[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 61 (Wednesday, May 5, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H2607-H2614]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1745
EXPRESSING SENSE OF HOUSE REGARDING NEED FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRATIC
REFORM IN LAOS
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
agree to the resolution (H. Res. 402) expressing the sense of the House
of Representatives regarding the urgent need for freedom, democratic
reform, and international monitoring of elections, human rights and
religious liberty in the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. Res. 402
Whereas, in 1975, the Kingdom of Laos, a constitutional
monarchy and important ally of the United States during the
Vietnam War, was overthrown by the Marxist Lao People's
Revolutionary Party with the assistance of the People's Army
of North Vietnam;
Whereas the Lao People's Democratic Republic was
established as a one-party regime in 1975 following the
communist takeover;
Whereas tens of thousands of Laotian and Hmong people, a
prominent highland minority group, were killed or died at the
hands of communist forces while attempting to flee the Lao
communist regime, and many others perished in reeducation and
labor camps;
Whereas tens of thousands of Laotian and Hmong became
refugees, eventually resettling in the United States where
they now reside as American citizens and lead constructive
lives as members of their communities;
Whereas the only political party allowed by law in Laos is
the communist Lao People's Revolutionary Party;
Whereas, in 1989, Laos held its first elections since the
establishment of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, but
only candidates who were approved by the communist Lao
People's Revolutionary Party were allowed to seek public
office;
Whereas, in 1991, Laos adopted its first constitution which
purports to guarantee the people of Laos a wide range of
freedoms, including the freedoms of speech, assembly, and
religion;
Whereas the Lao People's Revolutionary Party Congress meets
every five years and controls or influences the organs of the
state in Laos, including the armed forces, the security
services, and the National Assembly;
Whereas the Lao People's Revolutionary Party promulgates
the five-year state plans that control the economy and do not
need to receive the approval of the National Assembly;
Whereas, in 1999, peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations
held by Laotian students in the capital of Vientiane calling
for political and economic reforms were suppressed by force
by the Lao government, which arrested many of the students;
Whereas Amnesty International reports that many Laotian
student leaders from the 1999 pro-democracy demonstrations
continue to be held by the Lao government and languish in the
Lao prison system or remain unaccounted for;
Whereas, in 2001, Olivier Dupuis, a Member of the European
Parliament, was arrested and jailed in Laos along with a
group of pro-democracy activists after peacefully protesting
for the release of the Lao students and for democratic and
human rights reforms in Laos;
Whereas international election monitors are currently not
permitted to enter Laos to monitor elections;
Whereas Laos remains a one-party communist state that
continues to prohibit the organizing of opposition political
parties to the Lao People's Revolutionary Party;
Whereas, in 2002, elections for the Lao People's Democratic
National Assembly were held nearly a year earlier than
scheduled and excluded all candidates from political parties
other than the Lao People's Revolutionary Party, as well as
all overseas Laotians;
Whereas Amnesty International and other independent human
rights organizations are not permitted to enter Laos to
monitor or investigate the human rights situation or reports
of alleged human rights violations;
Whereas, in 2003, the United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom issued a country report on
religious persecution in Laos, recommending that the
President designate Laos as a ``country of particular
concern'';
Whereas the Department of State reported in its most recent
Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Laos that Laos
restricts its citizens from enjoying the freedoms of speech,
assembly, and religion, and from undertaking activities to
change their government;
Whereas, in 2003, the United Nations Committee on
Elimination of Racial Discrimination stated that the Lao
government had failed to honor its obligations, and the
Committee expressed its grave concerns at the information it
had received of serious and repeated human rights violations
in Laos;
Whereas, in October 2003, Amnesty International issued a
statement detailing its concern about the use of starvation
by the Lao government as a weapon of war against civilians in
Laos and the deteriorating situation facing thousands of
family members of ethnic minority groups, predominantly the
Hmong;
Whereas, in 2003, Amnesty International's International
Secretariat, in a statement further detailing its concerns
about Laos, condemned in the strongest terms the use of
starvation as a weapon of war against civilians and cited it
as a clear and serious violation of the Geneva Conventions
that Laos has ratified;
Whereas because many Laotians and Hmong, including those in
the overseas communities, are not members of the Lao People's
Revolutionary Party, they do not meet with its approval as
political candidates, but they are nevertheless successful
businessmen, technocrats, and community and religious leaders
with democratic aspirations and concern for the people of
Laos; and
Whereas the United States has a vital interest in the
worldwide promotion of democratic principles and respect for
human rights, and supports democratic reforms in Laos: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives strongly
supports the following points and urges the Government of the
Lao People's Democratic Republic, the United Nations, the
European Union, and the Association of South East Asian
Nations--
(1) to work to provide unrestricted access to Laos by
international election monitors for upcoming presidential and
National Assembly elections;
(2) to work to provide unrestricted access to Laos,
including special closed military zones and closed provinces,
by international human rights organizations, the United
Nations, the United States Commission on International
Religious Freedom, and humanitarian aid organizations;
(3) to work to ensure that opposition political parties and
their candidates are allowed to run for public office in
multi-party elections without regard to gender, race,
ethnicity, religion, economic standing, or political
affiliation, and that all adult citizens of
[[Page H2608]]
Laos, including overseas Laotian citizens, are permitted to
vote and run for public office;
(4) to allow the citizens of Laos to assemble and
peacefully protest against the Government of Laos, the Lao
People's Revolutionary Party, and individual public
officials, and to freely organize opposition groups and
independent political parties;
(5) to heed the call by the United Nations Committee on
Elimination of Racial Discrimination for the Lao People's
Revolutionary Party to halt immediately all acts of violence
against the Hmong population and provide them with
humanitarian assistance;
(6) to work to gain the immediate release of those students
and their family members arrested and jailed in connection
with the 1999 pro-democracy demonstrations, as well as all
other political prisoners, prisoners of conscience, and those
jailed for their religious beliefs or ethnicity; and
(7) to work to implement the recommendations of the United
States Commission on International Religious Freedom with
respect to promoting religious freedom in Laos.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Chocola). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton) and the gentleman from California
(Mr. Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton).
General Leave
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Indiana?
There was no objection.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
As the sponsor of H. Res. 402, this resolution which expresses the
strong sense of the House in support of election monitors, human rights
and religious liberty in Laos is a very important piece of legislation.
Since the 1975 overthrow of the Lao monarchy, Laos has been a one-
party, Communist state in which the Lao People's Revolutionary Party is
the only party allowed by law; and the repression there, Mr. Speaker,
is unbelievable.
Although the 1991 Lao Constitution claimed to guarantee a wide range
of freedoms, peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations in 1999 were
forcibly suppressed. Many of those demonstrators remain in prison. The
government of Laos continues to restrict basic freedoms and has been
credibly accused of using starvation against civilians and of
continuing its persecution of the courageous Hmong ethnic minority.
I sincerely appreciate and support the Hmong people in their fight
for freedom and democracy. They and the entire Laotian people deserve
our complete support and assistance. We must address the current human
rights situation while pressing for real progress in Laos.
H. Res. 402 urges the Lao Government and international bodies to work
toward access for international election and human rights monitors,
genuine multiparty democracy, and the halt of violence against the
Hmong, also the release of political and religious prisoners and the
promotion of religious freedom throughout Laos.
