[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 46 (Monday, April 5, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3732-S3733]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
THE ENERGY BILL
Mr. DOMENICI. Mr. President, I want to change the subject for a
minute. Today the United States-Canada Power System Outage Task Force
released their final report on the causes of the August 14, 2003
blackouts and the ways to reduce the possibility of future blackouts.
The Chair remembers, it was not too long ago when they had this
northeastern blackout. The August 14 blackout was the worst blackout in
North American history. It affected Ontario, Quebec, the States of
Michigan, Ohio, New York, northern New Jersey, and parts of
Massachusetts and Connecticut. Approximately 62,000 megawatts of
customer load was lost, leaving close to 50 million people without
power. Economic losses related to the blackout are estimated to range
between $4 and $10 billion.
The principal recommendation of the task force is that Congress enact
mandatory reliability rules like those included in S. 2095. Guess what
that is. That is the Energy bill. Everyone speaks as if it has
provisions in it that they like to tell the public about. The truth of
the matter is that bill is loaded with important provisions, matters of
policy for America's future, and one is it provides us, if and when it
is signed, with a mandatory system to regulate the customer load and
the kinds of things that would prevent us from having another blackout.
Its principal recommendation was mandatory reliability rules, such as
the ones included in the Energy bill. Mandatory reliability rules are
not the only requirement necessary to prevent blackouts. These
standards by which our transmission grid should operate are the rules
of the road, if you will, but we also need to upgrade our transmission
system. The road itself, not just the rules of the road, needs to be
improved. To avoid future blackouts and provide our industry and
consumers with the reliable electricity they need, we need to invest in
critical transmission infrastructure; provide limited Federal siting
authority of transmission lines to ensure the transmission of national
interest lines, and avoid the most significant areas where we had
gridlock; streamline the permitting of siting for transmission lines to
assure adequate transmission, develop advanced transmission technology
and open access to the grid through regional transmission
organizations. We need all these parts of the Energy bill.
In addition, we need similarly important provisions relating to our
growing dependence on natural gas: relicensing of hydroelectric plants,
building a new generation of clean coal-powered plants, ethanol, the
Alaska natural gas pipeline and conservation, and obviously we need
some kind of tax incentive to start up again the nuclear powerplant
business in America.
The electricity reliability crisis was easy to see. Millions of
people lost power. We are facing a similarly troubling time. It is more
difficult to see the crisis because of our growing dependence upon
imported oil and gas. By 2005, we will import 70 percent of our oil and
30 percent of our natural gas.
As economies grow around the world, where current demand is growing
at extraordinary rates, we will become less influential in setting
world prices and guaranteeing supply. We are literally slowly but
surely allowing our economy to fall under the control of oil and
natural gas exporting countries. We are worried about it now because of
gas prices.
If we don't pass this Energy bill, we will worry about it more each
year, and we will become more dependent on more kinds of products and
be less capable of handling our own business in our own way.
From what I can see with the Chinese and the Indians out in the
market, who want to buy up all the oil they can
[[Page S3733]]
find, we had better come to our senses and pass an energy bill that
will do many things, the least of which will produce much more natural
gas for America than we are producing today and maximize crude oil
production over which we have control.
To this point, I have insisted, because aspects of such a broad
policy are so complicated and need to be considered together, that we
move on one comprehensive bill. However, last week I proposed to the
Republican leader and to others--and he has agreed--to attach the
energy tax bill provisions to the pending foreign sales corporation tax
bill.
We need to get the energy package done. It renews the urgently needed
wind production tax credit. This package for the first time also
extends those credits to solar and geothermal. The tax package includes
incentives for a natural gas pipeline. Without the incentives, there
will be no pipeline. It includes tax incentives for clean coal. Coal is
our most abundant energy source. If we can make it burn cleaner, we
will have enough coal to keep the lights on halfway into the 31st
century.
Once we get this package through, I will work with those who want to
work with me on S. 2095. We will make sure we get it through.
We have enough popular provisions in the authorizing package to power
it through the Senate. We have ethanol, electricity reliability and
loan guarantees relating to the pipeline, just to name a few.
In addition, the balance of the bill scores our minus $1.2 billion
which actually results in increased revenue to the Treasury over 10
years.
In conclusion, I strongly support the effort that our leader has made
today. I think it will add considerable support to the foreign sales
corporation bill, because the tax bill, in addition to the items I have
just told you, provides tax incentives for people to buy alternative
powered cars. It provides tax credits for consumers to buy energy
efficient appliances and houses; technology to reduce energy
consumption; new incentives to provide oil and gas from marginal--that
is small--wells; expands the research and development tax credit for
energy-related research universities; and involves tax provisions
necessary to ensure that increased use of ethanol does not reduce the
funds available to the Highway Trust Fund.
When you add it up, we have now before the Senate an excellent tax
package. Each one helps the other, and both together assure their
passage.
Then we have what is left: the authorizing parts of this bill. I have
enumerated a few of them. I am certain that will become very much
wanted once we get the tax package beyond us. Then we will proceed
because the Senate will find that to delay the residual package any
longer is sheer folly.
I yield the floor.
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