good distinguished colleague I invite him to come to our
committee hearing in which we are conducting oversight in this matter
at 3 o'clock tomorrow afternoon, and I also remind him that we have now
carried out by those people that we have trusted in uniform in the
Iraqi theater and elsewhere, six investigations now ongoing into this
particular matter, six investigations.
Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. HUNTER. I yield to the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. SPRATT. Mr. Speaker, I have great respect for the gentleman, and
he and I served together, as he will recall, on one investigative panel
that looked into what happened in Beirut in 1983. We had both been
there a month before, both talked about what happened, and that was an
investigation that really did unearth new facts. And it is a good
illustration of why we need to have a similar investigation here where
our committee has searched its constitutional authority and gets to the
bottom of this matter.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I would say to my colleague that we have
three of the people involved in this who have been bound over to the
court-martial convening authority for general courts martial, that is,
for criminal prosecutorial activity, and to say to my colleague again,
who has told me many times about how much he respects our people in
uniform, that our people in uniform themselves, starting with the
private who reported this, have six investigations ongoing. And I think
part of our job is not just to have oversight, but also to trust to the
honor and integrity of the people who wear the uniform, and we now have
six investigations going forward.
So let us have this hearing tomorrow and see where we go from there,
but
[[Page H2687]]
my feeling is we have good, competent, honorable people undertaking
these investigations.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), who cares so much about America's men and women in
uniform.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the resolution and
to express my revulsion and disgust at the abuse of Iraqi prisoners by
a few reprehensible and unrepresentative individuals in our military or
operating as representatives of our government.
The very first time I spoke on this floor, it was to warn Saddam
Hussein and the Iraqi army of the consequences of not treating our
prisoners of war in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. I feel just
as strongly about the prisoners of war that are in the custody of our
military.
This is not an issue I take lightly. My own uncle was a prisoner of
war during World War II. He suffered terrible personal abuse.
Now a few soldiers have brought disgrace upon themselves. And in the
process, they have embarrassed our Nation, its Army, and risked the
lives of our soldiers.
Mr. Speaker, these abuses must be dealt with and the perpetrators
prosecuted and punished. The incident represents a failure of
leadership, clear and simple. Those in the chain of command responsible
for this breakdown must be identified and sanctioned in some way
stronger than simple letters of reprimand.
This resolution and the actions that follow are what makes us
different from other nations, Mr. Speaker. Here in America when
something like this happens, we put it out in front of the world, we
identify the perpetrators, prosecute, and punish them. That is what our
soldiers fight for. That is what 30 soldiers from my own district have
died for.
In America, we do not have gulags. We do not have concentration
camps. And we do not tolerate the mistreatment of those who are
incarcerated. We are a just society built upon the rule of law. But
make no mistake. Our cause in Iraq is just, and we will be successful
in spite of this shameful episode.
Mr. Speaker, the vast majority of our soldiers are honest and upright
and willing to risk their lives to defend and advance the cause of
freedom. I know. I have had the honor of visiting them, and I am quite
sure that they are as disgusted and outraged by the conduct of these
few individuals as we in this House are.
Mr. Speaker, I would encourage other Members to vote in support of
this resolution, but also to thank the many soldiers who serve us and
the Iraqi people, while we sanction the few who have violated our
trust.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), who is the minority whip.
(Mr. HOYER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, the fact that we are on this floor today
considering a resolution condemning outrageous conduct by American
soldiers and perhaps some civilians against defenseless Iraqi detainees
is an unmitigated and shameful embarrassment for this Nation. This
abuse, which is as criminal as it is un-American, demands full
accountability. And full accountability must be demanded not just at
the bottom of the military chain of command, but for the highest
ranking military and civilian officials who knew or should have known
about this behavior and either turned a blind eye to it or failed to
immediately address it.
Let us be clear. The buck should not and it must not stop with a 20-
year-old enlisted man or woman who may well have thought they were
acting within the framework of a psychology that permitted them to
demean and deny basic decency of treatment to detainees.
Mr. Speaker, 43 years ago, I stood in front of this Capitol building
as President Kennedy told the American people in one of the most famous
inaugural addresses in our history that Americans, he said, are
``unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights
to which this Nation has always been committed and to which,'' he said,
``we are committed today at home and around the world.''
Mr. Speaker, I believe we are still committed to those. That is the
America that every Member of this body knows and loves; an America that
stands for the rights and dignity of every human being; an American
America that fights oppression, inhumanity, and intolerance wherever it
rears its head.
This Congress, the elected representatives of 290 million Americans,
must fulfill its constitutional duty as a co-equal branch of government
and demand accountability for these criminal acts. This means that we
must hold hearings so that the American people and all the world know
the truth about this episode.
I am pleased to see the chairman of the committee is holding
hearings. Some 4 days ago, he said they were not necessary and the
leader of his party said they were not necessary. Those who perpetrated
these criminal acts and those who created the environment in which such
acts were thought to be acceptable should be, must be, held
accountable.
Today we learn that the Secretary of Defense has known for months
that prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan have been humiliated, beaten,
tortured, and even murdered. Twenty-five prisoners have died in U.S.
custody. And, still, there is virtually no accountability for those
deaths. No House congressional inquiry, no presidential or secretarial
condemnation, and no end.
The buck must stop somewhere. Private admonishments are not
sufficient. Full public accountability must be demanded. If the
Secretary of Defense failed to perform his duty, he should be held
responsible. If anybody below him failed to perform their
responsibility, they too should be held responsible, as should those
perpetrators.
Mr. Speaker, it is nothing short of tragic that this indefensible
conduct threatens to overshadow the extraordinary courage and sacrifice
of our brave men and women in our Armed Forces. I have supported their
efforts and supported the President in removing Saddam Hussein. We have
liberated 25 million Iraqis from the clutches of a ruthless dictator.
How proud we are of our men and women in uniform.
The only way we can remove that dark cloud that now hangs over their
noble efforts is to ensure that those who have acted outside the law
are required to answer to it and those who allowed it to go unchecked
and unpunished are removed from positions of responsibility.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, let me say that the damage inflicted upon our
image and standing in the world is incalculable. As Tom Friedman
pointed out in the New York Times this morning, it has been quoted
before but let me quote it again: ``We are in danger,'' he said, ``of
losing something much more important than just the war in Iraq. We are
in danger of losing America as an instrument of moral authority and
inspiration in the world.''
I will offer a motion to recommit, which makes more clear our outrage
and more pointed our demand for full investigation and responsibility.
I urge my colleagues to support it.
I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 15 seconds.
To address the distinguished majority whip, the distinguished
majority whip, like the previous speaker, is wrong. The statement was
put out by the Army on January 15 that this investigation was taking
place, 2 days after the soldier came forward. And 3 days after the
soldier came forward, it was given in General Kimmitt's address to the
combined audiences of Fox News, MSNBC, and CNN. That is not turning a
blind eye.
I will give the gentleman the notice. It was put out on January 14.
He can look at it.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr.
Cox).
Mr. COX. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, this is not merely a matter of a small number of
individuals who have violated the code of military justice. This is a
disgrace. This country led an international effort to end the regime of
a cruel dictator who abused his people. Now men and women wearing the
American uniform have abused Iraqis.
The injury they have caused does not end with the Iraqi prisoners.
They have
[[Page H2688]]
undermined the war effort. They have risked its success as surely as if
they sold military secrets to the terrorists. They have humiliated our
Nation more gravely than mere terrorists ever could. They have
dishonored every brave American soldier who has lost or risked his life
in the war effort and to help the people of Iraq. They have wasted the
effort of those brave Americans who have rehabilitated more than 1,700
schools in Iraq. They have squandered the work of a global coalition
that has delivered more than 25,000 tons of pharmaceuticals and
supplies to health care facilities in Iraq and vaccinated over 70
percent of children in Iraq against polio, tuberculosis, measles, and
diphtheria.
If ever justice could be swift, let it be now. If ever the punishment
could fit the crime, let it be now. If ever our Nation needed the
prayers and support of men and women of goodwill, it is now. The
success and survival of liberty depend upon it.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the minority whip.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, first, let me say to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Cox) that I associate myself with his remarks and thank
him for those comments. Let me say to my friend, the chairman of the
Committee on Armed Services, he and I voted together probably 95
percent on issues of defense.
{time} 1415
I will tell my friend, he has repeated the fact that we knew this in
January at least four or five times, that I have heard. If that is the
case, and I take him at his word, frankly, I did not focus on it, the
chairman did not focus on it, there have been no hearings, there have
been no investigations. It is a shameful reality that perhaps some knew
this as early as January, and we are here today, some 4 months later,
with the public getting that information and the Members of Congress
being energized by it. And this resolution did not come from your
committee, I say to my friend, until almost mid-May, notwithstanding
the fact that you read that disclosure over and over and over again.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 10 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, let me just say to my friend, you say some knew about
this. The combined audiences of Fox News, MSNBC and CNN heard this in
the daily briefing in January. So your statement that the
administration turned a blind eye to it is not true. They initiated an
investigation, once again initiated by General Sanchez, 3 days after
the soldier came forward.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how many minutes are left.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentleman from Missouri
(Mr. Skeleton) has 3 minutes remaining, and the gentleman from
California (Mr. Hunter) has 8 minutes remaining.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a
unanimous consent request to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Olver).
(Mr. OLVER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks and include extraneous material.)
Mr. OLVER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, the whole world now knows about the abhorrent behavior
of American interrogators and guards at the Abu Ghraib prison and at
other facilities maintained by the U.S. military in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Unaccountably, neither Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld nor
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Meyers, took the matter
seriously enough to brief the President on the Pentagon report that
there were numerous, specific instances of ``sadistic, blatant, and
wanton criminal abuses'' by American prison guards at Abu Ghraib. The
President knew since January that a general investigation into the
treatment of prisoners was ongoing, but neither the Pentagon nor the
White House acknowledged that investigation until this week when
hundreds of extremely graphic photographs were made public.
I opposed the war in Iraq in part because I was convinced that
unilateral American military action in Iraq would lead to an increase
in the number of terrorists. The behavior of American prison guards at
Abu Ghraib will further breed hatred for the United States and sympathy
for those who do us harm. The images of American soldiers humiliating
prisoners in Iraq have caused severe damage to our efforts to establish
Iraq self-rule and hold free elections. Our standing in the Islamic
world is now far worse than it was even last week.
I am convinced that two actions are now necessary.
First, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld must resign. The events at Abu
Ghraib prison were the inevitable result of the Secretary's policy of
ignoring the Geneva Accords that govern the rights of prisoners.
Despite overwhelming criticism at home and around the world, Secretary
Rumsfeld insisted that the United States will no longer by bound by the
Geneva Convention and decades of previous practice by the U.S. military
in its handling of detainees in foreign countries will be ignored. the
Secretary's insistence on handling prisoners in secret and outside the
law has led to an unaccountable regime in which prisoners in both Iraq
and Afghanistan have been humiliated, beaten, tortured, sexually abused
and killed.
Second, there must be a comprehensive investigation by Congress into
the treatment of prisoners of war. There must be an investigation
independent of the Department of Defense, where the abuses occurred,
that includes an examination of the role of civilian contractors and
other civilians who may have played a role in the incidents of prisoner
abuse. A thorough investigation by Congress would reveal the systemic
deficiencies that contributed to such abuse. Among the questions that
must be answered are: How widespread were these incidents of prisoner
abuse? Were personnel trained adequately to do the jobs to which they
were assigned? When did senior leadership of the Department of Defense
learn of these allegations? Was their response timely and did it
reflect the profound seriousness of this situation?
The American people must have answers to these questions. I realize
that congressional investigations will take months, but Secretary
Rumsfeld must resign. By ignoring international law and insisting on a
policy that allowed these prisoner abuses in Iraq to occur, the
Secretary has greatly damaged our country's standing in the world and
compromised our national security.
America cannot win the peace in Iraq while, in America's name, some,
however few, commit outrages, as part of the occupation, more akin to
those attributed to Saddam Hussein.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Terry).
Mr. TERRY. Mr. Speaker, like all of us in here, I am sickened by the
images of our military abusing Iraqi prisoners. These actions are
deplorable in and of themselves, and it is even more so when we as an
American society stand for justice and the protection of human rights.
The abuse tears the very fabric of the values which make America great.
This abuse not only degrades the prisoners and the Muslim culture,
but ours as well. If these abuses sicken me and most Americans, think
of the legitimate reaction of those in Iraq and the Middle East and the
world.
It should also trouble Americans that this terrible episode is being
exploited by partisans who wish to make it an election-year issue.
Republicans and Democrats should stand arm in arm condemning what
occurred, apologizing for these abuses, and demonstrate the decent
values for which America and we all stand.
I appreciate the President going on Arab television yesterday to
directly address the Arab people. It is a good first step. But more
must be done to rehabilitate our benevolent reputation.
We need to thoroughly investigate and make sure that those holes that
allowed this to happen are plugged. America should stand for nothing
less.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I might say there was a serious attempt to have a
bipartisan resolution today; but let me say that on this side we were
not shown a draft until almost 6:30 last evening, and we were not
permitted to share a copy with our leadership until 9:45. Our
leadership was not given the opportunity to make a change on the draft
that was given at that time, and we were not given a copy of the final
version of the bill until after it had been introduced. When the
leadership could not reach unanimous consent; we were not given the
opportunity to offer an alternative, an amendment or even a motion to
recommit. I was hoping we could do a better job of being bipartisan,
but we are here and I intend to vote for this.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Indiana (Mr. Buyer), a former member of the Committee on Armed
Services, who is a colonel in the Army Reserve and was in fact a JAG
officer at our POW camps in Gulf War I.
[[Page H2689]]
Mr. BUYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
First of all, we are all outraged by the criminal conduct of a few.
War is not simple; war is not easy. By its nature, it is chaotic. It is
an effort to find humanity in a very inhumane environment. That is the
reason for the creation of the Geneva Conventions and the laws of war.
The United States is a signatory to the Geneva Conventions. The United
States has not violated the Geneva Conventions. The United States is
enforcing the Geneva Conventions and our laws under it. That is an
important message for the world to know.
The United States sets the standard for the world. So we here in this
body need to speak in a unified voice in the message to the world that
we support the Geneva Conventions for bringing humane treatment to
individuals, whether they are prisoners of war, whether they are
detained civilians, whether they are detained personnel. It does not
matter what status.
Sure, you get into the technicalities of the law, but what is
important is they be treated humanely. There is no justification
whatsoever for these ``softening up'' of individuals for
interrogations. What occurred was wrong.
This did not occur whatsoever in the first Gulf War. I participated
in interrogations. I was at the Joint Interrogation Facility. There was
never even a hint nor even a rumor with regard to the mistreatment,
abuse, or maltreatment with regards to prisoners.
What occurred here is wrong, and every American should be outraged.
What is important is that we recognize there was a failure of the chain
of command within the 800th MP Brigade and that individuals need to be
held accountable. The question is, where does it go from there, whether
that accountability function is strictly just of soldiers, or does it
in fact move to civilian leadership in the Pentagon?
What I do know about facts is that facts are very stubborn things and
that facts will hold the test of time. So beyond the rhetoric, beyond
any form of allegation, beyond the spin, facts.
Mr. Speaker, it is important for this body to speak in a unified
voice; let all of the investigations come through, let the sun shine
in, let the world know and the facts will determine where the
accountability lies.
Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the minority leader.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time and
for his tremendous leadership on behalf of the national security of our
country. I also thank the gentleman for his attempt to develop a
bipartisan resolution that would bring us all together and take the
opportunity to send a true message to the world of democratic values.
Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, Secretary Rumsfeld came to the Congress
and he briefed Members of the House of Representatives on the situation
in Iraq. He neglected to tell Members of Congress that the situation in
Iraq included this most unfortunate, disgraceful situation in the
prison. He withheld that information from the Congress of the United
States when he had full knowledge of it and apparently had full
knowledge for a while.
Indeed, that very evening, ``60 Minutes'' broke the story, a story it
had been working on for a while. So why was Congress the last to know,
especially on a day when the Secretary was briefing the Congress on the
situation in Iraq?
The distinguished chairman of the Committee on Armed Services has
said repeatedly in the course of this debate that this information was
made public in January by a public statement by General Kimmett. I do
not know when that constituted keeping Congress informed; and if that
is the standard, if a sentence that does not really explain the
situation expressed in a press conference in Iraq meets the standard
for informing Congress, then we are in a lot more trouble than we even
thought.
Please do not bring that up as an example of ``letting us know,''
because I do not think anybody, even within the administration, would
have called that sufficient notification to Congress.
Since last Thursday when the Secretary of Defense withheld
information from the Congress, the Senate has held robust hearings.
They stopped in their tracks. They stopped the business of the Senate,
which was the reauthorization of the Defense Act, and went into
committee as the Committee on Armed Services because of the urgency of
this matter. Yet this House had to be dragged kicking and screaming
into having hearings on the subject. We should have hearings not only
in the Committee on Armed Services, but in the Committee on
International Relations. We should be having these hearings in the
Committee on the Judiciary as well. We should be having these hearings
in the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, it touches so many
jurisdictions in this House, because we must get to the bottom of this.
So today we have this resolution that has come to the floor, missing
an opportunity to send a very clear, forceful, values-based message to
the world and to the American people about who we are and what we stand
for and what we will not tolerate in the behavior of our people.
We all agree that our troops, our men and women in uniform, and even
the civilians over there, are courageous, patriotic, and have acted
with great courage. They are willing to sacrifice their lives. We owe
them our deepest gratitude and respect and our prayers. This resolution
acknowledges that fact, and it is right to do so.
Some U.S. personnel, military and civilian, abused Iraqi prisoners in
ways that are shocking and reprehensible. The resolution acknowledges
that fact and deplores it. Unfortunately, by including a number of
causes that seek to compare life in Iraq after the invasion with
conditions that existed before, the resolution creates an inference
that whatever post-invasion improvements exist, somehow they mitigate
the abhorrent nature of the treatment of the prisoners. These
``whereases'' have no place in the same resolution.
The resolution should be focused tightly on the scandal and the need
to find out why it occurred and who should be held accountable.
Diffusing the focus conceals an important fact: this scandal increases
the danger to our troops in Iraq, makes their mission more difficult to
accomplish, and threatens the interests of the United States around the
world. Even with a concerted effort in which a better-crafted
resolution could have played an important part, it will be a very long
time before the standing of the United States is restored in the eyes
of the world, unless we face up to this matter.
Congressional oversight of the war in Iraq has not been aggressive
enough. The administration's failure to provide accountability for its
policies and an accounting of the money already provided has not been
questioned adequately. Compounding that record of inaction by not
investigating this matter thoroughly will be inexcusable.
This resolution could have called clearly for congressional
investigations, to include a review of the role that the U.S. civilian
contractors and other civilians may have played in it. That suggestion
was outright rejected by the Republicans, saying we will not include
the investigation and the contractors in this resolution; we will not
add it. And it begs the question, Why?
Today, America has an opportunity to show the world our greatness by
sending a message to the American people and to the world that we
deplore this conduct, that we understand the significance of these
abuses in the eyes of the Arab world, and that we will act to uncover
the facts to find out who is responsible and to make sure that it will
never happen again.
Every opportunity we get, we will always offer our praise and
gratitude to our troops. We could have done that in a resolution that
would have had bipartisan support, because it was very important that
we send a message to the Arab world that we do understand the
significance of these abuses to them. This is very, very, very
significant; but it has been lost in the resolution before us.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the motion to recommit
to be offered by the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), which
delivers a message that truly reflects America's values.
{time} 1430
It does so clearly and forcefully, and there is a reason for that.
The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer) has
[[Page H2690]]
been a champion for human rights for as long as he has been in the
Congress, and probably longer. His leadership on the Helsinki
Commission, his bipartisan work on these issues gives him standing and
authority to speak in a way, again, that clearly reflects America's
values.
The Republican resolution does not do that; the Hoyer motion to
recommit does.
Let us leave no doubt in the hearts and the minds of the world that
we will live by the principles that we preach.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume
just to reiterate the same thing that I have been stating, and that is
that 2 days after the soldier in January reported to his superiors that
abuses were taking place, the United States announced to the world in
their press release that we were undertaking an investigation. And a
few days after that, 4 days after the facts came forward, we announced
to the combined audiences of Fox News, MSNBC and CNN, millions of
people, that the investigations were taking place.
The investigations proceeded. We now have three individuals who are
being recommended to the Court-Martial Convening Authority for court-
martial for prisoner abuse, assault, dereliction of duty, and a large
number of people in the chain of command have had their career ended,
not because we found any connection between them and the acts, but
because it was on their watch that these things took place.