These are worthy goals. I urge the Communist government in Laos to
change their attitude toward these people. I urge all of my colleagues
here in this body to support this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I
rise in strong support of this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to
do so as well.
First, I want to commend my good friend from Indiana, my
distinguished colleague, for introducing this resolution; and I want to
commend the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum), the
distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations, for
her strong leadership on all matters related to Laos. We greatly
appreciate her hard work on this long neglected region of the world.
Mr. Speaker, the bilateral relationship between the United States and
Laos has been frozen in time since the end of the Vietnam War. While we
have maintained a diplomatic mission in Laos, our bilateral contacts
have been infrequent and low-level. Over the past few years, both the
United States and Laos have made significant efforts to improve the
quality of our bilateral relationship. Given the increasingly large
number of Laotian and Hmong Americans in the United States, a warming
in the relationship is long overdue. The President may soon, in fact,
propose the granting of normal trade relations status to Laos.
As our relations with Laos become increasingly complex, the United
States must not forget the ongoing deprivation of internationally
recognized human rights in Laos as well as the totalitarian nature of
the ruling regime. The promotion of human rights and religious and
political freedom must always remain at the core of our agenda with
Laos until the Laotian people can freely choose their own government,
enjoy true political freedom, and freedom of worship as they wish.
Our resolution calls attention to the negative human rights situation
in Laos and urges the United States, the European Union, the United
Nations, and ASEAN nations to work for positive change in Laos. The
Laotian Government continues to imprison brave young people who had the
courage to publicly demonstrate for political change in 1999, and some
local Laotian officials continue to harass Laotians of the Christian
persuasion. The Laotian Government also does not allow free and fair
elections, and it prohibits any organized political opposition.
Mr. Speaker, political and social change will come to Laos, and it is
my hope that the United States and our allies will make every effort to
ensure that these fundamental reforms come sooner rather than later.
I strongly support passage of this resolution and urge all of my
colleagues to do so as well.
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 4 minutes to the
distinguished gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum).
Ms. McCOLLUM. I thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for
his kind words.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution, urging
improved human rights, democratic reform and religious freedom in the
Lao People's Democratic Republic. I would like to take this opportunity
to thank the U.S. Ambassador in Laos, Douglas Hartwick, and his
hardworking, dedicated staff at our embassy in Vientiane for their
commitment toward human rights and reform in Laos.
Mr. Speaker, most Americans do not know very much about the country
of Laos, but many people in my congressional district know this country
very well. Minnesota is home to over 53,000 Hmong and Lao Americans. I
represent one of the largest Hmong constituencies in the United States.
My constituents and I strongly support improving human rights and the
quality of life for the people of Laos. The Lao Government has been
working cooperatively with the United States on international terrorism
and helping to provide a full accounting of Americans missing in action
from the Vietnam War. The Lao Government has taken steps to protect
religious freedom and the hundreds of Hmong and Laotians from my
district who have traveled to Laos have seen some improvement; but I
want to state clearly, despite these steps, greater progress is still
needed on human rights, religious tolerance, democratic rule of law,
and transparency.
One way the Lao Government can demonstrate their commitment to reform
is by allowing international humanitarian workers the ability to
monitor the Hmong amnesty and resettlement program in order to ensure
that the Hmong are receiving the humanitarian assistance they need and
they deserve. My constituents and I are committed to advancing these
efforts in Laos. If Laos is going to truly reform into a more open and
democratic society, the United States needs to play a greater role in
working with the Lao people and the Lao Government.
The United States policy of economic isolation has made it very
difficult for the Hmong and Laotian Americans in my district to engage
in economic activity that will improve the quality of life for their
relatives in Laos. This failed U.S. policy of economic isolation has
lasted close to 30 years, and it has had real human consequences, as
extreme poverty is a fact of life for much of the people who live in
Laos. The United Nations development program ranks Laos 143rd out of
173 countries in
[[Page H2609]]
terms of human development. Only half the population can read, 30
percent of the people will die before they are 40 years old, and 26
percent of the population lives on less than a dollar a day. One out of
every 10 children will die before they reach the age of 5. I consider
this fact a human rights tragedy.
The people of Laos also endure the deadly remnants of U.S. bombing
from the Vietnam War. The United States flew more than 580,000 bombing
runs over Laos. More than 2 million tons of ordnance were dropped on
the country of Laos, double the amount dropped on Europe during World
War II. Thousands of Laotian children and adults continue to die or
become maimed as a result of this unexploded American ordnance. This,
too, is a human rights tragedy and was documented by The Washington
Post in an article this weekend. I insert this article for the Record.
[From the Washington Post Foreign Service, May 1, 2004]
In Laos, Sifting the Earth for American Dead
(By Ellen Nakashima)
Saravan, Laos.-- On the first day of the dig, Franklin
Damann spied what appeared to be a bone fragment resting on
the soil surface. But he could not be sure. He put it in a
Ziploc bag labeled ``Possible Osseous Remains.''
He hoped that the fragment, and several more found over the
next few days, would yield DNA to help identify U.S. Air
Force Col. Norman Dale Eaton or his navigator, Lt. Col. Paul
E. Getchell. Their B-57 exploded and crashed on a remote hill
in southern Laos in 1969, at the height of the Vietnam War.
Damann, a forensic anthropologist, and about a dozen U.S.
service members shoveled and sifted hundreds of buckets of
dirt from that metal-pocked hill in February. In several
equally isolated and treacherous sites in Cambodia and
Vietnam, other teams were also scanning for every shard of
steel, canvas, plastic, bone or, best of all, tooth that
might help identify men who died in the Vietnam War, more
than 1,800 of whom are still missing.
Since 1992, 10 times a year, the military has sent teams to
the old battlegrounds of Southeast Asia to search for Vietnam
combatants' remains. Two to six teams go on each trip. So
far, they have accounted for 724 Americans, according to the
Pentagon.
But time is running out. Witnesses are dying. Investigators
are now talking to people who can remember their fathers
telling them about a crash site. The most accessible areas
already have been excavated, and bone disintegrates more
readily in the acidic soil of Southeast Asia.
It is an arduous yet optimistic endeavor, costing $100
million a year spread over five agencies. Though the military
has long proclaimed that no man or woman shall be left behind
on the battlefield--and made recovery efforts for several
years after World War II and the Korean War--it took the
emotional upheaval of the Vietnam War to spur the government
to undertake a continuous search effort. Scientists and
recovery teams have been finding and identifying remains of
those killed in World War II, the Korean War and the Cold
War in Africa, Europe, Asia and the Pacific.
They have identified remains of about 500 service members
from World War II, Korea and the Cold War. The U.S. military
estimates that 88,000 service members are still missing from
all wars. The effort to find them is destined to continue,
officials say, as long as the United States sends its men and
women into battle zones.
``I can't think of a more noble mission,'' said Marine
Capt. William P. ``Bay'' Dobbins, 29, leader of a team
searching for the remains of a Navy pilot downed in southern
Laos. Dobbins, who served in Iraq last year, said he had been
waiting for this job with the Joint POW/MIA Accounting
Command. ``I love the idea of bringing these guys home,'' he
said.
