[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 56 (Wednesday, April 28, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H2471-H2475]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
BALANCE THE BUDGET
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 7, 2003, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Smith) is recognized
for 60 minutes.
Mr. SMITH of Michigan. Madam Speaker, I would like to address
certainly different issues that I think are possibly more serious than
a lot of challenges this Congress has faced, this Nation has faced in
fact.
This is the 195th birthday of Abraham Lincoln, and in my district
Republicans are celebrating Abraham Lincoln's birthday with their
annual dinners. And I think of what Abraham Lincoln said in his
Gettysburg Address when he indicated that, Can a country of the people,
by the people and for the people long endure?
And now I am concerned about the system that we have in the United
States where we have so many lobbying groups pushing for more money and
a political system where Members of the House and the Senate often are
better off and increase their probabilities of getting reelected if
they start promising more programs, if they take home pork barrel
projects that might allow them to be on the front page of the newspaper
or on television and it ends up that they have more publicity if they
spend more money down here.
And that has led us into a dilemma of overspending and overpromising.
And I have put this pie chart up simply to review how the Federal
Government now spends approximately $2.4 trillion in the year that we
are budgeting for right now.
We see the largest portion of our total spending pie that represents
21 percent of the total spending of the Federal Government is Social
Security. But Medicare, which is now 12 percent, is going to overtake
Social Security in terms of the percentage of total spending, total
Federal Government spending that it consumes, and that is going to
happen within the next 25 years.
Part of it is because we have dramatically expanded the Medicare
program to now cover more benefits, including prescription drugs. And
there is a problem with prescription drugs because if you are on
Medicare and you do not have the proper drugs and you go into the
hospital, then Medicare pays for all those prescription drugs while you
are in the hospital. So to the extent that some of the new prescription
drugs can keep you out of the hospital, it is reasonable to have some
help from Medicare to furnish those drugs to keep you out of the
hospitals.
But what we have done now is we have expanded the entitlement program
in Medicare for prescription drugs without making strong changes to the
programs that are going to keep the program solvent. So the actuaries
in Medicare are estimating that the unfunded liabilities for Medicare
now is approaching almost over $60 trillion. In other words, over $60
trillion would have to be put in a savings account today with returning
the amount of interest that would represent inflation plus the time
value of money to come up with enough money to continue to pay benefits
and to have enough money over and above the FICA tax, the payroll tax
that is contributing to the Medicare fund.
As we go around this pie chart, we see that defense is 20 percent, 2
years
[[Page H2472]]
ago it was about 18.5 percent. Going into Afghanistan and going into
Iraq has increased about 1.5 percent of the budget now dedicated to
defense. But still Social Security compared to defense, you see Social
Security is much larger. Domestic discretionary is 16 percent. Other
entitlements are 10 percent. Medicaid is now 6 percent. We were growing
very quickly, and part of that is long-term health care.
So even if you are fairly diligent in saving during your working life
and your early retirement years, if you have to go into a nursing home
that is now costing between 40 and $70,000 a year, it very quickly uses
up those savings, and you have gone from a self-payer to a system of
Medicaid.
{time} 2015
Medicaid is the health care system for the low income, and Medicare
is the health care system once you reach 65 for seniors, and I want to
make a point over here at about four o'clock.
You see about 14 percent of that pie in that purple section; that is
interest on the debt. Today's debt that is subject to the debt limit in
the United States, the 14 percent, is now over $7 trillion. In a few
months, we are going to have to again vote in this Chamber and in the
Senate, and the President is going to have to sign it, a bill that
increases the debt limit of this country.
What does that mean? It means that somehow, we are pretending that
our problems today are so great that it justifies us borrowing money
from the earnings that our kids and our grandkids have not even
received yet. We are borrowing money and passing this increased debt on
to them to let them worry about servicing the debt; and right now,
interest rates are at record lows.
When interest rates go up, and Alan Greenspan chairman of the Fed has
suggested that is going to happen, we know it is going to happen. The
14 percent of the total Federal spending that is now used to pay the
servicing of that debt, paying interest, could dramatically increase
from two fronts. One is the increased rate that government is going to
have to pay to entice people to loan money and buy Treasury bills; and
of course, the second is that we are dramatically increasing the debt.
This country from 1776 till now, what, that adds up to about 228
years, it took the first 200 years of this country to amass a debt of
$500 billion, and now we are increasing our debt every year by an
additional $500 billion. So we are mounting the debt load that we are
passing on to the next generation for the next several generations, and
it is going to be intolerable if we do not control how much we are
overspending, and even more significant is unfunded liabilities.