I want to say just one thing about Mr. Rumsfeld before I recognize
another speaker, Mr. Speaker. We have 135,000 good, hard-working,
courageous uniformed men and women in theater. They are in contact in
firefights on a daily basis. The job of the Secretary of Defense is to
see to it that we win this war. He assigned to the legitimate,
appropriate departments this investigation and told them to go forward,
which they did, resulting in the criminal prosecution machine being set
in motion under our court-martial authority, and he went back to trying
to win this war. That is the appropriate action for the Secretary of
Defense.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Thompson), a great member of the 173rd Airborne in the
Vietnam War.
Mr. THOMPSON of California. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the chairman and his colleagues
on that side of the aisle on their debate today and associate myself
with the remarks that they have made. I agree that this debate should
not be limited to the actions of those responsible for these inhumane
acts.
It is also about the tens of thousands of U.S. military personnel who
are performing their jobs honorably and bravely in the face of danger
every single day. It is important for us to focus on these men and
women today, Mr. Speaker, because the system that broke down and the
system that is responsible for these inhumanities has just placed an
even larger target on each of their foreheads. For the 138,000 brave
men and women, and for the countless other Americans in Iraq today,
their lives have become even more perilous with every new disclosure of
atrocity.
This Congress was kept in the dark for months, but now the lights
have been turned on. For every minute we take to find our voice, to
take a bold action, to demonstrate to the world that American democracy
and humanity are more than words that we teach to schoolchildren, is
another minute that our soldiers face more danger and even greater odds
than they would have faced otherwise, and they exacerbate their chances
of getting back home to see their families again.
If this debate is truly about them, I say to my colleagues; if this
debate is truly about them, they deserve more than a few words on this
floor today. They deserve accountability, and they deserve action, and
they deserve it now.
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield our remaining time to the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader.
Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the ranking member, the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) and the chairman, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Hunter) for bringing this resolution to the floor.
When I spoke to the chairman of the Committee on Armed Services, I
asked him what we should do about this incident. There was a lot of
discussion about a lot of things, but we were talking about doing this
resolution. I told him at the time that we wanted to make sure that
this was bipartisan, and he expressed himself that we needed to have a
resolution that condemned the actions at Abu Ghraib prison but, at the
same time, we needed to talk about our troops. That is what this
resolution does.
When others tried to come in and impose politics into the resolution,
it was rejected.
This resolution is exactly written the way it should have been
written, and I congratulate the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton)
and the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter) for doing it the right
way.
The alleged abuses inside Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq are an outrage.
They are crimes by any definition of any terms in any culture, and
their perpetrators must be dealt with swiftly and fully. Our government
has a responsibility to find out exactly what happened, what went
wrong, and make sure it never happens again. But while we meet that
responsibility, we cannot allow these shameful crimes to undermine or
distract the American people or ourselves from the task, the clear
moral imperative at hand.
Operation Iraqi Freedom, whatever difficulty we have faced since the
end of major combat, has been an absolute good for the cause of human
freedom in the world. The men and women serving the United States in
Iraq won the swiftest and most humane military campaign in history, and
they turned from that victory in major combat to a protracted,
difficult, and bloody guerilla war against terrorist insurgents that
still takes American lives every week.
We must, I say to my colleagues, we must not forget that while we
have this chance to speak with one voice condemning what has happened
in the Iraqi prisons, the war still rages. Attempts to politicize the
abuse revelations will rightly be seen by our enemies as opportunities
to recruit, to propagandize, and to incite.
The world must know that the abuses we have seen in recent days do
not reflect the views, policies, or fabric of this Nation.
Our men and women in uniform are fighting today. Indeed, American
blood is flowing in Iraq as we speak, and it is, therefore, incumbent
on this body to offer our support for our troops and their mission all
the more strongly today.
Our troops are changing the world and building a future for the
people of Iraq, sacrificing more than most of us can know for the
survival and success of liberty. They are the finest ambassadors,
wherever they go everywhere in the world. They are the only thing that
separates us from another 9-11. And in their time in Iraq, our
servicemen and women have helped to rebuild schools, hospitals, food
security systems, and infrastructure. They are an Army of charity. They
are laying down their lives and their futures so that others might have
themselves the freedom that we all take for granted.
``Greater love hath no man than this, Mr. Speaker.'' Our heroes must
know that even in these troubling times, that love is returned.
Ms. WATSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to H. Res. 627, a
resolution condemning the abuse of persons in U.S. custody in Iraq.
Every member of this body is outraged and saddened by the recent
reports of the abuse of prisoners in Iraq as well as Afghanistan. H.
Res. 627, however, is a ``feel good'' resolution that fails to empower
Congress to exercise its oversight role in the investigation of the
Iraqi prisoner scandal. Moreover, the resolution before us today was
crafted by a narrow Republican majority, which once again did not
permit either the appropriate committees of jurisdiction or the
Democratic leadership to participate in the process of crafting
language for the resolution.
In effect, this resolution does absolutely nothing. It fails to put
forward any policy language to address the serious issues at hand. Most
egregiously, the resolution fails to offer any form of apology to the
prisoners abused or the Iraqi people.
The United States stands on the precipice of a major foreign policy
disaster. It is long past time to change course in Iraq. Defense
[[Page H2691]]
Secretary Rumsfeld and Deputy Secretary of Defense Wolfowitz are the
principal architects of this failed policy. I once again call upon the
President to seek their resignations. Only then will the people of Iraq
and the world perhaps begin to view U.S. actions and intentions in a
more favorable light.
Ms. ROYBAL-ALLARD. Mr. Speaker, I will be voting for the resolution
today because I agree with its praise of our troops in Iraq, who under
difficult circumstances continue to display high standards and
professionalism during the occupation and rebuilding of Iraq.
However, I am very disappointed in the resolution and will vote for
it with reservations. The primary purpose of the resolution should have
been to deplore any abuses which have occurred while prisoners are in
U.S. custody, and to demand swift prosecution of those who committed
illegal or unethical acts, including those responsible in the military
chain of command. Atrocities in the Abu Ghraib prison, and anywhere
else they may have been committed, must be thoroughly and openly
addressed through congressional investigations. These investigations
must also include the conduct of American contractors who had a role in
overseeing prisoners. Irresponsibly, these important points are left
out of the resolution the House is considering today.
The recent abuse of prisoners in the Abu Ghraib prison is not only
disgraceful, it is damaging to the interests of the United States, and
ultimately it endangers our men and women in uniform not just in Iraq
but around the world. We must act quickly to convince the court of
world opinion that the American people do not tolerate illegal or
unethical conduct by Americans and will take the necessary steps to
stop it and prevent it from happening again.
Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to strongly oppose H. Res.
627, the Iraqi Prisoner Resolution, because it is simply deficient as a
statement expressing the outrage and revulsion that I feel, and that I
believe the American people feel, about the despicable abuse and
humiliation of these prisoners.
The resolution also lacks any call for bipartisan congressional
investigations to be conducted immediately into these allegations of
abuse, including those by U.S. civilian contractor personnel or other
U.S. civilians, and into chain of command and other systemic
deficiencies that contributed to this abuse, which have been called for
by members of both parties.
It is impossible to exaggerate the seriousness and importance of this
abusive mistreatment. It sets us back in the War on Terrorism by
turning against us the very allies among moderate Muslims that we need
in order to be successful. It taints the reputation of our Nation in
the world community and the reputation of our men and women in uniform
for years to come. It undermines U.S. credibility as the world's leader
in the protection of international human rights. It hurts our efforts
to protect the state of Israel and broker peace in the Middle East. And
it invites similar abuse of members of our military, indeed any U.S.
citizen, who may be captured by our enemies in the future. My great
fear is that American lives will be lost because of the impact of this
illegal, inhumane and un-American mistreatment.
The Bush administration has not gone nearly far enough or fast enough
to apologize for these human rights abuses, or to hold accountable
those who are responsible for them, and neither does this resolution. I
am therefore opposed to it.
Ms. ESHOO. Mr. Speaker, every American is appalled by the images and
reports of the mistreatment of prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison in
Iraq, images which have now been shown around the world again and again
over the past week. These criminal actions have greatly undermined
America's credibility around the world, humiliated the prisoners and
their families, besmirched the reputation of our Armed Services, and
placed our troops and civilians at heightened risk. The good work of
American troops has been diminished significantly and the Arab world is
outraged.
While it's highly appropriate for Congress to condemn these criminal
actions, this Resolution does not go far enough in offering a remedy.
The Resolution does not call for a full Congressional investigation.
Indeed, the Majority has blocked the Minority today from adding a
provision that would launch such an investigation. The Resolution
ignores the necessity of an investigation to examine the role that
intelligence officials and private contractors may have played in these
crimes. We have to pursue the truth wherever it takes us and as high up
the chain of command as we must go. Finally, the Resolution does not
call on the Administration to be fully accountable and to report fully
to Congress and the American people about the scope of this most
serious issue.
The Congress has been kept in the dark for months about the abuses in
Abu Ghraib prison, yet no one from the Administration has informed
Congress or offered an apology. In fact, Secretary Rumsfeld came to
Capitol Hill to brief Congress on Iraq last week, but never even
mentioned these serious abuses and the catastrophic fallout
internationally against the United States.
Mr. Speaker, there must be consequences. Reprimands aren't enough.
The people in charge should be replaced, beginning with the Secretary
of Defense.
A year ago I traveled to Iraq and Kuwait and met with our troops and
intelligence officers. The vast majority were doing their jobs superbly
well under very trying and dangerous conditions. Their efforts have
been made immeasurably more difficult by the actions of a small group.
While we express our outrage, we must do more. There must be a full
accounting and there must be consequences. Unfortunately, this
Resolution demands none. I vote for this Resolution with all these
reservations and concerns, but it cannot be the end of the story. We
could have done so much better on a bipartisan basis, and it is
regrettable that we did not. Congress now has its constitutional
responsibility of oversight and investigation to bring out the entire
truth and then move to shape policies that will help assure this
doesn't ever happen again.
Ms. DEGETTE. Mr. Speaker, while the recent reports and graphic
photographs of the alleged prisoner abuse at the Abu Ghraib prison
sound similar to the atrocities that occurred under the cruel
dictatorship of Saddam Hussein, these unbelievable instances of
brutality and inhumanity, instead, allegedly took place under American
command, perpetrated by American troops. Sadly, the Abu Ghraib prison--
the very prison that epitomized all that was evil under Saddam
Hussein's regime to the Iraqi people--still represents evil, only under
a new name.