So it was that on a chilly morning in February, a dozen
soldiers, airmen, sailors, Marines and Damann, who works at
the Army's Central Identification Laboratory in Honolulu,
piled into an aging Russian-made Mi-17 helicopter at the
team's base camp in southern Laos. Twenty minutes later, they
landed on a hill in Saravan province that was traversed by
the Ho Chi Minh Trail, a network of paths used by the North
Vietnamese to ferry supplies along the border with Laos into
South Vietnam. The team hiked down a long, steep slope and,
putting spade to soil, dug in a space roughly as long and
wide as an Olympic swimming pool.
About 90 Laotian villagers, who live a day's trek away and
were hired for a small daily wage, were already there. They
formed a bucket brigade down the slope, men and women with
high cheekbones and broad faces, wearing old jeans, Nike caps
and wool head scarves.
Pairs of villagers rocked trays slung from bamboo poles,
massaging red dirt through quarter-inch wire mesh. As a
boombox blared a Motown mix, the American team members
scanned for pieces of zipper, boot, oxygen hose--what the
investigators call life support material.
The hill was not an easy one. At a 35-degree angle, it had
a view at 3,700 feet of a valley below filling with
deceptively fast-moving clouds. Army Sgt. Robert Bryson, in
charge of team safety, warned the crew: ``This site is
dangerous. When the pilots say go, there's no lollygagging or
we'll be here overnight.''
During a mission three years ago, seven military personnel
and nine Vietnamese died when their Mi-17 helicopter slammed
into a fog-shrouded hill.
The site was surveyed last summer by Joan Baker, an
anthropologist, who also works at the Honolulu forensics lab.
She found no crash crater, leading her to conclude that the
plane had exploded before it plunged. Her investigative team
found hundreds of pieces of fan blades, wires and bolts
strewn over more than 350 square yards. Then she saw a small
metal object nestled in the roots of a tree. It was a dog
tag, bearing Eaton's name. ``It was pretty exciting,'' Baker
recalled. ``I couldn't believe it for a minute. I was like,
`No!' '' Team members planted a yellow stake wherever they
found even a jot of debris, turning the hill into a dandelion
field of stakes.
Damann held up a slice of rusted metal to the gray light
filtering through the trees. The words ``cylinder hydraulic
actuating'' were still visible. The metal plate was engraved
with the manufacturer's name, Glenn L. Martin Ltd.,
Baltimore, Md., which in the 1960s retooled the British-made
B-57s from straight-and-level planes to dive bombers.
``We'll be pulling stuff all day.'' said Damann, a lanky
Louisianan who analyzes skeletal remains to figure out a
person's size, sex, race and other characteristics.
As it turned out, the team would not be pulling stuff all
day. After lunch, the clouds rolled in, obscuring the valley
below. Bryson gave the word to load up the buckets and gather
the tools. ``It's time to get off the hill,'' he said.
The son of a Vietnam Navy veteran, Bryson is a mortuary
affairs specialist, or 92-Mike in Army lingo. He was on his
31st recovery mission to Southeast Asia, has worked directly
with MIA families and relishes the satisfaction of delivering
a memento to a wife or parent.
``There are cases where a family member said, `He always
carried a 1945 buffalo nickel,' and then you go to the site
and dig and pull it out of the dirt,'' he said. ``There are
wedding rings, the crucifixes, wallets with pictures.''
Working one World War II case, he said, he found letters
ready to be mailed home. ``You bring them home to a wife or
mother, and the gratitude is immense. That's pretty amazing
you can do stuff like that.''
Unexploded Ordnance
Elderly locals are another source of information. Khampoy
Khun, a grandfatherly man with an impish grin, was trying to
clear a rice field about a decade ago when he came upon metal
aircraft parts poking up from the soil. He eventually told
his story to American investigators and led them to a site
where a Navy pilot had plowed into a hill in April 1970.
``I would be very glad if the Americans find what they are
looking for and can return the remains to the families,''
said Khampoy, 70, cheering on the Americans and Laotians
digging, hauling and screening soil. ``I think the families
back home are hoping the remains will be found.''
He had one request, though: that the United States do more
to remove unexploded ordnance left from the war. ``I am very
poor,'' Khampoy said. ``And I cannot work my rice fields with
the unexploded bombs. It's all over the place.''
In February, the team looking for the Navy pilot's remains
unearthed a 500-pound unexploded bomb.
Between 1964 and 1973, the U.S. air campaign dropped more
than 2 million tons of explosive ordnance on the hills and
valleys of Laos, the world's most heavily bombed nation per
capita, according to United Nations Development Program
statistics. Some of the craters were as large as houses. Up
to 30 percent of the ordnance, it is estimated, failed to
detonate and continues to kill about 200 people, many of whom
are children, each year, according to the program.
In fiscal 2003 the United States spent $1.2 million on
clearing the ordnance in Laos, about one-fourth of the total
international donor aid to the effort, U.S. officials said.
After 30 days, Damann, Bryson and their team flew back to
Honolulu. Another team took their place in March to continue
the dig. All the evidence found is bagged and sent to the
lab. There, a different set of anthropologists examines the
remains and the life support material.
The lab, which is part of the U.S. Joint POW/MIA Accounting
Command, identifies on average two Americans a week. The best
way to make an identification is to match a tooth, especially
one that has had a filling or a drilling, to dental records,
Thomas Holland, the lab's scientific director, explained in
a telephone interview from Honolulu. ``No two fillings are
alike,'' he said. ``That's really how most identifications
are made.''
Even as the difficulty of the missions has increased, the
technology has improved, Holland said. These days, up to 70
percent of cases are identified by matching mitochondrial
DNA, which is passed down through the maternal line, from
remains to a relative from the same maternal line, he said.
About five grams of dense bone, the type found in the arm or
leg, is needed to gather enough DNA for an identification.
In the mid-1990s, the military began taking a DNA sample
from all service members in case it is needed for
identification.
[[Page H2610]]
`Off Target'
On the night of Jan. 13, 1969, Eaton and Getchell took off
from Phan Rang Air Base in South Vietnam. They flew west
toward Laos, to drop bombs and napalm on a target along the
Ho Chi Minh Trail in an effort to disrupt the enemy's supply
line.
Eaton's last recorded words before the plane crashed were
``Off target,'' according to a wartime Air Force report. A C-
130 pilot who was flying nearby, directing Eaton's strike,
said that his cockpit was lit up by the flash from the bomb
Eaton dropped, and lit up again five seconds later by the B-
57's crash, according to the report. No parachutes were seen.
A two-second emergency beeper signal was heard by another
aircraft in the area, but it was unclear if that was from
Eaton or Getchell.
Eaton, then 43, had always said that when he went, he
wanted to ``go down in a ball of fire,'' his wife, Jeanne
Eaton, now 75, recalled in a telephone interview from
Alexandria. He loved to fly, loved ``that wonderful,
celestial feeling,'' she said, though he had his concerns
about the war.
Eaton's oldest son, Paul Eaton, 53, is now a major general
in the Army, stationed in Baghdad, the commander in charge of
training the nascent postwar Iraqi army.
Gethell was 32, slender, dark-haired and a carpenter with a
philosophy degree. ``He was always learning and reading,''
and looked forward to teaching, recalled his widow, Teresa
Getchell, 67.
As the years passed, the two women, who have never
remarried, gradually came to terms with their husbands'
deaths. For Getchell, it has been so long since her husband
died, she said, that finding any remains now will not mean
much. ``It will just verify what I feel is already the case,
that he's gone,'' she said from her winter home in Bradenton,
Fla.