Unfunded liabilities, Madam Speaker, is what politicians promise that
they are going to do in the future, for example, Social Security. We
are promising to pay Social Security benefits, and I would like
everyone to know that there is no entitlement to Social Security. There
is no account with your name on it. So you can work all of your 40, 50
years, you can pay into Social Security, but you are not automatically
deserving of Social Security benefits based on the fact that you paid
into it. It has gone to the Supreme Court twice, and twice the Supreme
Court has ruled that Social Security taxes are simply another tax that
is charged by legislation passed by the House and the Senate and signed
by the President; and Social Security benefits are a benefit program
that is not directly related to the fact that you have made payments in
all of your life.
So that is one reason we should consider private savings accounts
that are owned by the worker, that government cannot mess around with,
for lack of a better description, and this is the messing around.
Government has been taking all of the surplus from the Social Security
trust fund and spending it for other purposes; and so we have continued
over the years to expand the benefits of Social Security to the extent
that today we have a $12 trillion unfunded liability; and, again, that
means that we are going to have to put $12 trillion in a bank account
today that is going to, over the next 75 years, earn about $120
trillion, and this is what we are going to need for the next 75 years
in future years' dollars, $120 trillion in addition to the payroll tax
that is coming in from existing workers to accommodate and to meet
promised benefits that we have promised in the current Social Security
legislation.
Medicare part A. Medicare part A is mostly hospitals, and the
unfunded liability for Medicare part A is $21.8 trillion. Medicare part
B, mostly doctors, is $23.2 trillion, and Medicare part D, the drug
program that we passed last November, is $16.6 trillion. This is the
unfunded liability, what is going to be needed in addition to the money
coming in for those programs; and on the Medicare drug program, it is
interesting that Tom Savings, an actuary in Medicare, estimated last
November that the unfunded liability for Medicare would be about $7.5
trillion. The new estimate that came out last month is $16.6 trillion,
a huge liability to leave to our kids and our grandkids.
The unfunded liabilities, the generosity of this body, saying we are
going to make all these kinds of promises and let our kids and our
grandkids pay for it and we are going to continue to increase
overspending in addition to these promises on Medicare and Medicaid and
Social Security, in addition to that we are going to overspend. Last
year, it was $530 billion overexpenditure. This year it could very well
get up to $620 billion overexpenditure. Next year, another 520 to $530
billion overexpenditure.
Overexpenditure means deficit spending; and the deficit spending
every year you add that up, and it comes to the total debt, and
somebody's going to deal with if not paying back the debt, at least
paying the interest on that increased debt, a huge challenge that is
going to make life much tougher for our kids and our grandkids.
I am going to talk about Social Security and the Social Security bill
that I have introduced. I was chairman of the bipartisan Social
Security Task Force; and when Democrats and Republicans met and had
witnesses, we brought in witnesses every week for close to a year, it
was unanimous: Republicans and Democrats, everybody agreed, we have got
to do something with Social Security; and the longer we wait to solve
this program, the more drastic the solution is going to have to be.
And yet we do not do anything. We do not mention it, we do not
mention the huge entitlement programs in our budget. We simply pass a
budget every year, and now what is called the Gephardt amendment in our
rules says that when we pass a budget, this is sort of a footnote, when
we pass a budget, instead of bringing it up for a separate bill and
debate, we will automatically consider a separate bill that increases
the debt limit. It will be assumed to be passed when we pass a budget,
so sort of hidden in that budget bill. So we really do not talk about
the significance of increasing the debt on our kids and our grandkids
and the tremendous challenge it is going to be to pay the interest on
that debt, as well as trying to sometime, somehow, somewhere trying to
pay some of that debt down.
This is sort of a quick tutorial on how Social Security works, and
then I will go into what I have done in my Social Security bill to keep
it solvent forever as scored by the Social Security Administration.
Benefits are highly progressive and based on earnings. That means the
lower income you are through your working lifetime, as you pay in your
Social Security tax a higher percentage, you will get back a lot more
relative to what you earn than if you are higher income; and this is
how this is going to work down here. At retirement, all of a worker's
wages up to the tax ceiling are indexed to present value using wage
inflation.
What we do is for your 35 best years, so if you are working 40 years
you take your best 35 years of earnings, if you work 30 years, that
means 5 years are scored as zero, as you add those 35 best years
together and divide by 35, but in terms of indexing to present value,
on wage inflation, wages double about every 11 years, and so that means
if 11 years ago you were making $20,000 and you score it 11 or 12 years
later, you are scored as making $20,000. So it is the kind of job that
you had in earlier years and what the wages would be for that job today
is what is credited, adding up your 35 best years on Social Security.