Accordingly, Congress must send an unwavering message to the Iraqi
people and to the rest of the world that the United States will not
tolerate the alleged atrocities that have occurred in the Abu Ghraib
prison. While I will vote for this resolution, I do not want to simply
join my colleagues who want to pay lip-service to a solution without
any subsequent action. Congress must ensure that the perpetrators of
the alleged brutality, as well as those leaders who let such inhumanity
occur under their watch, be brought to justice. Just as importantly,
Congress must investigate the scope of this problem; the increasing
number of revelations of alleged prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib and other
prisons in Iraq, leads me to believe that such brutality may not be
isolated to six or seven individuals. We need to ensure that such abuse
is not systemic within and outside of the chain of command by
conducting a bipartisan Congressional investigation and by holding
Congressional hearings.
Additionally, we must make sure that all people who participated in
this alleged abuse are held accountable. This includes the private
contractors who were allegedly involved in the brutality that took
place at Abu Ghraib. While the Department of Defense has reportedly
launched several investigations, none has yet to address the role that
the private contractors played. In fact, several reports indicate that
the private contractors who were named specifically in the classified
Taguba report are still working as paid contractors in Iraq. Not only
must Congress hold hearings to investigate the alleged role of the
private contractors in the alleged prison abuses, the U.S. Department
of Justice must also exercise its ability to investigate, and if
warranted, prosecute those individuals to the fullest extent of the
law.
Congress must also guarantee that this Administration is held
responsible for its actions or more precisely, its inaction, and for
its policies that may have allowed such atrocities to occur. The
actions of Secretary Rumsfeld and the Pentagon, including the decision
that the United States would no longer adhere to the Geneva Convention
as well as the ruling that detainees would be held without due process,
have arguably helped to create a standard for the treatment of
prisoners, which allows for humiliation, torture and murder.
Even worse, Mr. Rumsfeld has not only not read the Taguba report in
its entirety, he has failed on numerous instances to respond to other
reports of alleged violations and abuse. There is no excuse for his
woeful negligence. If Mr. Rumsfeld had responded to these reports,
these abuses may not have occurred to this degree, or at all. Mr.
Rumsfeld must be held responsible for his part and if doing so requires
his resignation, such action must then be called for.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in expressing revulsion
at the deeply disturbing images that have ricocheted around the world,
showing abuses committed by members of the U.S. armed forces against
Iraqi detainees. I have seen first-hand the abuse of civilians and
others during wartime. I understand the dehumanizing humiliation that
can be perpetrated against an individual. At the same time, I also know
that if it were not for the bravery and heroism of the U.S. military, I
probably would not be walking on this earth--and there are countless
people around the world who could say the same thing.
It is important to keep in mind that the overwhelming majority of our
men and women in
[[Page H2692]]
uniform have acted honorably in fulfilling their duty in Iraq. They
have risked their lives and suffered personal hardship to fulfill their
responsibilities, and we continue to respect their sacrifices. These
loyal soldiers have been tainted by the appalling acts of a small
number of individuals.
Mr. Speaker, among the most important values that we as Americans
share are our profound respect for freedom and the rule of law, our
respect for the value and worth of the individual, and our commitment
to protect and respect human dignity. In this context, the images that
we have seen in the past few days were simply sickening to me. They do
not represent our American character. They do not represent the
selfless sacrifice of more than a hundred thousand American soldiers in
Iraq, trying to bring a new dawn to that country after decades of
nightmare.
On a purely personal level, I find the actions of these individuals
abhorrent. On behalf of all Americans, let me express my deepest regret
and apologies to all those who were wrongfully mistreated at the hands
of a few. There can be no excuse for these actions. Any American should
know that they are wrong. Indeed, the Geneva Conventions adopted after
the Second World War clearly prohibit this behavior and were accepted
by virtually every nation in the world to prevent these abuses.
But Mr. Speaker, as everyone knows, these events are not merely about
wrongdoing by a few foolish and misguided individuals that caused
profound personal suffering. They have also damaged our credibility and
crippled our efforts to pursue critical national security goals in the
Middle East and around the world.
I welcome this resolution that we are considering today, Mr. Speaker,
but this resolution is not enough. We must take action to be certain
that such tragic and unfortunate actions do not occur again. Our
standing and our goals and objectives in the Middle East require that
we do more. The entire detention system in Iraq must be investigated
and those responsible for perpetrating these horrendous events must be
brought to justice.
Mr. Speaker, the responsibility for this episode is not only borne by
the few who committed these offenses. These events represent a failure
of leadership--not only in Iraq but throughout the chain of command. We
must determine where and why those leadership failures occurred, and
take appropriate remedial action. And we must also examine why it has
taken months for this failure to be addressed. The initial reaction was
slow and tepid at best. These atrocities should have generated an
immediate and powerful response.
Mr. Speaker, it is not enough to say that the Iraqi people are better
off today than they were under Saddam Hussein. It is not enough to say
that the atrocities and human indignities that were carried out by his
despicable and detested regime were more horrendous or more widespread
than what we have seen in the last few days. We are--and we should be--
judged by a higher standard. Because of our history and our commitment
as a Nation to respect for human rights, human dignity and the rule of
law, we must meet higher standards. This is who we are, and this is why
we are different.
Mr. Speaker, I urge support for this resolution today, but more
importantly, I urge our political and military leadership to act and to
act quickly and decisively to deal with these despicable acts and the
failures that allowed them. Our credibility as a Nation committed to
the rule of law and our efforts in the Middle East in the war against
terrorism are at risk.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this resolution as
written. Like so many resolutions we have seen here on the Iraq war,
this one is not at all what it purports to be. Were this really a
resolution condemning abuse of prisoners and other detainees, I doubt
anyone here would oppose it. Clearly the abuse and humiliation of those
in custody is deplorable, and the pictures we have all seen over the
past week are truly horrific.
But why are we condemning a small group of low-level servicemembers
when we do not yet know the full story? Why are we rushing to insert
ourselves into an ongoing investigation, pretending that we already
know the conclusions when we have yet to even ask all the questions? As
revolting as the pictures we have seen are, they are all we have to go
by, and we are reacting to these pictures alone. We do not and cannot
know the full story at this point, yet we jump to condemn those who
have not even yet had the benefit of a trial. We appear to be operating
on the principle of guilty until proven innocent. It seems convenient
and perhaps politically expedient to blame a small group of ``bad
apples'' for what may well turn out to be something completely
different--as the continuously widening investigation increasingly
suggests.
Some of the soldiers in the photographs claim that their superior
officers and the civilian contractors in charge of the interrogations
forced them to pose this way. We cannot say with certainty what took
place in Iraq's prisons based on a few photographs. We have heard that
some of those soldiers put in charge of prisons in Iraq were woefully
unprepared for the task at hand. We have heard that they were thrown
into a terribly confusing, stressful, and dangerous situation with
little training and little understanding of the rules and
responsibilities. What additional stresses and psychological pressures
were applied by those in charge of interrogations? We don't know. Does
this excuse what appears to be reprehensible behavior? Not in the
slightest, but it does suggest that we need to get all the facts before
we draw conclusions. It is more than a little disturbing that this
resolution does not even mention the scores of civilian contractors
operating in these prisons at whom numerous fingers are being pointed
as instigators of these activities. While these individuals seem to
operate with impunity, this legislation before us all but convicts
without trial those lowest in the chain of command.
But this resolution is only partly about the alleged abuses of
detainees in Iraq. Though this is the pretext for the legislation, this
resolution is really just an enthusiastic endorsement of our nation-
building activities in Iraq. This resolution ``expresses the continuing
solidarity and support of the House of Representatives . . . with the
Iraqi people in building a viable Iraqi government and a secure
nation.'' Also this resolution praises the ``mission to rebuild and
rehabilitate a proud nation after liberating it. . . .'' At least the
resolution is honest in admitting that our current presence in Iraq is
nothing more than a nation-building exercise.
Further, this resolution explicitly endorses what is clearly a failed
policy in Iraq. I wonder whether anyone remembers that we did not go to
war against Iraq to build a better nation there, or to bring about
``improvements in . . . water, sewage, power, infrastructure,
transportation, telecommunications, and food security . . .'' as this
resolution touts. Nor did those who urged this war claim at the time
the goals were to ``significantly improv[e] . . . food availability,
health service, and educational opportunities'' in Iraq, as this
legislation also references. No, the war essential, they claimed, to
stop a nation poised to use weapons of mass destruction to inflict
unspeakable harm against the United States. Now historical revisionists
are pointing out how wonderful our nation-building is going in Iraq, as
if that justifies the loss of countless American and Iraqi civilian
lives.
This resolution decries the fact the administration had not informed
Congress of these abuses and that the administration has not kept
Congress in the information loop. Yet, Congress made it clear to the
administration from the very beginning that Congress wanted no
responsibility for the war in Iraq. If Congress wanted to be kept in
the loop it should have vigorously exercised its responsibilities from
the very beginning. This means, first and foremost, that Congress
should have voted on a declaration of war as required in the
Constitution. Congress, after abrogating this responsibility in October
2002, now is complaining that it is in the dark. Indeed, who is to say
that the legal ambiguity created by the Congressional refusal to
declare war may not have contributed to the notion that detainees need
not be treated in accordance with the Geneva Convention, that governs
the treatment of prisoners during a time of war? Until Congress takes
up its Constitutional responsibilities, complaints that the
administration is not sufficiently forthcoming with information ring
hollow.
This resolution calls on the administration to keep Congress better
informed. But Congress has the power--and the obligation--to keep
itself better informed! If Congress is truly interested in being
informed, it should hold hearings--exercising its subpoena power if
necessary. Depending on the administration to fulfill what is our own
Constitutional responsibility is once again passing the buck. Isn't
this what has gotten us into this trouble in the first place?
I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution.
Ms. MAJETTE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to condemn torture in all of
its forms. Acts of abuse and torture must never be tolerated, and those
who commit such acts must be swiftly brought to justice. It is with
great sadness and anger that I viewed the pictures of frightened,
humiliated, and, in some cases, injured Iraqi prisoners in Baghdad's
Abu Ghraib prison. Prisoners should never be forced to endure such
atrocious behavior, no matter what the cause for their detention. The
acts committed on these prisoners are an injustice to the Iraqis who
were victimized, the citizens of Iraq, the hundreds of thousands of
U.S. soldiers who have served their country in Iraq so honorably over
the past year, and all people who hope and pray for peace the world
over.
