[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 32 (Friday, March 12, 2004)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2758-S2759]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CAMBODIA
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I will close with a short statement on
observations I made based on a recent article in the Boston Globe
entitled ``Cambodia's Rights Movement Faces Peril.'' I ask unanimous
consent that the article be printed in the Record at the conclusion of
my remarks.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, this article describes ongoing political
violence and intimidation in Cambodia against democracy and human
rights advocates and the oppressive environment in which these
courageous individuals work. Kem Sokha, Sam Rainsy, and all champions
of freedom, have my respect and my support.
While I recognize their bravery and selflessness, I also hear their
concerns for their own safety. Tragically, the body count of peaceful
advocates murdered in the line of duty continues to grow. Alliance of
Democrats spokesman Sam Ung Bung-Ang is right on the mark in saying:
It's not a bloody step forward when we go from 1 million
dead [under the Khmer Rouge regime] to 200. Life is life, and
one murder is too many.
Caretaker Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party
have failed to uphold the rule of law or to create conditions conducive
to the growth of democracy and prosperity. I add my voice to those
calling for new leadership in Cambodia.
Let me close by recognizing the work of the International Republican
Institute in Cambodia. For over a decade, through grenade attacks, a
coup d'etat, and several flawed elections, the institute has stood
shoulder to shoulder with those struggling for freedom.
In such a hostile environment and witness to countless injustices,
the institute's Cambodia director, Jackson Cox, is right to ask of the
international community: Where's the outrage?
It is past time the world's democracies stood up to champion liberty
in Cambodia. While Cambodia may seem small and unworthy of the world's
attention, we should not forget terrorism thrives in lawless and
chaotic conditions, the very kind we find in Cambodia today. It is a
warning and a plea. I urge my colleagues to support reform in this
troubled land.
Exhibit 1
[From the Boston Globe, Feb. 29, 2004]
Cambodia's Rights Movement Faces Peril; Recent Slayings Renew Old Fears
(By Rafael D. Frankel)
Phnom Penh, Cambodia.--On a recent trip to a village along
the banks of the Mekong River, Kem Sokha brought along not
only his trusted bodyguard but also a private American
security specialist.
Kem Sokha is not a politician, a big businessman, or a
diplomat, but a leader in Cambodia's fledgling human rights
movement. And he believes his life is in danger.
The recent brazen killings of a prominent labor organizer,
Chea Vichea, and several others affiliated with an opposition
political group have heightened the sense of lawfulness in
Cambodia, where murder is seen as a common political tool--
and the rich and powerful seem above the law.
The nation's police, judiciary, and elections institutions
are controlled by the ruling party, led by Prime Minister Hun
Sen, and many Cambodians and foreign aid workers have little
confidence that justice can be served.
``I fear the killing fields in Cambodia are still open,''
said Kem Sokha, president of the Cambodia Center for Human
Rights, referring to the place the genocidal Khmer Rouge
regime would kill its victims of torture from 1975 to 1979.
Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge member who deserted the
regime and joined the resistance, has maintained his grip on
power in one form or another for nearly two decades through
collaboration with Vietnam, military coups, and elections
deemed by international observers as lacking ``free and
fair'' standards.
The most recent elections, in July, saw the ruling
Cambodian People's Party win a majority of seats in
Parliament, but not the two-thirds required to form a
government. Since then, a tense political drama has heated up
between the CPP and the Democratic Alliance, made up of two
opposition parties. Although both sides talk of reaching a
settlement soon, the stalemate persists.
The government crisis has coincided with a wave of high-
profile murders the past few months.
Chea Vichea, 36, who was affiliated with the opposition Sam
Rainsy Party, was killed Jan. 22 in broad daylight in a
driveby shooting in Phnom Penh. A radio journalist, a famous
actress, and her mother--all associated with the Democratic
Alliance--were gunned down in a similar fashion.
Human rights workers and opposition leaders have seized on
what they called a questionable investigation into Chea
Vichea's killing, saying it shows the history of impunity
that has plagued Cambodia for decades is still prevalent. Two
suspects are being held; one accused police of beating him to
force a confession.
Accusations have been leveled by the opposition and
democracy organizations that the killings were intended as a
warning to opposition leaders to join the prime minister in a
government.
A ruling-party spokesman, Khieu Kanharith, rejected any
idea that the killings were ordered by members of his party,
saying the allegations were political ploys. ``If we wanted
to use violence, why wouldn't we have hit someone higher up
in the party?'' he said.
But outside of the government, the killings have raised
alarms.
``They certainly appear to be politically motivated,'' said
Jackson Cox, the Cambodia director of the International
Republican Institute, an American organization that promotes
democracy around the world. ``The political situation here is
tense, and members of the opposition, both high and low, are
being murdered.''
The recent killings have foreign relief workers and many
Cambodian wondering whether Cambodia's development as a
democracy has foundered after making great strides since the
United Nations launched a $2 billion relief effort in 1992.
The government points out that Cambodia was rebuilding from
total disaster. While many problems remain, the political
situation is much less violent than in the past, Khieu
Kanharith said.
The opposition rejects such reasoning. ``It's not a bloody
step forward when we go from 1 million dead to 200,'' said
Sam Ung Bung-Ang, a spokesman for the Democratic Alliance.
``Life is life, and one murder is too many.''
[[Page S2759]]
Development statistics paint a picture of slow progress. A
2003 UN report said Cambodia is still ranked 130 of 173
countries on the Human Development Index. Other than Laos,
Cambodia has the lowest life expectancy and literacy rates in
the region, and the highest mortality rates for mothers and
young children.
``With the economy now, state assets are war spoils, and
what we call `corruption' . . . is simply [the government]
running the country like a family business,'' said Sam
Rainsy, the main opposition party leader. ``If we continue
like that, we will go down the drain.''
Asked about the pace of Cambodia's development and human
rights record under the current government, the government
spokesman said more time and money were needed. (Cambodia
receives about $500 million annually from foreign donors.) He
also said Cambodia was being held to a higher standard of
democracy than its neighbors.
``We don't have enough human resources,'' Khieu Kanharith
said. ``We've had a lot of assistance from donor countries.
If you want to blame someone, blame them.''
Many are now looking for the international community to
increase the pressure on the government. Although some U.S.
senators have criticized the government, reaction from most
foreign governments and development institutions, many of
whom provide the funding for Cambodia to function, has been
muted.
``Where is the outrage?'' asked Cox, from the International
Republican Institute.
Meanwhile, the political stalemate had delayed the
convening of the long-awaited Khmer Rouge war-crimes
tribunal. Government and opposition politicians say the
tribunal would go forward once a government was formed.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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