Congressional Record, Volume 150 Issue 21 (Wednesday, February 25, 2004)

[Congressional Record Volume 150, Number 21 (Wednesday, February 25, 2004)]
[House]
[Pages H621-H627]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

HAITI NEEDS OUR HELP

The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Bishop of Utah). Under the Speaker's
announced policy of January 7, 2003, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Cummings) is recognized for 60 minutes.

General Leave

Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special
Order.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings)?
There was no objection.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, Haiti today is facing an economic,
political and humanitarian crisis so severe that the United States
Government and the United States Congress have no choice but to
immediately act. Daily, Haitians are dying as a result of the violence.
These deaths are intolerable, and the United States simply cannot sit
back and watch a country in our own hemisphere spiral into chaos.
Our government has voiced concern that Haitians, desperate to escape
the escalating violence and poverty, will flood American shores. As a
matter of fact, Mr. Speaker, just this evening there are reports that
boats are coming towards the United States from Haiti filled with
people fleeing literally for their lives.
We should be more concerned about the drastic conditions that led to
the desperation and hopelessness of these Haitians refugees. The
Congressional Black Caucus calls upon the President and the
international community to work with the elected leadership in Haiti to
bring about an end to the political turbulence and stop the attempted
coup d'etat that is mounting in that country.
Mr. Speaker, let me be absolutely clear. It is imperative that the
United States involve itself with an international force to create
stability in Haiti before more lives are lost. We cannot afford to lose
another day or another life due to our inaction. Because of the urgency
of the Haitian crisis, my colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus
and I went to the White House and laid out our concerns today before
President Bush. I must say, it was a good meeting with the President.
We explained to the President that we were tired of turning on our
televisions every day and hearing about the slaughter of Haitian
people. We explained to him that we believed with all the sincerity in
our hearts that this was an urgent situation, and that the President of
the United States was facing a very critical moment in his Presidency,
and that he could do so much to turn this situation around.
We explained to him that there are so many people throughout the
world who for various reasons had gotten or created within their minds
a very negative view about the United States of America, but this was a
time when he could act and turn some of those views around and show
that not only was he a concerned President, but he was indeed a
compassionate President.
So we had an opportunity, a rare opportunity I must admit, to meet
with the President of the United States today, the Congressional Black
Caucus did. Twenty Members were there, and we were very pleased to also
have an opportunity at the same time to meet with Condoleezza Rice and
Colin Powell.
Let me just pause here to say that we expressed to Colin Powell, the
Secretary of State, our gratitude for all of the hard work he had been
doing over the past several weeks. It was Colin Powell that stayed in
contact with many Caucus members. It was Colin Powell that tried to
find ways to diplomatically resolve this matter, and at the same time
we felt that things had not moved to the degree that we wanted them to;
and so, therefore, we had asked to meet with the President.
Now, when we met with the President today, when the Congressional
Black Caucus met with the President, there were several things that we
wanted him to do, and to his credit he gave the

[[Page H622]]

utmost consideration to these things. Number one, we asked that he
immediately make a statement to the world about his concern for the
Haitian people, for his concern towards President Aristide, and his
concern about this wonderful democracy that we have in Haiti that is
under attack.
When I say wonderful democracy, Mr. Speaker, I do not mean to say
that Haiti does not have its problems, it does. But our point was that
there is a democracy in the sense that President Aristide was duly
elected, and just as we have gone around the world to protect
democracies wherever we felt the need to do so, it was our belief that
because he was elected, no matter what one's views might be towards the
way he governs his country, that the United States should make sure
that this democracy, which is only 650 miles from our shore, should be
sustained.