Here is the progressivity.
The annual benefit for those retiring in 2004 equals 90 percent of
earnings up to $7,344. So if you are making $7,344 or
[[Page H2473]]
less a year, you would get 90 percent of that back in Social Security
payments if that was your average for the 35 years. For that amount
over the $7,000 up to the $44,000, it is 32 percent of the earnings
between the $7,300 and the $44,200, and then 15 percent of the earnings
above $44,268.
It might be good to just mention here that one of the ways that I
keep Social Security solvent is slowing down the increased benefits for
high-income retirees, and what I do, these are called ben points. What
I do is add an additional ben point of 5 percent and say that higher-
income earners over $38,000 would get a return of 5 percent of those
higher wages. So a low income would get 90 percent, and then it would
go to 32 percent, 15 percent. Then I add another ben point of 5
percent.
I put this blip in because I think that a lot of people do not
understand or have not figured out, should they retire at 62 and start
earning benefits or should they wait till age 65. Based on average life
expectancy, early retirees would get less. So at the average age of
death, which is now 86 years old for a male and 88 years old for a
female, the average earnings for those years, whether you retire at 62
or 65, would still amount to the same amount of payments back to you.
In fact, if you wait 2 years to retire after 65, you can have an
additional 4 percent added to your benefits for each one of those
years. In terms of waiting until you are 66 or 67, you can have
additional benefits if you wait an extra 2 years.
When I give speeches around Michigan and around the country, a lot of
people say, well, I know people that are getting SSI, supplemental
security income, payments on welfare, and they really do not deserve
it; and I should not have to have that come out of my Social Security.
Actually, the Social Security Administration runs the program, but it
comes out of the general fund. It does not come out of the FICA tax. It
does not come out of the Social Security trust fund.
This picture sort of represents the demographic problems. The birth
rate is going down, and the age of death is going up, and since Social
Security is a pay-as-you-go program, with existing workers paying in
their tax, and within days that withholding from your paycheck is sent
out to current retirees; and the problem is there are fewer workers
working per retiree.
In 1940 we had about 36 workers working, paying in their Social
Security tax to accommodate the needs of every one retiree. By 2000,
the taxes had to go up, of course, because there were only three
workers working to pay in their taxes to accommodate every retiree; and
by 2025, there will be just two workers in the United States working to
pay the benefits of every retiree.
{time} 2030
The United States is heading towards a ratio of workers to senior
citizens that is going to continue to result in a pay-as-you-go
program, like our Social Security System, to have it continue to be
insolvent. So now we can play around the edges a little bit and say,
well, let us increase taxes or let us reduce benefits. But even those
kinds of decisions are going to eventually again keep the Social
Security System from, in the long range, being solvent.
The birthrate. Well, of course, we have 78 million baby boomers,
those born right after World War II, from about 1946 to 1965. We have
78 million of them that are going to start retiring in 5 years, and
these are the people that are high-income now. So the 12.4 percent of
their payroll brings a lot of money into the Social Security System.
Again, as they retire, we lose those high-paying individuals, and they
go out as recipients collecting the high payments as retirees, since
there is a direct relationship, even though it is progressive, between
what you pay in and what you take out.
I think it is important to sort of reflect historically on what we
have done. Some people suggest, well, maybe the economy can help us. If
the economy can come back stronger, we are going to have money. But
that is not true, of course, because of the direct relationship of
benefits to earnings. So if the economy increases even more rapidly
than it is now and jobs expand, then we have more people paying into
the system now, which means that there will be more money in the short
run; but when they retire, because they are paying in more money now,
they are going to take more benefits out when they retire to leave a
deeper hole then. So it is going to take some structural changes to the
program.
What this body in the House and what the Senate and what the
President have done over the years when they needed a little more money
for Social Security, they said, well, let us just increase taxes again.
There is sort of a historical picture of taxes going from 1 percent to,
in 1940, increasing it to 2 percent of the first 3,000, which meant a
maximum tax of $60 a year. In 1960, when we needed money, we increased
the rate threefold to 6 percent, upped the base to $4,800, for a total
of $288 a year. In 1980, we increased it again to 10.16 percent of the
first $26,000, roughly; and that amounted to $2,631. In 2000, we
increased it again to 12.4 percent, and that was of the first $76,200
then. But since that is indexed, we have now upped that. By 2004, it
has gotten up to 12.4 percent of the first $87,900. Next year it is
going to be 12.4 percent of $89,000. And that will continue to be
indexed to increase.
