[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 43 (Wednesday, March 31, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3458-S3459]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself and Mr. Alexander):
  S. 2264. A bill to require a report on the conflict in Uganda, and 
for other purposes; to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, today I am very pleased to be joined by 
my colleague, Senator Alexander, in introducing legislation to draw 
attention to the horrifying situation in northern and eastern Uganda.
  When most of my colleagues think of Uganda, they probably think, 
quite rightly, of Uganda's inspiring example of how a concerted effort 
on the part of government and civil society can save lives in the fight 
against HIV/AIDS. Or perhaps they recall the brutal history of the Amin 
era, and reflect on the extraordinary progress that the Ugandan people 
have made in closing that chapter of their history and rebuilding their 
country. Today, so much of Uganda is vibrant and exciting. A lively 
debate about the pace and depth of democratization has been underway 
for years. Ugandan leaders, including civil society leaders, work to 
fight against the insidious influence of corruption, just as leaders 
here in our country do. Ugandan officials devote time and energy to 
fostering a climate the encourages enterprise and increased trade and 
investment so that the next generation of Ugandans might know even more 
progress. And importantly Uganda is a strong partner in cooperating 
with the United States and with the rest of the vast global coalition 
committed to fighting international terrorist networks.
  It is in part because there is so much that is positive and promising 
about Uganda and about our relationship with Uganda that the situation 
in northern and eastern Uganda is so very shocking. For more than 17 
years, a conflict has raged between the Lord's Resistance Army and the 
Government of Uganda. All conflict comes with costs, but this one has 
been particularly atrocious. The LRA's campaign has been characterized 
by the forced abduction of thousands of Ugandan children--possibly over 
25,000 children. These children have been terrorized, tortured, forced 
to participate in extraordinarily brutal acts, pressed into service as 
soldiers and used as cannon fodder, and forced into sexual servitude. 
Throughout the region, about 1.4 million people are displaced, often

[[Page S3459]]

forced into camps by the government. They cannot plant their crops, 
they cannot support themselves, and insecurity makes it difficult to 
get humanitarian assistance to these populations. Acute malnutrition is 
widespread, sanitary conditions often do not meet even minimal 
standards.
  Worse, often these camps have insufficient protection, and the LRA 
has targeted these civilian communities of the displaced. Just last 
month, a displaced persons camp was attacked by the LRA, and in a 3-
hour period, some 200 unarmed civilians were hacked, shot, and burned 
to death. Many fear that targeting of civilians will only increase with 
the government's efforts to arm and train local defense forces, and 
local leaders warn of the potential for these forces to take the form 
of ethnic militias, harkening back to some of the worst days of 
Uganda's history.
  Reputable human rights organizations have reported disturbing abuses 
committed by Ugandan security forces in the region, and an absence of 
reliable mechanisms for holding those responsible to account. The 
recent history of Ugandan military adventures in the Democratic 
Republic of the Congo, particularly in Ituri, does not inspire 
confidence. Thankfully, Uganda has withdrawn from the DRC. But 
lingering questions about the military's commitment to basic human 
rights standards remain. I believe that the Ugandan military and the 
Ugandan government want to answer those questions definitively, and to 
reaffirm their commitment to developing professional and responsible 
forces. But pretending that these questions and concerns do not exist 
is not in the interest of Ugandans, it is not in the interest of 
Americans, and it is not in the interest of the kind of solid, frank, 
genuine partnership that I believe we all wish to cultivate with 
Uganda.
  The Women's Commission for Refugee Women and Children reports that at 
least 50,000 people--the majority of them children an adolescents--flee 
their homes nightly in search of secure places to stay until dawn. Dusk 
brings seemingly endless lines of children walking into town centers 
from homes that are often miles away, sleeping en masse in makeshift 
shelters if they are very lucky, sleeping on the streets where they are 
extremely vulnerable to exploitation if they are not. This is not 
something that happens occasionally. This has become a nightly ritual, 
a way of life, for the civilians caught up in this nightmare. Children, 
some of whom have been abducted and have escaped only to be abducted 
again, know much about fear. But they know little about school. They 
know little about safety. They know very little about the promise of a 
better future. And the entire structure of their community has been 
shattered.
  The human tragedy is devastating and the implications are quite 
serious. If Sudan is continuing to support the LRA, I am concerned 
about what this tells us about the nature of the Sudanese regime. I am 
troubled by the prospect that some will, for their own purposes, cast 
the conflict in northern and eastern Uganda in purely ethnic terms, 
lumping civilians who have been victimized in with the LRA forces 
responsible for their suffering. I worry about the potential for 
regional fractures when one part of the country lives in such a 
different world from the rest, enjoying none of the stability and 
development that we all so admire. I want Uganda to succeed. I want the 
volume of positive news to increase. And that means that we must 
address this serious issue frankly today.
  This legislation asks the administration to report to Congress on a 
number of issues relating to the situation in northern and eastern 
Uganda. I ask for these reports because I certainly do not have all of 
the answers. But I know enough about the problem to know that these 
reports will help the Congress to make informed decisions about how to 
proceed in our relationship with Sudan and about how to most 
effectively help the people of northern and eastern Uganda.
  Once again, I thank my colleague from Tennessee for joining me in 
this effort. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
                                 ______