Because of the rage these pictures have generated in Iraq and across
the Arab world, I am concerned for the safety of our brave soldiers as
they patrol the streets in Iraq, guard
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police stations and hospitals and work to rebuild the infrastructure of
the country. It is important that we recognize the honor with which the
vast majority of our armed service members conduct themselves. In the
face of tremendous danger and uncertainty, in a theater fighting
combatants dressed as civilians using indiscriminate force and even
killing their own countrymen, our men and women have risked their lives
to protect Iraqi civilians and restore pride and honor to this war-torn
country.
Moving forward, military justice must be sure and swift for those who
committed these acts. It will be a long, difficult process to win back
the trust and support of the Iraqi people, but we must be successful if
we are to accomplish our mission in Iraq. It is essential that we do
so, not just for success in Iraq, but also for the global war on
terrorism. We cannot win this war alone. American soldiers' torture of
Iraqi detainees is a significant setback for our country and the global
war on terror.
I expect decisive action from our executive and military leaders to
ensure that such abuse will never again occur, and to take the
diplomatic steps necessary to salvage America's good name around the
world. The American people are justifiably saddened by the waning of
our moral authority since the days immediately following September 11,
2001, when the world stood with us in solidarity. If America is to
continue to be a force for good in the world, we must convincingly
denounce all crimes against humanity, foreign or domestic, and
demonstrate to the world that we are sincere when we decry hatred,
injustice and terror.
Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, I join with my fellow Members of Congress
in deploring the abuse of prisoners in Iraq by U.S. personnel. But this
resolution does not go far enough.
It does not go far enough to ensure that a full and complete
investigation and prosecution is undertaken. We should be opening
Congressional investigations, not simply relying upon the Army to
investigate itself.
It does not go far enough to demand accountability of the top
military and civilian leadership of this fiasco in Iraq. We should
demand the resignation of the Secretary of Defense, since we know that
``rotten apples'' are the fruit of a poison tree. And it's the top
leadership who have grown that tree--the culture of permissiveness,
disregard for the truth, and lack of accountability.
It does not go far enough to express America's regret and sorrow for
the crimes committed at Abu Ghraib prison, and possibly elsewhere. We
should apologize on behalf of the American people to the Iraqi people.
We have not begun to go far enough to examine the true intent and
conduct of the leadership of this country. We have not gone far enough
to assign responsibility and demand accountability for the
misinformation and untruths that were marshaled to lead us to war. We
have not gone far enough to bring an end to this unjustified war. As a
result, we are seemingly surprised to discover, and then we deplore,
corruption that is all too predictable from this imperial misadventure.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Mr. Speaker, as a member of the House Armed Services
Committee, I rise in support of H. Res 627. Recent reports regarding
the alleged abuse of Iraqi prisoners by American soldiers are deeply
disturbing and inexcusable. While I know this outrageous behavior is
not characteristic of our men and women in uniform, we must make it
clear to the international community and our own citizens that such
actions are not our policy or common practices in Iraq, and they will
not be tolerated under any circumstances. It is unfortunate that these
abuses have overshadowed the work of the many service members
performing critical, and dangerous, missions to ensure a stable and
safe Iraq for the newly-freed Iraqi people.
I am equally troubled by the Administration's lack of attention to
such abuses in Iraq and elsewhere. There is no excuse for their failure
to act swiftly to remedy this stark violation of both the Geneva
Convention and basic human rights. Not only did they withhold such
allegations and the subsequent investigation from Congress, but the
flouting of international law continued while those responsible went
unpunished.
The Administration and the Pentagon must find those responsible and
hold them accountable for these heinous actions. I have joined many of
my colleagues in requesting that the Military Inspector General of the
Department of Defense supervise the investigation of tortured Iraqi
prisoners of war, and other reported violations of the Geneva
Convention at Abu Ghraib Prison. In addition, I have urged Attorney
General Ashcroft to investigate the role of private contractors in
these abuses. I hope that thorough and open investigations will allow
us to hold the appropriate parties responsible and ensure such behavior
never occurs again.
Mr. UDALL of Colorado. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for this resolution
because I strongly agree with most of what it says. But I think its
focus is too narrow and it does not say all that needs to be said.
The portions of the resolution calling for action are addressed
solely to the Secretary of the Army. Intentionally or not, that
suggests that the Army alone--not the Defense Department as a whole,
and not any other part of the Administration--bears responsibility for
the shocking abuses the resolution rightly condemns.
But what's involved here is not just an Army problem. It is much
bigger than that. It involves not just the armed forces but civilian
members of the intelligence community as well as civilians working for
private companies under contract with the government.
This morning's newspapers report that President Bush has privately
admonished the Secretary of Defense and that the Justice Department is
examining the involvement of Central Intelligence Agency personnel as
well as contract employees in suspicious deaths of detainees.
Clearly, the events at Abu Ghraib prison are only part of a bigger
picture.
The resolution rightly complains about the fact that Congress was not
properly informed of the abuses at that prison or the investigation of
those abuses. But I am concerned that this failure to inform the
Congress and the American people may not have been an isolated failure
but just another instance of the Bush Administration's standard
operating procedure.
In short, while this resolution is right in condemning the abuses at
Abu Ghraib--and accurate in saying that they are offensive to the
principles and values of the American people--passage of this
resolution, by iself, is not an adequate response on the part of the
House of Representatives.
We need to insist that the Administration--all of it, not just the
Secretary of the Army--take strong action to change the policies and
attitudes that made the abuses at Abu Ghraib possible. And we need to
insist that all those responsible for those policies and attitudes be
held accountable.
And that means Congress itself must do more than make speeches and
pass resolutions. We must insist on finding out for ourselves; and for
those we represent--the American people. They must bear the costs--in
blood and treasure--for the Administration's actions in Iraq and around
the world.
Those costs will be made all the greater by abuses like those cited
in this resolution and the policies and attitudes that have produced
them, and Congress must take an active role in making necessary
changes.
Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my
colleagues in support of this resolution condemning the abuse of
prisoners held in United States custody. We've all seen the disturbing
images of the unconscionable conduct carried out by a handful of our
men and women in uniform. A swift and thorough investigation is needed,
and needed now. For those responsible, justice must be swift and
strong. Their conduct directly contradicts and undermines our mission
in Iraq. The world is awaiting our response.
We must do everything possible to reassure the world community that
all those things we take as self-evident--the honor of our military,
our intentions in Iraq, our respect for human rights--remain as strong
as ever. The vast majority of our troops, who perform heroically every
day, are the best evidence of these tenets.
In the wake of this crisis, let us not lose sight of the fact that
there are 138,000 Americans in uniform who uphold the highest standards
of professionalism every day. They do so in the face of extreme danger
and hardship. We should not let the egregious acts of a very small
group overshadow the integrity of our soldiers nor deter our Nation
from its overall objective of developing a democratic Iraq.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, this Member is absolutely not satisfied
with the language of H. Res. 627, as I believe it does not adequately
convey how intensely this House and the American people feel about the
exceptionally repugnant, insensitive, and damaging the alleged, but
obviously documented, actions of the abusers of the Iraqi detainees are
to all of us.
From Abu Ghraib prison, and perhaps from elsewhere, we have reports,
with photographs, graphically telling and showing the outrageous abuses
of Iraqi detainees by U.S. military personnel and possibly by military
contractors. The international damage to the credibility and reputation
of our country and our military absolutely cannot be overstated,
especially in the Arab and Islamic communities. The alleged actions by
at least a few members of our military, already confirmed by very
recent disciplinarian action, makes the job being done by our dedicated
and courageous military personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan just that
much harder and much more dangerous. The extraordinary gravity of this
matter, the insensitivity and the degrading abuse, which has apparently
been visited upon Iraqi detainees, call for swift and just
accountability.
What has allegedly happened is so foreign to our country's principles
and traditions and
[[Page H2694]]
those of our Armed Forces that these people conducting or condoning
such abuse do not deserve to be called Americans. If the use of such
tactics of physical abuse and sexual humiliation is not dishonorable
conduct, this Member does not know what is. If supervisors of such
military personnel were inappropriately unaware or unconcerned about
such conduct, then this is a clear case of dereliction of duty, and
this accountability should apply several levels up the chain of
command. If military contractors were involved, at a minimum, the
contracts with the firm which employed them should be immediately
terminated.
Mr. Speaker, it is hard to imagine a more politically damaging set of
actions, hopefully by just a few individuals, for American and for
coalition efforts to replace the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein and to
win the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people. We must have swift
accountability, justice, and a demonstration that the American people
repudiate such conduct and will not let it continue or happen again.
While the resolution fails to convey an important part of what needs
to be said, or is at least inadequate in the aforementioned manner, it
is probably impossible to vote against this resolution without seeming
to denigrate the dedicated, courageous, and patriotic actions of the
members of the armed forces of the United States. This Member wants our
armed forces to know that their extraordinary service is greatly
appreciated by this Member and the American people despite the
horrendous conduct of a few service personnel, despite the failures of
command and active notification procedures. Therefore, this Member will
vote for the inadequate resolution as his only choice to avoid a
misunderstanding by the members of our armed forces.
Mrs. DAVIS of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong condemnation
of the atrocious behavior of a few, who have denigrated the values of
all our armed forces.
I salute the overwhelming majority of Americans who have treated
prisoners with respect; their actions have gone unheralded.
Sadly, this dreadful behavior has cast a cloak of mistrust on all our
brave men and women and could result in more lives being lost.
Mr. Speaker, we can't ignore the role that contractors and other
government agencies have played and their complicity in these crimes.
Their actions, as well as our policies, contributed to a terrible
atmosphere.
That's why I am disappointed this body failed to add a clause
regarding U.S. civilian contractors personnel and other U.S. civilians.
We must shed light on their role and hold everyone accountable.
The Attorney General and Secretary Rumsfeld should publicly commit to
cooperate to apply swift and firm justice.
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my outrage and
disappointment in the soldiers who physically and mentally abused
Iraqis at the Abu Ghraib prison.
I do not believe that these actions represent the character of our
Armed Forces or of the United States. Unfortunately, however, these
soldiers, through their despicable actions, have severely damaged the
reputation of the United States and significantly complicated our task
in the region.
Mr. Speaker, I am saddened that the President did not apologize to
the Iraqi people for these deplorable actions. An apology from the
President clearly was in order.