For Eaton, the search holds out hope for some peace of
heart.
``The very fact that they found my husband's dog tags, at
least there's a substance there, there's a reality,'' she
said. ``Hopefully, they will find some tangible evidence of
him.''
In March, the team that took over from Damann found more
possible remains at the site. The evidence will be sent to
the lab. A new team returns in June to continue the hunt.
The United States must work with the Lao Government to remove this
unexploded ordnance. To address this issue, I have submitted a request
to the Committee on Appropriations to expand the cleanup of unexploded
ordnance in Laos. I ask my colleagues today who care so deeply about
human rights in Laos to join me in this effort. Today I support this
resolution because my constituents who have family members in Laos want
reform now.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
Mr. KIND. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from California for yielding
me this time and for his leadership on this issue, and I thank my
colleague from Indiana for offering this resolution of which I am a
proud cosponsor.
Mr. Speaker, I hope the body tomorrow when it comes up for
consideration will adopt this resolution. This is a very serious matter
in regard to some of the practices and the abuses I feel that are
currently taking place in Laos. The resolution is very simple,
expressing the sense of the House regarding the urgent need for freedom
and democratic reform and international monitoring of elections, human
rights and religious liberty in the Lao People's Democratic Republic.
The United States owes a debt of gratitude to the Hmong veterans and
their families who served as loyal and dedicated allies during the so-
called secret war in southeast Asia and the Vietnam conflict, a war
that many Hmong members participated in on the side of U.S. soldiers in
the jungles of southeast Asia. Between 20,000 and 30,000 Hmong lost
their lives during this time and more than 100,000 Hmong were forced to
either flee or live in refugee camps after the U.S. pullout in
southeast Asia. Through their sacrifices, many American lives were
saved, and our Nation must remain committed to recognizing their
service.
Today, approximately 170,000 Hmong currently reside in the United
States, including 35,000 in my home State of Wisconsin. Many of these
Hmong Americans have family members still in Laos facing constant
allegations of harassment, imprisonment, even kidnapping and killing of
ethnic Hmong by Lao authorities. These have been brought to my
attention, and these allegations have been raised in many different
forums. Due to modern technology, many of these reports are coming out
of Laos almost simultaneously when they are occurring through the
advent of cell phones documenting the abuse and some of the atrocities
being committed there.
I believe it is time for this Congress and the administration to
support international observance teams to go into Laos to observe
firsthand the conditions that are occurring there. We need the support
from our administration and from the Congress, I think, to put pressure
on the government there to accept these international teams of
observers. The Lao Government has one of the most egregious human
rights records in the world. The State Department's own country report
on human rights practices in Laos makes clear the lack of respect for
human rights demonstrated by the Lao Government.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, there are many Hmong families still in
Wisconsin and throughout the country who are very concerned in regards
to the conditions of their own families or relatives or friends who are
still in Laos. They come to Washington from time to time. These are a
proud people, many of whom have now achieved their U.S. citizenship.
They are productive members of our society. Their children are in our
schools, growing up to get an American education and be productive
citizens in the country. But their ties back to Laos still remain very
strong, and it runs very deep. I think this body, this United States
Congress, owes it to them, our friends and allies and in many instances
our neighbors and citizens in our own community, to take these
allegations seriously, to increase the pressure on the Lao Government
to allow inspections, to allow the investigation to go forward within
that country so we can document and definitively determine what the
situation is inside that border. I encourage my colleagues to support
the resolution. I thank my colleagues for bringing it forward this
evening.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 4 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller).
Mr. GEORGE MILLER of California. I thank the gentleman from
California for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from several days of meetings in
Vientiane and Luang Prabang not only with our own very able Ambassador
Doug Hartwick but his excellent embassy staff and also with Lao
Government officials and many private citizens, Americans and others,
who are living and working in Laos. There is a more complex and
changing pictures than the wording of this resolution portrays.
Our discussions covered a wide range of topics, including the
government's deficiencies in addressing human rights and political
transparency issues as detailed in H. Res. 402, and I was very clear in
my conversations with the Lao leaders about the urgency of meeting
international standards particularly with respect to the Hmong and
other indigenous people who have been the subject of ill treatment and
repression.
{time} 1800
I share the concerns of the authors of this resolution that Laos,
like many other countries in Southeast Asia and elsewhere, should make
substantial improvements in the openness of their political and
judicial processes and comply with internationally recognized human,
religious, and labor rights and promote economic reforms that will
raise the standard of living of its citizens through improved
investment and trade.
This resolution addresses those issues, and I do not think that many
would argue with the historical record. My concern, however, is that
the resolution fails to take into account the many significant
developments of the U.S.-Lao relationship as well as the internal
changes that are not only noteworthy, but address some of the issues
raised in this resolution. We are involved in major efforts, and we are
getting major cooperation in antidrug efforts in Laos through the
cooperation of the Lao government aimed at reducing opium and
amphetamine trade that reaches from Southeast Asia to the streets of
the American cities.
Our people report a strong cooperation in this effort with the Lao
authorities. In the areas of POW/MIA, hundreds of Americans from the
Vietnam era are still missing in Laos, and we are sending forensic
teams to Laos
[[Page H2611]]
several times a year to locate and repatriate the remains of those
service people. Again, according to our government, we are receiving
strong cooperation from the Lao government, but this resolution has
been silent on that important effort.
Certainly the issue of human rights and the Hmong population, as well
as other minorities, is a particularly sensitive subject in the Lao-
American community in the United States, and I imagine that is the
issue pushing this resolution to the forefront at this time. This
resolution fails, however, to note that for a variety of reasons, some
having to do with international pressure and some having to do with
internal economics and politics, the Lao government has been urging
Hmong and other dissidents to come out of the mountains where they have
been hidden for many decades. The government has pledged to assist in
the relocation and settlement of these groups, and I would note that
Secretary of State Powell has told the Lao government the United States
would like to offer assistance in these efforts.
While there is reason aplenty for hesitation given the fate of others
throughout the world who have acquiesced in ``resettlement'' campaigns,
the reports I received while in Laos, across the board, testified to
the positive response of the refugees. Moreover, there were few, if
any, reports of abusive or unhelpful treatment by the government. There
is no mention of that in this resolution.
The concerns that this resolution raise about conditions in Laos are
justified, and we should be clear that virtually identical situations
exist in far too many countries. I would also like to make it very
clear that the Lao government fully cooperate with the opinion of the
international community that has long been concerned with the treatment
of minority groups within their country and make sure they, in fact,
are open to allowing our ambassador to travel to the areas in question
where people are engaged in coming out, the Hmongs and others, to make
sure that the resettlement issues are occurring, that these people are
being treated properly, and that there is no action taken against them.
So I would hope that the Lao government would be more open to the
request of Secretary Powell, of our ambassador, of the international
community. But again, I would state for those who have been there, for
the international community, the international press, the suggestion is
that this resettlement is going very fairly well, given the tensions
that have existed for over so many years.
So I appreciate this resolution coming forward. I would hope that it
would have given a little bit more recognition to those areas that we
are getting cooperation, and that we will continue to work on opening
this relationship with the Lao people, and clearly the support of the
normal trade relations that we may have an opportunity to vote on later
would go a long way in terms of improving the economy and some of the
human rights issues within the Nation of Laos.