The point I am trying to make is that by delaying, by not paying
attention to some of these very serious problems that are going to
confront this country, I think, is in effect passing on a legacy to our
kids and our grandkids that is going to mean that their life-style is
going to be much less than the opportunities that we have had in this
country. We are saying to them, look, you are going to have to pay off
our debts that we are borrowing today. So it is important to have a
program that does not increase taxes, the FICA taxes, on payroll.
Madam Speaker, I would ask everybody that is listening to guess what
the payroll taxes are right now in France. The payroll taxes in France,
to accommodate their retired population, their senior population, is
over 50 percent. That is one of the reasons why France is having such a
problem competing. Because if a company has to pay a 50 percent payroll
tax, that means they have two choices. To stay in business they either
reduce wages to their workers, or they increase the price of their
product to accommodate the extra taxes that they are paying. If they
are increasing the price of their product, then of course they are less
competitive to trade with other countries of the world. Germany just
surpassed 40 percent.
I just think it is so important that we act on this huge challenge of
correcting Social Security and that we not end up having another tax
increase that is going to make our businesses at even a greater
disadvantage.
Let me just put a footnote on that. We are concerned about losing
jobs. A lot of it is because of our increased productivity to try to
stay competitive. But our taxes on our businesses in the United States
are about 18 percent higher than the taxes of our competitors in the G-
7, in the other industrialized countries. So when we hear from this
Chamber, quite often from this side of the aisle over here, let us
increase taxes to accommodate some of the great needs that we have in
our districts back home, and there are needs, there are unlimited
problems, the question is how many of those problems should be the
responsibility of the Federal Government and how many of those problems
should be accommodated by borrowing more money or increasing taxes to
put our businesses at a greater competitive disadvantage, and, of
course, taking the money out of the pockets of the people that have
earned, telling all the American citizens that they have to give more
to the government to make the government stronger, making them less
able to do the things that they want to do with their money.
We have had a system, and maybe I am philosophizing here a little
bit, but our forefathers came up with a system in our Constitution in
this country that in effect said that those that work hard and save and
that try and invest and that go to school and use that education are
going to be better off than those that do not.
But now we have sort of come with a philosophy for the last 25 years
in this country where we are sort of dividing the wealth up. So we have
got a tax system that is very progressive, where we take from the
people that are successful and give to the people that are
[[Page H2474]]
not successful. So we are ending up with a situation where roughly 50
percent of the adult population in the United States pays less than 1
percent of the income tax. Fifty percent of the adult population in the
United States, the lower-income earning 50 percent of the adult
population in the United States, pays less than 1 percent of the
Federal income tax.
So with a lot of people, they say, well, let us have a few more
government services, because when there is more government services, we
gain, because we are not paying in tax in the first place. So it is
maybe a whole new discussion on Special Orders, but how do we change
our tax system so that everybody has a stake in how big this government
gets?
There are a lot of Members in the Chamber that react to that kind of
pressure and say, well, I am going to take home more pork barrel
projects, I am going to start more social programs, I am going to make
more promises, even though we do not know where the money is going to
come from to keep those promises.
Let me conclude by going over the provisions of the Social Security
bill that I have introduced, and this is a bipartisan bill. I have both
Republicans and Democrats on the bill. These are the six principles
that I went by in designing my bill:
Number one. Protect current and future beneficiaries.
Number two. Allow freedom of choice, so that if you do not want to go
in the program and want to stay with what we have now, you have that
option.
Three. It preserves the safety net, and so the Social Security TRUST
FUND, where now we have IOUs of $1.4 trillion, that is the $1.4
trillion where the Congress, the House and the Senate, and the
President have taken the surpluses coming in from Social Security and
spent it for other government programs. So I do not spend all of that
trust fund money. I save half of it and only use half, obviously, to
make the transition to start getting some real returns on some of the
money that is paid into Social Security.
Four. Make Americans better off and not worse off.
Five. Create a fully funded system.
And Six. No tax increases.
Madam Speaker, it is interesting that in looking in the archives,
that in 1934, Franklin Delano Roosevelt thought it was very important
to stop the number of hardship seniors that were, if you will, as Will
Carlton says, going over the hill to the poor house. So instead of
having so many people depending on going over to a poor house and
having very meager, very difficult retirement years, he said, well, let
us have a program, a system where we require savings of some of your
earnings while you are working and set that aside so that you cannot
use it until you retire so you have a little more social security when
you retire.