I am also outraged, as all of us should be, that the Secretary of
Defense failed to make Congress aware of these accusations in a timely
manner. According to news accounts, the Department has been aware of
the infamous photos, and the abuse, since at least mid-January. Yet, we
only found out about them in the last week. This is outrageous and
unacceptable.
Unfortunately, this is just one more example of the Administration
not playing straight with the Congress or the American people. We have
been misled about the weapons of mass destruction, troop levels and the
length of their deployments, and the costs associated with the war--
among others.
This Administration must change its way. Congress deserves better
and, certainly, the American people deserve better.
Mr. MATHESON. Mr. Speaker, like many Americans, I was outraged by the
images of torture and abuse of Iraqi prisoners of war at Abu Ghraib
Prison in Iraq. These abuses harm U.S. interests in Iraq and the
efforts of the coalition forces to foster stability in the region. It
is unfortunate that the actions of a few have undermined the hard work
and sacrifice of the thousands of men and women who have served in Iraq
with honor and integrity.
The provisions of the Geneva Convention protect American soldiers
when they are captured in battle. As a result, it is very important to
ensure that we do not abuse prisoners of war in our keeping.
I believe that a prompt and thorough investigation of this matter is
necessary and the individuals who were involved should be appropriately
punished. I will strongly encourage both my colleagues in Congress and
the President to disavow these acts and to prevent any similar
transgressions in the future.
Mr. HOLT. Mr. Speaker, I rise to strongly condemn the mistreatment of
prisoners and detainees in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. These abuses are
outrageous, deplorable, un-American, and contrary to the values and
ethics that our country espouses. The atmosphere that allowed this to
happen shows a level of tolerance for abuse that is intolerable.
The United States has suffered a blow to its credibility and effort
to bring democracy to the Iraqi people. Photographs showing the abuse
that Iraqi prisoners and detainees have suffered at the hands of
American personnel damage the standing of the vast majority of U.S.
troops in Iraq, who are performing with honor, bravery, and
professionalism.
The response of the Bush administration to reports of systemic abuse
has been both problematic and disquieting. Major General Antonio M.
Taguba's report detailing these abuses, prepared in late February,
should have been recognized as a serious matter. Instead, it was
largely ignored. I am also disappointed that the administration chose
to keep Congress and the public in the dark about this situation until
the national news media decided to run the story last week. The
administration has a responsibility to inform Congress and act
decisively when volatile situations arise.
The U.S. Congress has a critical responsibility to conduct thorough
and bipartisan oversight investigations to ensure that those involved
are held accountable for their actions. These investigations must
address possible abuse by U.S. civilian contractor personnel or other
U.S. civilians, as well as the command structure and systemic
deficiencies that contributed to such abuse.
The abuse that has occurred at Abu Ghraib is the latest in a series
of very serious failures of leadership from military and civilian
leaders. The President and his team were wrong about weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq. They were wrong about the way American soldiers
would be greeted by the Iraqi people. They were wrong about how much
the war would cost and how long it would last. And they were wrong
about the number of soldiers necessary to win the war and secure the
peace. Now, in light of serious human rights violations, they did
nothing to get to the bottom of it. This mishandling has created an
international crisis that could set the Iraqi people against American
efforts in the Middle East for generations. The President must
recognize these consistent failures and take decisive action.
I ask unanimous consent to include in today's Congressional Record a
letter that I sent to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld of February
5, along with six of my House colleagues. This letter inquires about
the policy of CPA forces detaining Iraqis without due process and
notification to their families. I also ask unanimous consent to include
the response that we received from Thomas L. Carter, Senior Counselor
to Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, III. Though the response is dated March
22, it was not received until May 3, three months after my initial
inquiry. This response testifies that the processes established
``afford all persons in Coalition custody all the rights and safeguards
set out in applicable International Humanitarian Law.''
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC, February 5, 2004.
Hon. Donald H. Rumsfeld,
Office of the Secretary of Defense,
The Pentagon, Washington, DC
Dear Secretary Rumsfeld: I write to inquire about the
policy of Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) forces in
Iraq detaining Iraqis without due process and notification of
family.
Several news outlets and international advocacy
organizations have criticized the CPA's treatment of Iraqi
detainees. I am concerned that CPA tactics designed to secure
the region are in fact compromising the long-term interests
of Iraqis, other internationals, and even the CPA.
I request your response to the following concerns: What is
the current procedure for communication between CPA forces
and the families of detained Iraqis? Are they able to receive
prompt and accurate information regarding the health and
legal status of their family member; and what is the status
of detainees who were to be freed under the provisional
release program, and have family members of these detainees
been kept abreast of developments?
I believe that CPA forces have the moral obligation to
demonstrate respectful treatment of detainees and, of course,
the legal responsibility to uphold the provisions of the
Geneva Convention. Further, we must make sure that our
treatment of detainees does not sow the seeds of resentment
by Iraqis, subjecting CPA forces, other internationals, and
Iraqis cooperating with the CPA, to great danger.
Seizing suspects in the middle of the night and leaving a
bewildered, uninformed family behind brings to my mind the
``disappeared'' victims of detestable regimes around the
world in the past. No American wants to see the CPA regarded
as being in any way like those discredited regimes.
[[Page H2695]]
I understand the need to employ forceful tactics in a
region that is still largely insecure and home to many
insurgents and Saddam Hussein loyalists. However, I am
concerned that CPA forces are not balancing the need to
secure the region and arrest insurgents with their obligation
to fair treatment of detainees and with the need for the
cooperation of the general populace in force protection and
eventual transition of political power to the people of Iraq.
I look forward to your reply. If it is necessary to present
your response in a classified setting, I would be willing to
make such arrangements. I thank you for your cooperation with
this matter.
Sincerely,
Rush Holt,
Member of Congress.
Robert Wexler,
Member of Congress.
Raul Grijalva,
Member of Congress.
Fortney Pete Stark,
Member of Congress.
Dennis Kucinich,
Member of Congress.
Barney Frank,
Member of Congress.
____
Office of the
Secretary of Defense,
Washington, DC, March 22, 2004.
Hon. Rush Holt,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Holt: Thank you for the letter from you and your
colleagues to Secretary Donald Rumsfeld regarding individuals
held by Coalition Forces in Iraq. I appreciate this
opportunity to respond.
With regard to your question about the tactics of Coalition
Forces, I would note that International Humanitarian Law
obliges an occupying power to restore and ensure order as far
as possible, including the detention of criminals and
interning individuals for imperative reasons of security. In
addition, Coalition Forces continue to retain some Enemy
Prisoners of War in custody. There are therefore three
classes of persons in Coalition custody: Enemy Prisoners of
War, Criminal Detainees, and Security Internees. The
obligations of the Coalition should be viewed in the context
of the conditions that exist in Iraq. The Coalition inherited
a situation whereby all the prisons had been destroyed or
substantially damaged, and the entire criminal population of
around 60,000 had been released onto the streets. Added to
this situation is the security challenge presented by the
Former Regime Elements and foreign terrorists conducting
criminal outrages against the Coalition and the people of
Iraq. Eliminating this violence and dealing with the criminal
elements is a necessary step toward securing peace and
freedom for all Iraqis. In dealing with these matters, the
Coalition has established processes that afford all persons
in Coalition custody all the rights and safeguards set out in
applicable International Humanitarian Law.
Regarding Security Internees, the processes that have been
established include review and appeal mechanisms that exceed
International Humanitarian Law requirements. Moreover, steps
have recently been taken to significantly increase the
capacity and therefore the speed of the process. The current
rate of review is about one hundred cases each day. Those who
are deemed to no longer be a threat to security are being
released. With regard to Criminal Detainees, a massive and
expensive rehabilitation effort has resulted in the
substantial transfer of the administration of criminal
justice back to Iraqi authorities subject to continuing
monitoring by the Coalition.
I also noted your interest in communications between
Coalition Forces and the families of individuals who are
detained. Under the former Ba'ath Party regime, individuals
who were taken into government custody often simply
disappeared. In stark contrast, the Coalition has taken
several measures to ensure that Iraqi families can learn the
status and location of individuals who have been detained by
Coalition Forces. The Coalition maintains a list of all the
individuals in detention, and this list is available in
specified locations throughout Iraq where families can make
inquiries. The list is published in Arabic on the CPA
website, http://iraqcoalition.org/arabic/prisoners/
index.html. The Arabic list contains the individuals's name,
Internment Serial Number (ISN), place of birth, address, and
the place of detention. The list is as complete and accurate
as possible subject to the willingness of the detained
individuals to provide the requested information. Work is
continuing with regard to the expansion of both the amount
and availability of this information to make it easier for
Iraqi families to find their loved ones.
Finally, you inquired about the provisional release
program. The Conditional Release Program is ongoing, and
efforts are underway to make it even more effective. We
continually strive to improve our ability to keep families
abreast of the status of detainees. Communications under the
auspices of the Conditional Release Program are but one of
many efforts in that regard.
Again, thank you for your letter. We appreciate your
interest in the future of Iraq. Rest assured of our
commitment to bring peace, security, democratic values, and
respect for human rights to the Iraqi people.
We have provided a copy of this letter to your colleagues,
Representatives Robert Wexler, Raul Grijalva, Fortney Pete
Stark, Dennis Kucinich, and Barney Frank.
Sincerely,
Thomas L. Carter,
Senior Counselor to
Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, III.
Ms. McCARTHY of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.
Res. 627, a resolution condemning the abuse of Iraqi prisoners, however
I do so with great concern. The mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners by
members of the Armed Forces and civilian U.S. contractors is shameful
and inexcusable. I am outraged that these actions committed by a few
reflect negatively upon our Nation and the many men and women who
continue to serve our Nation with strength, honor and courage. We must
investigate these allegations and take immediate and decisive action to
reestablish our Nation's credibility and regain the trust of the Iraqi
people and the world community.
I support provisions of this resolution that deplore and condemn
these events and urge the Department of Defense to investigate every
report of mistreatment of all prisoners in the custody of the U.S.
military at all levels and locations including Guantanamo and
Afghanistan. We have a breakdown in the chain of command at the highest
level.
We must require heightened accountability of the senior leadership at
the Department of Defense and determine why there was an intelligence
breakdown. We need to know when Secretary Rumsfeld learned of these
events, why he did not take immediate action and why he did not make
this information available to Congress in a timely way. Above all, we
must ensure that events like these never occur again.