Mr. Speaker, I have just returned from several days of meetings in
Vientiane and Luang Prabang with not only our own very able ambassador,
Douglas Hartwick and his excellent embassy staff, but also with Lao
government officials and other private citizens--American and others--
who are living and working in Laos. There is a more complex and
changing picture than the wording of this resolution portrays.
Our discussions covered a wide range of topics, including that
government's deficiencies in addressing human rights and political
transparency issues that are detailed in H. Res. 402, and I was very
clear in my conversations with Lao leaders about the urgency of meeting
international standards particularly with respect to Hmong and other
indigenous groups that have been the subject of ill-treatment and
repression. I share the concerns of the authors of this resolution that
Laos, like many other countries in Southeast Asia and elsewhere, should
make substantial improvements in the openness of their political and
judicial processes, comply with internationally recognized human,
religious and labor rights, and promote the economic reforms that will
raise the standard of living of their citizens through improved
investment and trade.
This resolution addresses those issues, and I do not think many would
argue with the historical record. My concern, however, is that this
resolution fails to take into account very significant developments in
the U.S.-Lao relationship, as well as internal changes that are not
only noteworthy, but that address some of the issues raised in the
resolution.
This is a delicate state in U.S.-Lao relations. We are deeply
involved with that government in a range of initiatives that are
critical to our own national security. I met with several U.S.
personnel, for example, involved in major anti-drug efforts in
cooperation with the Lao government aimed at reducing the opium and
amphetamine trade that reaches from Southeast Asia to the streets of
American cities. Our people reported strong cooperation from the Lao
authorities and progress in turning Lao citizens against the drug
trade, but this resolution ignores this cooperation.
We are also deeply involved in POW-MIA efforts in Laos, as was
documented last week in the New York Times. Hundreds of Americans from
the Vietnam War era are still missing in Laos, and we are sending
forensic recovery teams to Laos several times a year to locate and
repatriate the remains of servicemen. Again according to our
government, we are receiving strong cooperation of the Lao government,
but this resolution is silent on this important initiative.
Certainly the issue of human rights and the Hmong population, as well
as other minorities, is a particularly sensitive subject in the Lao-
American community in the United States, and I imagine that is the
issue pushing this resolution to the forefront at this time. The
resolution fails, however, to note that for a variety of reasons--some
having to do with international pressure and some having to do with
internal economics and politics--the Lao government has been urging
Hmong and other dissidents to come out of the mountains where some have
hidden for several decades. The government has pledged to assist in the
relocation and settlement of these groups, and I would note that
Secretary of State Powell has told the Lao government that the United
States would like to offer its assistance in these efforts. While there
is reason aplenty for hesitation given the fate of others throughout
the world who have acquiesced in ``resettlement'' campaigns, the
reports I received in Laos, across the board, testified to the positive
response of the refugees; moreover, there were few if any reports of
abusive or unhelpful treatment by the government. But there is no
mention of that cooperation in this resolution.
It is also important that the House understand that there have been
some very serious incidents of violence and threats of violence with
the Lao-American community in recent weeks, including assaults on those
peacefully demonstrating in support of expanded trade with Laos, arson,
and threats of assassination on certain radio stations. Members of the
House should be helping to defuse this situation, not adding to the
ill-feelings. So it is very important that what we say and do regarding
Laos and the Lao community not be misunderstood or mis-stated.
The concerns that this resolution raises about conditions in Laos are
justified, but we should be clear that virtually identical statements
could be made about many other countries in the region or elsewhere in
the world, including those with which we have very extensive economic
and political relations. We want improvements and we should continue
our efforts both bilaterally and through the U.N. and N.G.O.s to build
a free and open society in Laos. One important step would be for more
Members of Congress to visit the country and deliver the same message I
did; yet only one other Member of the House has been to Laos in the
last 5 years, I am told.
One important way for us to improve our relationship and encourage
the kinds of reforms we would like to see in Laos is to grant Normal
Trade Relations to that country. Laos is one of only three countries in
the world with which we do not have NTR, and the only country with
which we have full diplomatic relations lacking that status. Laos is
far too small and poor to have an impact on the U.S. economy or jobs,
but granting NTR will have a significant impact on the economy in that
impoverished nation, allowing it to participate in the kind of positive
economic improvements that have begun to transform Vietnam and
Cambodia. Now that this resolution has been brought to the floor, I
would hope that NTR for Laos would similarly be scheduled for House
consideration.
I have many Lao-Americans in my own district, and I have had a close
working relationship with them for a number of years. Most are refugees
themselves from the repression of the post-war Lao government. They
have built families, businesses, social and political organizations,
and productive and cooperative lives in the United States. And together
with many other Lao-Americans, they have begun to re-engage in a
relationship with the country of their birth.
Members of the USA-Lao NTR Coalition, including the Lao-American
Exchange Institute, the Laotian-American National Coalition and the
Laotian-American Chamber of Commerce visited Laos last year and
produced the important ``Citizen Initiative Report.'' I would like to
[[Page H2612]]
recognize in particular Mr. Sary Tatpaporn, the Coalition's coordinator
and vice president of the Laotian-American Chamber of Commerce, along
with Dr. Richard Chansombat of the Lao-American Exchange, who authored
the report on the trip detailing their meetings with government and
private leaders. Many of these Lao-American leaders have reversed past
opposition and now are urging the passage of NTR so that the economy of
their former country can grow and more of their former countrymen can
share in the prosperity that investment, trade and modernization can
bring.
Our relationship with Laos is long and complex, and it is changing
for the better. We should be encouraging the positive steps Laos is
taking on a wide range of issues, and we should be expanding our
cooperation with that country as we have with other nations whose
domestic policies we continue to question. We also need to recognize
that some of the suspicion and distrust within the Lao leadership is
due to continuing threats against that government from opposition
elements within the United States, as was acknowledged during the
recently held conference of Lao-American leaders at the State
Department.
At the same time, the Lao government must fully cooperate with the
opinion of the international community that has long been concerned
with the treatment of minority groups within the country, and wish to
ensure that current resettlement effort comport with internationally
recognized standards. As I have noted, our own Secretary of State has
offered assistance in the resettlement efforts, and our Ambassador has
requested permission for his staff to visit the areas where
resettlement is occurring to assure that these citizens are being
treated fairly. International relief agencies also are interested in
monitoring the efforts. I would hope that the Lao government would
fully cooperate with these initiatives and allow for independent
observation of resettlement activities. That government should
understand that a well-conducted, independently verified resettlement
effort will dramatically affect the perception of Laos in the world
community.
Consideration of this resolution today should mark the beginning of a
renewed interest and engagement in Laos by the House, not a one-time
venting of opinion that ignores positive developments that are taking
place and jeopardizes a longer agenda we should continue to pursue,
including passage of NTR later this year. I look forward to working
constructively with my colleagues towards a closer relationship with
Laos which will encourage the kinds of reforms we all hope will be
implemented in that nation.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I would like to just say the previous speaker made some very valid
points, and I appreciate his remarks. However, the human rights
violations in Laos continues to be widespread. There is a lot of
suspicion on the part of the Hmongs who are being talked about being
relocated, and that suspicion, I think, looking at the history of the
Laotian government, is valid. And all I can say in closing, Mr.