So the House passed a bill following FDR's recommendation; and it
said government will keep all the money and then pay the benefits when
the time comes, when the individuals turn 65 years old. The Senate
passed a bill, however, that said, well, we are going to do the same
thing, but instead of government keeping all the money, we are going to
have the accounts in individuals' names, where the individuals own that
account. But if they die before age 65, it is still money that will be
passed on to their heirs. But there will be a rule that they cannot
take that money out of that special account until they turn 65 years
old.
What is interesting is that the average age of death, up until about
1940, the average age of death was 62 years old. But the program says
you cannot have Social Security benefits until you are 65. When the
House and the Senate went to conference committee, we went with the
House version that said government is going to handle all the money.
And it worked very well for many years. We only had to start increasing
the tax in 1940, because the average age of death was 62. So most
people died before they became eligible for Social Security. So the
pay-as-you-go program worked very well.
Here is my bill. It has been scored by the Social Security
Administration actuaries to restore the long-term solvency of Social
Security.
There is no increase in the retirement age. No changes in the COLA,
the annual cost of living index that we increase payments to COLA. And
there is no change in the benefits for seniors or near-term seniors.
Solvency is achieved through higher returns from worker accounts and
slowing the increase in benefits for the highest-earning retirees.
Right now, Social Security is not a good investment. The average
return for retirees in Social Security is 1.7 percent. And what we do
in our legislation is we guarantee that if you decide on a personal
retirement account that you own, and that is going to be optional, but
we will guarantee that you will get as much payments in your retirement
years from having an account as you will if you did not have an
account, but the option is still up to the individual.
The Social Security trust fund continues. Voluntary accounts would
start at 2.5 percent of your income and would reach 8 percent of income
by the year 2075. A long time.
My first bill that I introduced, and this is the fifth Social
Security bill I have introduced that has been scored by the actuaries
to keep Social Security solvent, but in 1993 and 1994, the legislation
did not have to borrow any extra money from the general fund of
government. It did not have to wait until 2075, until we upped the
amount that you are going to be allowed in your own savings account.
{time} 2045
But now it is a little more drastic. If we wait another 4 years, it
is going to even be more drastic. If we wait more than 4 years to solve
Social Security, then plan on a higher Social Security tax. Increased
taxes will be on somebody someplace because there is no other way to
accommodate it. Investments would be safe, widely diversified and
investment providers would be subject to government oversight. It is
sort of a copy of what Federal Government employees have now in their
thrift savings account. They have several options, indexed bonds,
indexed stocks, indexed cap funds. So very low risk, but it starts
growing up in your account and the magic of compound interest means
that you can be a modest earning worker but you can retire as a
millionaire.
Part of my persuasion I hope today, Mr. Speaker, is to encourage
everybody to start saving, to let these savings grow and not live sort
of the satisfying our needs of today and hoping that somebody else will
take care of us in the future. You are going to need something probably
in your retirement years in addition to Social Security if you are
under 45 years old now.
The next blip is the government would supplement the accounts of
workers earning less than $35,000 to ensure they build up significant
savings. Actually I sort of copied this from our former President,
President Clinton, from his U.S. savings accounts. So that even low-
income workers can have a little more in their savings account to
result in the magic of compounding to give them more money in these
accounts. These accounts belong to the workers.
All worker accounts would be owned by the worker and invested through
pools supervised by the government. Regulations would be instituted to
prevent people from taking undue risks, so you would have limited
investment opportunity. Workers have a choice of three safe indexed
funds with more options after their balance reaches $2,500. So it is
very limited until you have at least a balance of $2,500, then in my
legislation additional safe investments as determined by the Secretary
of Treasury would be allowed for individuals once they hit the plateau
of having $2,500 in their own retirement savings account. This, of
course, is what you get from the savings account. Right now as I
mentioned, Social Security has a return of 1.7 percent. So in effect
anything you can earn from that savings account in excess of that 1.7
percent would add over and above what you would otherwise get from
Social Security.
Worker accounts. Accounts are voluntary and participants would
receive benefits directly from the government along with their account
balance. There is a provision that I do not have on the board but at
such time over age 55 that you buy an annuity to, in effect, guarantee
that your retirement income is going to be at least what Social
Security would pay you and that you are not going to ask other
taxpayers to help you later on, then you
[[Page H2475]]
would have the option of investing your personal retirement savings
account in anything you want to invest it in, or if you want to start
using it. The government benefit would be offset based on the money
deposited in their accounts, not on the money earned. And workers could
expect to earn more from their accounts than from traditional Social
Security. That is why we can guarantee that the 1.7 percent that you
get from Social Security, that is why we can guarantee that you will
get at least as much earnings as you would have from Social Security.