Throughout our history, the United States has been a leader
throughout the world and a strong voice for the principles of
democracy, freedom, human rights and justice. The tragic events we are
addressing today have jeopardized our credibility and our relationships
with the people of Iraq and the international community. In his
thoughtful column in Today's New York Times, Thomas Friedman writes,
``I have never known a time in my life when America and its President
were more hated around the world than today.'' It is our responsibility
to restore our Nation's credibility, and I urge my colleagues to
investigate these shocking allegations. I conclude by joining with
other thoughtful individuals in calling upon the Secretary of Defense
to take full responsibility for these human rights atrocities and
fundamental breakdown in command and to act honorably and resign.
Mr. KIND. Mr. Speaker, the acts of abuse against Iraqi prisoners by
American service members are abhorrent and sad. This is not behavior
reflective of American values; it is not behavior that helps our cause,
and it is not behavior that will be tolerated. Thorough investigations
need to root out those responsible, directly and indirectly, for this
unlawful conduct no matter how high up the chain of command it goes.
Those responsible must be held accountable for their actions.
Congress needs to be highly involved in investigating the actions of
abuse at Abu Ghraib prison and the conditions and circumstances that
led to these abuses. Reports show that the military was well aware of
the situation and conducting its own investigations for months prior to
the release of the photos at Abu Ghraib now circulating through the
world media. The failure of the Administration to keep Congress
informed of the extent and seriousness of prisoner abuse, and the
photos documenting it, is unacceptable.
Further, Congress must address and investigate the role of private
security forces in Iraq. These forces, which constitute the second
largest army in Iraq and account for over 40 percent of all contracting
costs in Iraq, are outside the U.S. chain of command. The ability to
hold these individuals accountable for their actions under law is
questionable.
We must not lose focus, however, that the over 300,000 U.S. military
personnel who have served and are serving in Iraq are doing an
honorable job under difficult and dangerous conditions. While the
Department of Defense investigation into the actions and conduct of the
abuses at Abu Ghraib list a number of officers and enlisted personnel
who failed to perform their duties as required, it also notes a number
of officers and enlisted personnel who acted honorably and reported
abuses up the chain of command. When I visited Iraq in October, 2003, I
met with many honorable troops, including soldiers from western
Wisconsin, who were performing their mission with outstanding
commitment and professionalism. The abuses at Abu Ghraib serve only to
cloud the accomplishments and sacrifices of our troops and put
honorable U.S. service members in greater danger.
Mr. Speaker, perception matters when trying to execute our foreign
policy and especially a military mission. We are dangerously losing the
hearts and minds of the Iraqi people and the rest of the Arab world,
and the abuses at the Abu Ghraib prison serve only to exacerbate this
unfortunate reality. We must reinforce to the international community
through our words and our actions that the United States is committed
to helping the Iraqi people prosper in a free society.
[[Page H2696]]
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker, I rise to vote no on this resolution. It is
right to condemn the brutal and abhorrent abuse of Iraqi prisoners.
But, this resolution is not strong enough. Without language authorizing
a full-fledged Congressional investigation into this matter, we are
failing our responsibility.
Republicans refused to allow any language to be added to this
resolution providing for an investigation into these crimes. They have
limited our ability to bring those responsible to account for their
actions. This is wrong, especially when our ideals have been undermined
and our leadership again tarnished throughout the world.
These acts of humiliation, torture and even murder are outrageous.
They are a shameful affront to the Iraqi people and those throughout
the Arab and Muslim World. As a Nation, we owe the victims of these
acts and the Iraqi people a full apology and investigation into how
these abhorrent abuses were allowed to occur.
The torture and abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison are part of a
larger systemic pattern of abuse with which this administration has
been complicit. We know--as the Washington Post reported in December,
2002--that prisoners captured in Afghanistan by the U.S. were
transferred to other nations to be tortured for information. We already
are well acquainted with the mistreatment of prisoners at Guantanamo
Bay. This latest expose of torture and abuse at the Iraqi prison is
just one more example of heinous treatment at the hands of our
Government.
We trust in the honorable service of our troops. This does not
reflect on the Americans bravely serving in Iraq. But, responsibility
does lie with those at the very top of leadership and at the feet of
this President.
It is time Congress launch an investigation to end these patterns of
abuse. If Congress does not act to right this wrong, I do not trust
this administration will. We must condemn these acts of torture and
abuse. Given that this resolution completely fails to provide Congress
with the tools to initiate such investigations, I am forced to vote no.
Mr. ORTIZ. Mr. Speaker, I share the revulsion of my colleagues, the
House of Representatives, our friends and allies around the world--
indeed of the entire human race--over the abuse of Iraqi prisoners by
American soldiers . . . or in the presence of American soldiers.
We are obliged to investigate this event; it has given our great
Nation a black eye around the world, particularly in the Middle East
where our efforts have been to help them find democracy.
We are a humanitarian nation and a signatory to the Geneva
Conventions. We depend on the protections the conventions offer to our
own POWs . . . and we may have broken that assurance now. We shouldn't
need to train our soldiers in basic humanity; the other 99.9 percent of
our soldiers know this is inhuman behavior. If not for an American
soldier burdened by conscience we might not know this today.
This is not a reflection of our professional military--it's an
aberration. The action of the soldiers who have candidly come forward--
even at the expense of their own careers--are the example of our
professional military, and of the high standards democracy demands from
those who serve in uniform. The actions of a few have sullied the
reputation of our all-volunteer fighting force, our mission in the
larger Middle East, and the standing of the United States as a
democratic, humanitarian Nation.
There is simply no excuse for this inhuman behavior. We are a
superpower; we should be setting the example, not acting like
barbarians. I hope desperately when the investigation is completed that
it will expose the guilty parties, each and every one, who must be
punished so the world will know that this Nation finds this behavior
aberrant.
I thank Chairman Hunter and Ranking Member Skelton for bringing this
issue before the House of Representatives today. This is very much an
American issue, not a partisan issue. We must demand and expect that
the people--all the people--with any responsibility for this are
punished to show the world that this is not American. And we must
never, ever, put this irrational, inhuman behavior on the young men and
women serving honorably in the uniformed service of the United States.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, this Resolution falls far short of the
mark of adequately expressing the concerns I've heard from my Oregon
constituents and that I have myself. Its failure to include a mechanism
to hold Congress accountable and ensure that we do our job is
unacceptable.
While concurring with the sentiment of outrage expressed against
these acts and deploring those responsible, this Resolution is a very
poor substitute for the oversight, fact-finding, and policy
formulations that are the duties of this Congress. H. Res. 627 is
window dressing, after the fact, and I refuse to support it.
Ms. KILPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, it is unfortunate that I find myself
opposing this resolution. I do so because it is only a half way measure
that attempts to gloss over the scope of the problem regarding the
treatment of prisoners and detainees in Iraq.
First of all the resolution is limited to only the situation in Iraq
when we are given to understand that the problem extends to the
treatment of detainees in Afghanistan and in Guantanamo Bay.
Second, the resolution fails to call on the administration to provide
assurances that it will treat all classes of detainees, prisoners and
enemy combatants to the standards established by the Geneva Convention.
Third, it does not call on the leadership of this Congress to embark
on an investigation of these ``abhorrent'' acts, as President Bush
described this very sad episode that has left an indelible impression
throughout the Arab world.
Fourth, the resolution seems to limit accountability to those in our
Armed Services, principally the enlisted ranks of our Army, and
exculpates those higher-level officers and civilian authorities within
the chain of command.
Fifth, the resolution says nothing about investigating civilian,
private military firms (PMFs) who are working under contract with the
Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). The CPA has relied on PMFs to
perform security functions that are normally performed by U.S. military
personnel, including logistical support, interrogation of prisoners,
convoy security, guarding vital facilities and personnel, and more.
Sixth, the resolution fails to hold Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
accountable. The day the story broke about the abuses of Iraqi
prisoners at Abu Ghraib Prison Secretary Rumsfeld was briefing the
Senate and made no mention of the problem. I find myself in agreement
with Sen. John McCain of Arizona that there is a lack of communication
between the administration and the Congress when it comes to the issue
of Iraq. Secretary Rumsfeld is responsible for that lack of
communication and this resolution is evidence enough that the
leadership of this Congress is covering for him. I join with others in
calling for the Secretary's resignation.
The Washington Post is right on target when it said: ``The Pentagon
ruled that the United States would no longer be bound by the Geneva
Convention, that Army regulations on the interrogation of prisoners
would not be observed; and that many detainees would be held
incommunicado and without any independent mechanism of review.''
This administration has mastered the art of deniability. No one has
been held accountable. It is time we hold the Secretary of Defense to
account and ask for his resignation.
For these reasons, I cast my vote in opposition to this resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). All time for debate has
expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 628, the resolution is considered read
for amendment, and the previous question is ordered.
Motion to Recommit Offered by Mr. Hoyer
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentleman opposed to the resolution?
Mr. HOYER. I am in its present form.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion.
The Clerk read as follows:
Mr. Hoyer moves to recommit the resolution H. Res. 627 to
the Committee on Armed Services with instructions to report
the same back to the House forthwith with the following
amendments:
Point of Order
Mr. HUNTER (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I make a point of order
that the motion contains instructions not allowed under H. Res. 628.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Does the gentleman from Maryland wish to be
heard on the point of order?
Mr. HOYER. I do.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Maryland is recognized.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, is it the contention that the rule, as
presented and as passed by the majority, prevents the minority from
offering a substantive substitute under the rule so that the
alternative felt to be preferable by the minority may not be heard? Is
that the condition under which the rule places the minority?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The point of order is that the motion
includes instructions.
Mr. HOYER. I understand that, Mr. Speaker. My question is, does that
preclude us, therefore, from offering an alternative that gives an
alternative proposal to have that proposal be considered on the floor?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under House Resolution 628, the motion may
not contain instructions.
[[Page H2697]]
Mr. HOYER. I thank the Speaker. He has answered my question.
I withdraw my reservation because, under the rule, we have been
gagged.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair is prepared to rule.
Although the Chair ordinarily would await the reading in full before
broaching a question of order, the Chair is uniquely responsible to
intervene in the present circumstances.
The Chair finds that the motion includes instructions, in unambiguous
contravention of House Resolution 628. Therefore, the motion is not in
order as a matter of form and without regard to its content.
The point of order is sustained.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I have a parliamentary inquiry.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman will state it.