Speaker, is that human rights are just that, rights, and the Laotian
government, which is a communist government, ought to take a hard look
at history and realize that communism cannot last as long as it
represses its people. And they ought to realize that long-term freedom
and democracy is the only way to go, and if they do that, then I think
the people in Laos have a bright future. But if they continue under
this despotic communist regime, then I think they are in for more
problems down the road.
In any event, I appreciate the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos)
and his support and those who speak before me.
Mr. GREEN of Wisconsin. Mr. Speaker, before this House today I would
like to restate my strong support for H. Res. 402, of which I am a
cosponsor. As a leading critic of the Laotian government in the U.S.
House of Representatives, I am very pleased that this legislation has
made it to the House floor today, and believe it speaks directly to the
question--which has been hotly debated in recent years--of whether or
not we ought to grant Laos Normal Trade Relations status. As most
members of this House know, I am staunchly opposed to our nation
providing the brutal regime in Laos with any improved relationship
until it gets its act together on a whole host of issues. Granting Laos
NTR before we see some real movement toward change is ill-advised,
inappropriate, and just plain wrong.
In support of H. Res. 402, I am asking today for a number of
important items to be read into the Record. First, an article that
recently appeared in the Appleton Post-Crescent on the case of Houa Ly,
one of my Hmong-American constituents who went missing at the Thailand-
Laos border in 1999. Second, a pair of letters 21 other Members of
Congress and I sent to the administration last year, detailing many of
the problems we see with the Laotian government, and reiterating our
opposition to NTR for Laos. I appreciate in advance your consideration
of the issues presented in these documents, and look forward to
continuing to work to advance the freedom of the Laotian people.
Family's Plight at Heart of Trade Relations Clash
(By Ed Culhane)
Neng Xiong Ly is consumed by sadness.
It has been five years since the Appleton woman's husband,
Houa Ly, was waylaid on the banks of the Mekong River, the
border between Thailand and his home country of Laos.
No one has seen him or heard from him since. Deprive of her
husband, Neng Xiong Ly teeters on the edge of poverty. Asked
to describe life without her husband, she wept softly. ``I
must be the poorest American,'' she said in her native
language. Houa Ly (pronounced HOO-AH LEE) was 55 when he
vanished, a veteran of the U.S. ``secret war'' in Laos, a
Vietnam-era medic who saved the lives of American pilots shot
down in the jungle. His disappearance, still shrouded in
mystery, has re-emerged at the center of a political fight on
the floor of the U.S. Congress. With the support of President
Bush and the U.S. State Department, the communist government
of Laos is seeking the benefits of Normal Trade Relations
status. But a group of 21 congressmen and senators, led by
Rep. Mark Green, R-Green Bay, so far has blocked those
benefits. Green argues that the country's leaders--who deny
any knowledge of Ly--have not come clean. Even now, Green
said, the last of the rebellious Hmong in the jungles of
northern Laos are being systemically starved, raped, tortured
and killed by Laotian forces and by divisions of Vietnamese
soldiers operating in Laos. ``It's brutal, it's repressive
and it's barbaric,'' Green said. ``It's hard for Americans to
fully comprehend the barbarity and the contempt for human
rights that exists in that area.'' Yer Ly of St. Paul, Minn.,
one of five daughters Houa Ly and Neng Xiong raised in the
Fox Valley, said she misses her father terribly. Her children
miss him. ``He is just the best,'' she said. ``There is no
word to say he is this or that. He is just the best.''
worlds apart
Neng Xiong Ly speaks little English. She works nights on a
production line for a local manufacturer. Her take-home pay
is about $1,000 a month. All but $100 of that is swallowed by
the mortgage on their home. ``Se is really struggling a
lot,'' said her daughter, Ge, who acted as a translator.
Before they were drawn into the war, Neng Xiong and Houa Ly
lived the traditional tribal life of the Hmong people,
hunting and gathering and practicing small-scale agriculture
in the high plains and mountain jungles of northern Laos.
``Before the war, it was regular days,'' Neng Xiong Ly
said. ``Farm, cook, feed the animals.'' That life was lost
when divisions of North Vietnamese soldiers poured across the
northern Lao border in the 1960s. The Hmong, led by the
charismatic and prescient Gen. Vang Pao, abandoned the high
plains of Xiang Khoang province and established positions in
the surrounding mountains where there were armed and funded
by the CIA. As a young man, Houa Ly served as a medic with
Pao's freedom fighters. Trained as commandos, they were
fabled for their bravery and resourcefulness, for their
intimate knowledge of the mountain jungles. When American
pilots were shot down, the Hmong would find and rescue them,
engage in firefights to protect them. Hunted by communist
forces, these warrior farmers could no longer think in terms
of ``home.'' ``Because of the war between America and
Vietnam, the Vietnamese were always killing everyone,'' Neng
Xiong Ly said. ``There was no safety for the children and the
women. They would have to move all the time.'' Houa Ly saved
the lives of three American pilots during the war and helped
dozens of others. His wife and two of his daughters said he
did not carry weapons. ``He was not a fighter, he was a
nurse,'' said his youngest daughter, Yer Ly, who lives in St.
Paul. Neng Xiong Ly cooked for soldiers and pilots at Long
Cheng, a CIA airbase in the mountains of Xiang Khoang
province. A photograph of the base hands in her living room.
The United States abandoned Laos, and its Hmong allies, in
1973. Two years later, the country fell to the communist
Pathet Lao, backed by the North Vietnamese Army. Thousands of
Hmong were killed. Others were imprisoned in forced labor
camps. Tens of thousands fled for Thailand. In October 1978,
Houa Ly crossed the Mekong with his wife and four daughters.
Yer Ly was born in Thailand. She was 8 months old when the
family immigrated to the United States. They settled in the
Fox Valley. ``We are the people who helped the Americans,''
Neng Xiong Ly said. ``That is why we had to move.''
a fateful trip
Houa Ly had traveled to Thailand once before, around 1987,
to visit a sister who would later immigrate to the Fox
Cities. His return trip in 1999 was a break from work as a
machine operator with Wisconsin Tissue Mills.
[[Page H2613]]
``He said it had been a long time,'' Neng Xiong said. ``He
said he needed a vacation.'' At 6:30 a.m. May 7, 1999, Neng
Xiong received a call from the U.S. embassy in Thailand. She
was told her husband had been killed near the Laos border.
``They just told me my husband went over the border to Laos
and that somebody had taken him,'' she said. She fainted. A
half-hour later, she called Yer Ly in St. Paul. She said she
had no reason to live. On her end, Yer Ly couldn't speak,
couldn't breathe. She fell to the floor, clutching the phone.
Various unconfirmed reports about what happened to Houa Ly
have emerged from congressional and private inquiries. He had
traveled to Thailand with a relative, Neng Lee. They met two
other Hmong-Americans, Michael and Hue Vang of California, on
the trip. The four were at a water festival in Chiang Kong,
Thailand, on the western bank of the Mekong. In Indochina,
the New Year is celebrated for a week in mid-April. In Chiang
Kong, the group was approached by a man who identified
himself as the police chief from Ban Houayxay in Laos, just
across the river. He said the police were allowing people
into the country without visas to celebrate the festival.
Neng Lee and Hue Vang walked away to shop in Chiang Khong.
When they returned, Ly and Michael Vang were gone. Witnesses
said they were seen being forced into a boat that sped across
the river into Laos.