Here is a provision that I put in. My politically astute colleagues
tell me that it is not politically correct to say fairness for women. I
should say fairness for lower earning spouses that might be staying
home with children. But these three changes for married couples,
account contributions would be pooled and then divided equally between
the husband and wife. So for your personal savings account, if one
spouse is earning twice as much as the other spouse and so, therefore,
is eligible to put more money into the personal savings account, you
add what each spouse can put into the personal savings account, you
divide by two, and so each spouse owns an identical amount that goes
into their personal savings account every pay period, every month,
every year. It would increase surviving spouse benefits to 110 percent
of the higher earning spouse's benefit. Right now the surviving spouse
is entitled to 100 percent of the higher benefit. But even that amount
often requires that these individuals move out of their home into more
expensive nursing home care as they shift from Medicare to Medicaid.
And so what kind of provisions can we have to encourage people to stay
in their own homes, which is so much lower cost than if they go to a
nursing home?
Stay-at-home mothers with kids under 5. Maybe this is just a personal
opinion of mine, but I put it in the legislation that stay-at-home
moms, staying home with kids under 5, would receive a credit as if they
were working years at the higher earning salary when their Social
Security benefits are calculated.
These are some other areas, simply to try to increase and stimulate
more people to think about their retirement. Number one, increase
contribution limits for IRAs and 401(k)s and pension plans; two, a 33
percent tax credit for the purchase of long-term care insurance, up to
$1,000, $2,000 for a couple per year; and low-income seniors would be
eligible for a $1,000 tax credit for expenses related to living in
their own homes, or if they are living with their kids or somebody
else, whoever they are living with could receive that $1,000 tax
credit, reimbursable tax credit on their income tax.
Let me conclude, Mr. Speaker, by just urging my colleagues to face up
to this challenge. More than that, this is an election year for both
Members of the House and roughly a third of the Members of the Senate.
So every time you have an opportunity to go and hear a candidate or
talk to a candidate, ask them what they are going to do about the
problem of Social Security running out of money. Ask them what they are
going to do about the huge unfunded liabilities of Medicare and
Medicaid. Ask them what they intend to do about increasing the debt of
this country to the extent that we are asking foreign countries now to
help pay for our debt.
We have about a $500 billion trade deficit. What that means is that
we send out $500 billion to other countries more than they send to us
when they are buying our goods. What happens to that $500 billion? It
is American dollars. They are not good anyplace unless they end up in
America. What other countries are doing now with that $500 billion is
buying our Treasury bills, they are buying our companies through stocks
and equities, and that additionally leaves us in a very precarious
situation to be that vulnerable to some of these countries.
China, for example. I just returned from China. I am concerned about
some of their what I perceive to be violations of the WTO agreements,
their trade agreements. We have a deficit with China of about $100
billion. China right now sometimes puts some of that money, in effect,
under the mattress to hold it out there. Sometimes it buys Treasury
bills. This country has accumulated enough that if they pulled their
money out of Treasury bills or out of our stock market, it could
dramatically affect the economy of the United States.
So as we cavalierly overspend, as we increase promises to increase
the unfunded liabilities, we are not only making our children more
vulnerable in the kind of taxes they are going to pay but we make the
future of America more vulnerable to what other countries might do. If,
for example, other countries decide that there is a better place to
invest their money than the United States because the United States is
less dependable and starts paying a lower return and they decide to
invest it someplace else or they decide for political purposes that
they want to negotiate trade deals by saying, Look, we're going to pull
our trillions of dollars out, that is going to disrupt your economy
because we just don't want to do business with you unless you agree to
our trade deal or to our other political deal or to our whatever deal.
Let us not allow ourselves to continue down this road of leaving our
kids and our grandkids a bigger debt.
I am a farmer from southern Michigan. Traditionally what we have
always figured on the farm, what my grandfather taught my dad, what my
dad taught me is you try to pay off some of the mortgage on the farm to
let your kids have a little better life than you have had. But in this
Chamber and over in the Senate and in the White House, we are doing
just the opposite. We are mounting up that mortgage. We are mounting up
that debt and making the future of our kids and our grandkids more
vulnerable.
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