Mr. HOYER. That means not only can it not be considered on the floor,
but it cannot even be disclosed to the Members?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman may enter the motion into the
Record by unanimous consent.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to enter the motion
into the Record.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Maryland?
There was no objection.
Strike the preamble and insert the following:
Whereas the American people and the world abhor the abuses
inflicted upon detainees at the Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad;
Whereas the investigation by the United States Central
Command has identified problems of leadership, chain of
command, and training that contributed to the instances of
abuse;
Whereas the Congress was not adequately informed of the
existence, or the seriousness, of those abuses or of the
investigation of those abuses until after they had been
disclosed in the national media;
Whereas such abuses are offensive to the principles and
values of the American people and the United States military,
are incompatible with the professionalism, dedication,
standards and training required of individuals who serve in
the United States military, and contradict the policies,
orders, and laws of the United States and the United States
military and undermine the ability of the United States
military to achieve its mission in Iraq;
Whereas the vast majority of members of the Armed Forces
have upheld the highest possible standards of professionalism
and morality in the face of terrorist attacks and other
attempts on their lives;
Whereas members of the Armed Forces have planned and
conducted, frequently at great peril and cost, military
operations in a manner carefully intended to prevent or
minimize injury to Iraqi civilians and property;
Whereas over 138,000 members of the United States Armed
Forces serving in Iraq, a total force comprised of active,
National Guard, and Reserve personnel, are executing with
courage and skill a mission to rebuild and rehabilitate Iraq
and return the Government of Iraq to the Iraqi people; and
Whereas the Department of Defense has awarded members of
the Armed Forces serving in Operation Iraqi Freedom at least
3,767 Purple Hearts, as well as thousands of commendations
for valor, including at least 4 Distinguished Service
Crosses, 127 Silver Stars, and over 16,000 Bronze Stars: Now,
therefore, be it
Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:
That the House of Representatives--
(1) strenuously deplores and condemns the abuse of persons
in United States custody in Iraq, regardless of the
circumstances of their detention;
(2) reaffirms the American principle that any and all
individuals under the custody and care of the United States
Armed Forces shall be afforded proper and humane treatment;
(3) urges the Secretary of Defense to conduct a full and
thorough investigation into any and all allegations of
mistreatment or abuse of detainees in Iraq;
(4) urges the Secretary of Defense to ensure that
corrective actions are taken to address chain of command
deficiencies and the systemic deficiencies identified in the
incidents in question;
(5) urges the Secretary of Defense to bring to swift
justice any member of the Armed Forces who has violated the
Uniform Code of Military Justice to ensure that their actions
do not further impugn the integrity of the United States
Armed Forces or further undermine the United States mission
in Iraq;
(6) urges the Attorney General to bring to swift justice
any United States civilian contractor or other United States
civilian whose conduct in connection with the treatment of
detainees in Iraq is in violation of law so to ensure that
their actions do not further undermine the United States
mission in Iraq;
(7) affirms the need for bipartisan congressional
investigations to be conducted immediately into these
allegations of abuse, including allegations of abuse by
United States civilian contractor personnel or other United
States civilians, and into the chain of command and other
systemic deficiencies, including the command atmosphere that
contributed to such abuse;
(8) reaffirms the need for Congress to be frequently
updated on the status of efforts by the Department of Defense
to address and resolve issues identified in this resolution;
(9) expresses the deep appreciation of the Nation to the
courageous and honorable members of the Armed Forces who have
selflessly served, or who are currently serving, in Operation
Iraqi Freedom;
(10) declares that the alleged crimes of some individuals
should not detract from the commendable sacrifices of over
300,000 members of the United States Armed Forces who have
served, or who are serving, in Operation Iraqi Freedom;
(11) expresses the support and thanks of the Nation to the
families and friends of the soldiers, Marines, airmen,
sailors, and Coast Guardsmen who have served, or who are
serving, in Operation Iraqi Freedom; and
(12) expresses the continuing solidarity and support of the
House of Representatives and the American people for the
efforts of the United States with the Iraqi people in
building a viable Iraqi government and a secure nation.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I appeal the ruling of the Chair.
Mr. Speaker, I withdraw the appeal.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-minute vote on adoption of
H. Res. 627 will be followed by 5-minute votes on the motions to
suspend the rules and adoption of House concurrent resolutions 326 and
398.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 365,
noes 50, not voting 19, as follows:
[Roll No. 150]
AYES--365
Ackerman
Aderholt
Akin
Alexander
Allen
Andrews
Bachus
Baird
Baker
Baldwin
Ballance
Ballenger
Barrett (SC)
Bartlett (MD)
Barton (TX)
Bass
Beauprez
Becerra
Bell
Bereuter
Berkley
Berman
Berry
Biggert
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (NY)
Bishop (UT)
Blackburn
Boehlert
Boehner
Bonilla
Bonner
Boozman
Boswell
Boucher
Bradley (NH)
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brown (SC)
Brown, Corrine
Brown-Waite, Ginny
Burgess
Burns
Burr
Burton (IN)
Buyer
Calvert
Camp
Cannon
Cantor
Capito
Capps
Capuano
Cardin
Cardoza
Carson (IN)
Carson (OK)
Carter
Case
Castle
Chabot
Chandler
Chocola
Clay
Coble
Cole
Collins
Cooper
Costello
Cramer
Crane
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cubin
Culberson
Cunningham
Davis (AL)
Davis (CA)
Davis (FL)
Davis (IL)
Davis (TN)
Davis, Tom
Deal (GA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delahunt
DeLauro
DeLay
Deutsch
Diaz-Balart, L.
Diaz-Balart, M.
Dicks
Dingell
Doggett
Dooley (CA)
Doolittle
Doyle
Dreier
Duncan
Dunn
Edwards
Ehlers
Emanuel
Emerson
Engel
English
Eshoo
Etheridge
Evans
Everett
Farr
Feeney
Ferguson
Filner
Flake
Foley
Forbes
Ford
Fossella
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Frost
Gallegly
Garrett (NJ)
Gephardt
Gerlach
Gibbons
Gilchrest
Gillmor
Gingrey
Gonzalez
Goode
Goodlatte
Gordon
Goss
Granger
Graves
Green (TX)
Green (WI)
Gutknecht
Hall
Harman
Harris
Hart
Hastert
Hastings (WA)
Hayes
Hayworth
Hefley
Hensarling
Herger
Hill
Hinojosa
Hobson
Hoeffel
Hoekstra
Holden
Holt
Honda
Hooley (OR)
Hostettler
Houghton
Hulshof
Hunter
Hyde
Isakson
Israel
Issa
Istook
Jackson (IL)
Jefferson
Johnson (CT)
Johnson (IL)
Johnson, E. B.
Johnson, Sam
Jones (NC)
Kanjorski
Keller
Kelly
Kennedy (MN)
Kennedy (RI)
Kildee
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kingston
Kirk
Kleczka
Kline
Knollenberg
Kolbe
LaHood
Lampson
Langevin
Lantos
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
LaTourette
Leach
Levin
Lewis (CA)
Linder
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Lofgren
Lowey
Lucas (KY)
Lucas (OK)
Lynch
Majette
Maloney
Manzullo
Marshall
Matheson
Matsui
McCarthy (MO)
McCarthy (NY)
McCotter
McInnis
McIntyre
McKeon
McNulty
Meehan
Menendez
Mica
Michaud
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Miller (NC)
Miller, Gary
Moore
Moran (KS)
Moran (VA)
Murphy
Murtha
[[Page H2698]]
Musgrave
Myrick
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal (MA)
Nethercutt
Neugebauer
Ney
Northup
Norwood
Nunes
Nussle
Obey
Ortiz
Osborne
Ose
Otter
Pascrell
Pastor
Pearce
Pence
Peterson (MN)
Peterson (PA)
Petri
Pickering
Pitts
Platts
Pombo
Pomeroy
Porter
Portman
Price (NC)
Pryce (OH)
Putnam
Quinn
Radanovich
Rahall
Ramstad
Regula
Rehberg
Renzi
Reyes
Reynolds
Rodriguez
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rogers (MI)
Rohrabacher
Ros-Lehtinen
Ross
Rothman
Roybal-Allard
Royce
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (WI)
Ryun (KS)
Sanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanders
Sandlin
Saxton
Schiff
Schrock
Scott (GA)
Scott (VA)
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shadegg
Shaw
Shays
Sherman
Sherwood
Shimkus
Shuster
Simmons
Simpson
Skelton
Slaughter
Smith (MI)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Snyder
Souder
Spratt
Stearns
Stenholm
Stupak
Sullivan
Sweeney
Tancredo
Tanner
Tauscher
Taylor (MS)
Taylor (NC)
Terry
Thomas
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thornberry
Tiahrt
Tiberi
Tierney
Toomey
Turner (OH)
Turner (TX)
Udall (CO)
Udall (NM)
Upton
Van Hollen
Visclosky
Vitter
Walden (OR)
Walsh
Wamp
Weiner
Weldon (FL)
Weldon (PA)
Weller
Wexler
Whitfield
Wicker
Wilson (NM)
Wolf
Wu
Wynn
Young (AK)
Young (FL)
NOES--50
Abercrombie
Blumenauer
Brown (OH)
Clyburn
Conyers
Cummings
Fattah
Frank (MA)
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hastings (FL)
Hinchey
Hoyer
Inslee
Jackson-Lee (TX)
Jones (OH)
Kaptur
Kilpatrick
Kucinich
Lee
Lewis (GA)
Markey
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Meek (FL)
Millender-McDonald
Miller, George
Mollohan
Oberstar
Olver
Owens
Pallone
Paul
Payne
Pelosi
Rangel
Ryan (OH)
Sabo
Schakowsky
Serrano
Stark
Strickland
Towns
Velazquez
Waters
Watson
Watt
Waxman
Woolsey
NOT VOTING--19
Baca
Blunt
Bono
Boyd
Cox
Davis, Jo Ann
DeMint
Greenwood
Jenkins
John
Latham
Lewis (KY)
McCrery
McHugh
Meeks (NY)
Oxley
Solis
Tauzin
Wilson (SC)
announcement by the speaker pro tempore
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson) (during the vote). Members are
advised that 2 minutes remain in this vote.
{time} 1505
Messrs. GUTIERREZ, SABO and STRICKLAND changed their vote from
``aye'' to ``no.''
Mr. ANDREWS and Mr. JACKSON of Illinois changed their vote from
``no'' to ``aye.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________