An Associated Press story published in Asian Week in 2000
contained a similar version of the disappearance. A Hmong
investigator was told by sources that Ly and Michael Vang,
and two Hmong from Thailand, accepted the invitation to cross
the river. Once in Laos, they were arrested. The Thailand
Hmong escaped back across the river to tell the story.
Some news stories have referred to speculation that Ly and
Michael Vang were in Indochina to provide assistance to Hmong
rebels in northern Laos.
Green said he never has seen or heard any evidence to
support this.
Hmong veterans in the Fox Cities said this theory makes no
sense. While some Hmong send money to relatives in Laos,
there is nothing two men could do for bands of Hmong hunted
by divisions of troops deep in the interior.
We won't give up
Six months after word of Houa Ly's disappearance, Green
arranged a meeting in his office with Neng Xiong Ly, Yer Ly,
another of the sisters and three representatives from the
State Department. He also arranged a press conference for the
Ly family and for other families of people missing in Laos.
State Department officials have conducted two on-site
investigations in Laos, but were largely at the mercy of Laos
officials, who at first delayed the effort and then placed
restrictions on it. U.S. officials have learned nothing, said
Green and family members.
Five years ago, State Department officials said finding
Houa Ly and Michael Vang was a top priority.
Yer Ly no longer believes that. She fears that her father,
a man who risked his life to save Americans in the jungles of
Laos, will be forgotten.
Apart from Green, who has steadfastly pushed for a stronger
effort, no one from the government calls anymore. No one will
answer her questions.
``What I think is that he is an Asian-American citizen,''
she said, ``and so it is not a top priority for them.''
Green suspects Laotian officials were involved. At the very
least, he said, they impeded the investigation. Although the
State Department, pushing for Normal Trade Relations, now
gives Laos better marks, its staff was dissatisfied in
November 1999, reporting the Lao government ``has been slow
to respond to our requests for access to the area and has
tried to place restrictions on our investigators.''
That was when it mattered, Green said. That was before the
trail grew cold.
Still, Green said he would continue to press the U.S.
government, and the United Nations, to learn the fates of Ly
and Vang.
He, too, has suggested the United States would be putting
greater pressure on Laos if the missing citizens were native-
born Americans.
``This has been a great sadness for me,'' Green said. ``We
won't give up, as long as the families don't give up.''
Neng Xiong Ly said she was deeply grateful to Green and to
his chief of staff, Chris Tuttle.
``I want thank them from the bottom of my heart,'' she
said. ``They are the only two Americans who went out of their
way to help.''
Yer Ly thinks her father is still alive, locked away in a
prison camp. Her only evidence comes from her heart.
``I don't have anything to prove my father is alive,'' she
said. ``It is a gut feeling that I have, that my mother has,
that my whole family has.
``When someone you love . . . when they pass away . . . it
is a different feeling. We don't have that feeling.''
____
September 9, 2003.
Hon. Colin Powell,
Secretary of State,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Secretary: Attached is a letter, signed by myself
and 21 of my colleagues in the U.S. House of Representatives,
asking that you take no further steps toward granting Normal
Trade Relations (NTR) to Laos.
Although the letter speaks largely for itself, many of my
colleagues and I feel it is important to note that, since
this letter was written and began circulating for co-
signatures, several facts have come to light that further
reinforce our assertion that granting NTR to Laos is an
imprudent step at this time.
Among these disturbing developments:
(1) In June, the Laotian government arrested, imprisoned,
tried, convicted and sentenced to 15 years in prison a
Lutheran minister from St. Paul, Minnesota. While in
captivity, this U.S. citizen was denied consular access for
over a week and subjected to a ridiculous ``trial'' before
the Laotian judiciary system. Though eventually released
after more than a month, the Laotians' handling of this case
speaks volumes about their commitment to friendly relations
with the United States.
(2) Two well-respected European journalists traveling with
the American mentioned above were subjected to the same
treatment, all apparently because of the group's
investigation of Laotian government human rights abuses
against ethnic Hmong minorities in remote areas of Laos.
(3) According to the BBC, Laotian representatives met in
Pyongyang with representatives of North Korea just last
month. There, ``both sides . . . exchanged views on the need
to boost cooperation . . . (in) talks (that) proceeded in a
friendly atmosphere.'' This meeting is consistent with the
Laotian government's past close relationship with the North
Koreans.
(4) According to the Vietnam News Agency and other sources,
in May ``Top leaders in Myanmar and Laos . . . underscored
the need to strengthen their cooperation in security and
other fields . . . the leaders expressed their delight with
the two countries' growing friendship and highly valued the
mutual assistance and successful cooperation in the spheres
of politics, security, economy, trade and socio-culture.''
Obviously, myself and others in both houses of Congress find
such statements to be very troubling given what we all know
about the Burmese government.
(5) Finally, according to this year's State Department
``Voting Practices in the United Nations'' document, Laos
ranks 184 out of 186 countries in its record of agreement
with the United States in U.N. General Assembly votes. In
fact, this document shows that North Korea's record of
agreement with the U.S. (10.9 percent) is more than double
that of Laos' (5.4 percent). Iran, the world's most prominent
state sponsor of terrorism, was almost four times more likely
to support us (19.7 percent) than Laos (5.4 percent). This,
perhaps more than anything else, is the clearest statement
that Laos is not yet ready to improve relations between our
two countries.
Thank you for your kind attention to this matter. I look
forward to working together with you on this and other issues
in the future.
Sincerely,
Mark Green,
Member of Congress.
____
September 9, 2003.
Hon. Phil Crane,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Trade, Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Hon. Sander Levin,
Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Trade, Committee on Ways and
Means, House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Crane and Ranking Member Levin: We write
today to implore you to take no further steps toward granting
Normal Trade Relations (NTR) status to the Lao People's
Democratic Republic (LPDR). We respectfully assert that
granting NTR to Laos at this time would in fact represent an
ill-conceived reward for the consistently dreadful behavior
the LPDR regime has exhibited in recent years at home,
abroad, and in its bilateral relations with the United
States. We offer the following seven facts as evidence the
LPDR has not yet earned such an upgrade in its trade status.
(1) Two U.S. citizens remain missing after disappearing at
the Laotian border in 1999. The LPDR government has been
uncooperative in its dealings with U.S. authorities working
to investigate their case, and the LPDR government may have
been involved in the disappearance itself. According to
American eyewitnesses, U.S. citizens Houa Ly and Michael Vang
went missing on April 19, 1999 after having last been seen
with Lao government authorities near the Laos-Thailand
border. U.S. investigators have since pursued the case, but
the State Department has acknowledged a lack of cooperation
by the LPDR in the investigation, stating in November 1999
that the Lao government ``has been slow to respond to our
requests for access to the area and has tried to place
restrictions on our investigators.'' In July of 1999, staff
members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee traveled to
Laos and received information on the case from what they
characterized as a ``very credible source.'' The staff report
filed after the trip states that, ``with a great degree of
detail, the tip we received corroborated Hmong-American
suspicions that the men in fact crossed into Laos and that
the government of Laos captured and killed Messrs. Vang and
Ly.''
(2) As documented in this year's State Department Report on
Human Rights Practices, the LPDR continues to be of the
world's most reprehensible abusers of human rights--with a
repertoire that includes torture, harsh restrictions on the
press and free
[[Page H2614]]
speech, and imprisonment of people for their religious
beliefs. The report speaks for itself, stating that last
year: ``The (Lao) Government's human rights record remained
poor, and it continued to commit serious abuses. Citizens do
not have the right to change their government. Members of the
security forces abused detainees, especially those suspected
of insurgent or antigovernment activity. Prisoners were
abused and tortured, and prison conditions generally are
extremely harsh and life threatening. . . The judiciary was
subject to executive, legislative, and LPRP influence, was
corrupt, and did not ensure citizens due process. The
Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The
Government restricted freedom of speech, the press, assembly,
and association. The Government continued to restrict freedom
of religion, and police and provincial authorities arrested
and detained more than 60 members of Christian churches, with
4 members of religious communities in custody or incarcerated
for their religious beliefs at year's end.'' These appalling
human rights abuses are of particular concern in the so-
called ``Saysamboun Special Zone'' in Laos, where reports of
LPDR military offenses against ethnic minorities are common
and disturbing. Finally, it is important to note that
independent human rights monitoring organizations such as
Amnesty International continue to be barred from entering
Laos by the LPDR government.
(3) The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom
this year called Laos one of the world's worst violators of
religious freedom, stating that forced renunciations of faith
and imprisonment of people for their religious beliefs are
tragically frequent. In its 2003 report to the president and
Congress, the commission urged the Bush administration to
name Laos a ``Country of Particular Concern,'' which would
place it in the company of such terrifying regimes as Saddam
Hussein's Iraq, Sudan, Burma and North Korea. According to
the commissions report, ``for at least the last several
years, the government of Laos has engaged in particularly
severe violations of religious freedom . . . these include
the arrest and prolonged detention and imprisonment of
members of religious minorities on account of their religious
activities, as well as instances where Lao officials have
forced Christians to renounce their faith. Between 100 and
200 individuals have been arrested since 1999. At the same
time, dozens of churches have been closed. These violations
have continued to be committed in the past year. . .''
(4) Shockingly, the LPDR continues to foster close ties
with Kim Jong-Il's Democratic People's Republic of Korea
(DPRK)--stating two years ago that relations ``of friendship
and cooperation'' between Laos and the North Korean pariah
state ``are steadily growing stronger,'' and congratulating
the North Korean people ``on the shining successes made in
their efforts to build a powerful nation . . . under the wise
leadership of Kim Jong-Il.'' In a joint communique issued
July 17, 2001 by the leadership of the LPDR and DPRK, the
North Korean government also commended the Lao government for
the ``great successes made in their efforts to consolidate
and develop the people's democratic system and estimated the
daily rising role and position of the LPDR.''
(5) The LPDR recently held state-sanctioned rallies
speaking out against U.S. military action in Iraq in the most
inflammatory of terms--stating that ``the war will bring
disaster to the whole of humanity,'' and ``demand(ing) the
U.S. respect the peace and sovereignty of Iraq.'' These and
other similarly belligerent comments were transmitted
throughout Laos on state-run radio and around the globe
through various media services.
(6) A substantial majority of Laotian-Americans--many of
whom know, first hand, the brutality meted out by the LPDR
regime--are strongly opposed to offering NTR to Laos. These
people, many of whom are Hmong-Americans who assisted the
United States military during the Vietnam War, view the offer
of NTR to the government of Laos as a fundamental betrayal of
not only them personally, but of our American principles.
According to the most recent census, there are approximately
170,000 Hmong living in the United States. An almost equal
number of Lao live in the United States as well.
(7) Although some argue that Laos presents a potentially
lucrative market for U.S. companies, the facts show
otherwise. While proponents of improved trade relations with
Laos claim that the potential economic benefits outweigh the
significant moral questions about Laos as a trading partner,
the truth is that the LPDR's Gross Domestic Product in 2001
was estimated to be $9.2 billion. For comparison, the Gross
Municipal Product of Fort Wayne, Indiana in 2001 was more
than double that amount: $18.8 billion. Laos' authoritarian
internal economic policies, not a lack of trade with the
United States, has created this dismal reality. Without
substantial change in those policies, neither the people of
Laos nor the United States will ever benefit economically
from NTR.
This letter should not be interpreted as a statement that
we believe the door to NTR for Laos should be shut forever.
In our opinion, however, Laos has failed miserably to
demonstrate that it is ready for or deserves NTR at this
time. In fact, in the six years since the negotiation of the
U.S.-LPDR bilateral trade agreement, the Lao regime's record
on basic issues like those mentioned above has actually
become worse, not better.
We believe that if, over the next few years, the LPDR
government is able to successfully demonstrate concrete
improvements in these areas of concern, consideration of NTR
for Laos may be appropriate. Until then, however, we should
send a strong message to the LPDR regime that economic
rewards from the United States will not be forthcoming unless
it can improve its abysmal record.
Respectfully,
Mark Green, Barney Frank, Duncan Hunter, Earl Pomeroy,
John Doolittle, Patrick Kennedy, William Delahunt, Ron
Kind, James Langevin, Howard Coble, Robin Hayes, Sue
Myrick, Lincoln Diaz-Balart, Christopher Smith, Gil
Gutknecht, Devin Nunes, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Thomas
Petri, George Radanovich, Mark Kennedy, Frank Wolf,
Dana Rohrabacher.
Mr. PETRI. Mr. Speaker, as a long time supporter of Hmong veterans
and their families in Wisconsin and across the United States, I am
pleased to be a cosponsor and express my support for House Resolution
402 which calls for democratic and human rights reforms in Laos.
Many Americans don't realize the vital role Hmong soldiers played in
the Vietnam War. School history books often ignore that before U.S.
soldiers even landed in Vietnam or Laos, CIA agents arrived to train
young Hmong men and women to fight against their oppressors. These
brave Hmong fought valiantly for democracy and for freedom for their
people. They rescued downed American pilots and took bullets that
otherwise would have found their way to the bodies of American
soldiers.
In defense of their country and in service to U.S. troops, nearly
40,000 Hmong troops were killed, approximately 58,000 were injured in
combat and more than 2,500 are still missing in action today. These
numbers don't begin to represent the thousands of Hmong soldiers and
civilians hunted down and massacred by communist forces after the U.S.
armed forces began their withdrawal from the region in 1975. The
survivors lost many loved ones and lost their homeland. The United
States owes these veterans a great deal.
Edgar Buell, a former senior U.S. official working with the Hmong
during the war years, best summed up their dedication to the U.S. and
western democratic principles when he said, ``Everyone of them that
died, that was an American back home that didn't die. Somebody in
nearly every Hmong family was either fighting or died from fighting . .
. They became refugees because we . . . encouraged them to fight for
us. I promised them myself: `Have no fear, we will take care of you.'
''
Yet, we hear reports that the persecution of the Hmong in Laos
continues to this day, with charges of starvation, families being
separated, and other acts of violence.
Over the last twenty years, thousands of Hmong have settled in
Wisconsin and other places across the United States, sharing their
tragic history and brave sacrifices with their fellow Americans. On
their behalf, we must fulfill Edgar Buell's promise and encourage the
government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic to stop civil rights
violations against the Hmong and others, and allow free and open
political activities in Laos.
Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for
time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Cole). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 402.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of
those present have voted in the affirmative.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
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