{time} 2000

So basically we were asking him for three things and our goals were
very simple. One, we wanted to make sure that there would be a laying
down of weapons so that we might find some peace. As you know, Mr.
Speaker, the rebels have all kinds of ammunition and all kinds of
weapons. We realize that in order for us to move to any kind of
resolution, one of the first things that has to happen, there has to be
a laying down of arms. Number two, we said that we wanted the rule of
law to be restored. The rule of law, of course, is very important. It
is almost impossible to have any kind of peace when people are in chaos
and they are not obeying the rule of law. We can see that very clearly
just here recently as we looked at our televisions and saw the looting
that was taking place and we saw some of the human harm that had been
taking place. Clearly, a major problem with the rule of law. And,
number three, we asked the President to make sure that there was some
diplomatic resolution with regard to Haiti.
As we went into more detail, we asked the President to make a
statement as soon as possible, and he said he would, making it clear
that the United States stands for this democracy and that we have a
major, major concern about the fact that so many people are being
harmed and that it was our hope that a peaceful resolution would come
to that land. Number two, we also asked the President to create a
humanitarian corridor. He expressed great interest in this. What we
mean by a humanitarian corridor, Mr. Speaker, is create a way by which
humanitarian assistance such as food and medicine and water, because
one of the major problems in Haiti right now is that there is
insufficient water and food for so many, and these are the people that
we do not hear so much about. These are the people who are suffering
and dying, but the fact is that all we hear is about the rebels and the
harm that they have done.
So the number two thing that we asked for was this humanitarian
corridor; and we asked that the President, if he deemed it appropriate,
and we think that it is almost necessary, to send troops in and work
with our allies to make sure that organizations like the Red Cross and
others have a way to get that humanitarian aid to the people that need
it and so that they would be protected. The President said that he
would indeed consider this.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, we asked him to consider sending in from 300 to
400 troops to maintain the peace. As we keep up with the news with
regard to Haiti, it is clear that there is a steady march by the rebels
towards Port-au-Prince. As you know, Mr. Speaker, that is the capital
of Haiti. That is where President Aristide lives, and we were concerned
that if President Aristide, if the rebels come into Port-au-Prince,
that the death of President Aristide would be imminent. I think the
President understood that, that is, President Bush understood that. He
understands clearly that we are dealing with an urgent situation, and
he said that he would take that into consideration and would get back
to us as soon as possible.
So we have faith that the President will do the right thing. We have
faith that, as he looked into our eyes and we looked into his, he
understood that this was not about politics, but this was about life.
He understood, we do believe, that this was not about simply trying to
save a President, but it was about saving the President of Haiti and
also making sure that we save many, many lives. I think that as he
looked into our eyes, he could see the sincerity and could see that we
realize clearly that if we did not take action and that he did not take
action, that the blood of the people of Haiti would be on all of our
hands. And so we had a very good meeting, but it is only a beginning.
We have vowed to try to work with the President, with Secretary Powell,
and Condoleezza Rice to make sure that a peaceful resolution comes to
Haiti as soon as possible.
Mr. Speaker, so often as we look around the world and look at the
difficult problems that face so many people and countries across the
world, it must be difficult at times to try to figure out for a
President and for his advisers as to where you intervene and where you
do not. But one thing has been clear with regard to United States
policy and that is that we have consistently done everything in our
power to hold up democracies that are in trouble.
Clearly, the democracy in Haiti is in trouble. And so the President
has made it clear that he will issue a statement sometime this evening,
and we look forward to that statement. He assured us that he would
address the issues after consulting with Ms. Rice and Secretary Powell,
would address the issues with regard to the humanitarian corridor and
with regard to sending troops in to quell the violence and make sure
that there was a diplomatic resolution taking place.
And so it was a very proud moment for the Congressional Black Caucus.
It was a moment that shall definitely live in the DNA of our brains
forever. Because one of the things that I guess hit me as we were
sitting there is that 100 years ago, none of us were here. One hundred
years from now none of us will be here. The question is what do we do
now for our fellow human beings? And although they may be 700 miles
from our shore and although we may not feel a relationship with them,
not all Americans may feel a relationship with them, the fact is that
they are our brothers and they are our sisters. I am always reminded in
these situations, Mr. Speaker, of the song that says:

No man is an island
No man stands alone.
Each man's joy is joy to me
And each man's grief is my own.
We need one another, so I will defend
Each man as my brother and each man as my friend.

And so the Congressional Black Caucus has decided to stand, to stand
for people who are going through great difficulties, to stand for
children who as we speak find themselves in boats heading for a land of
opportunity. Stand. We decided to stand for a President that finds
himself in great difficulty. Stand. We decided to stand for democracy,
democracy that this country hails as being one of the greatest forms of
government that ever existed. We continue to stand.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield now to the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. Meek).
Mr. MEEK of Florida. I am glad to be here to not only address the
House but also the American people. I think what is so very, very
important and proud to be a Member of the U.S. Congress on this day, of
making sure that we do the right thing under the circumstances. Right
now, Mr. Speaker, we have not only one but two carriers with Haitians
that are being interdicted by the U.S. Coast Guard right now. I do not
think that there needs to be a mountain of evidence to even show that
there are individuals in Haiti that are being persecuted as we speak,
that are losing their lives, that are being beaten for either being for
the pro-government or anti-government forces that are there. And then
you have innocent individuals that are in the middle of all of this
gunfire and violence that is taking place, children, women, people,
young men, older men that are there just trying to be citizens of a
country. A democracy as shaky as it may be, it is still a democracy.
We recently met with the President, just today, and I am glad that
members of this caucus and Members of this United States Congress
shared with the President the importance, the fact that we are America
and that we wear the breastplate of righteousness as it relates to
standing and fighting for democracies. If we support or we are

[[Page H623]]

against President Aristide, that is not the issue here. The issue is
that a democracy is being overthrown by a gun as we stand idly by and
make tough talk about Haitians leaving Haiti. To not do anything about
the killing and the fighting that is going on right now in Haiti and in
the same breath say Haitians stay in Haiti, don't take to the sea, it
does not work toward logic to a diplomatic solution or a political
solution of what is taking place now in Haiti.
I have said it before, and I will say it again tonight, our policy
should not be driven on how many Haitians are face down in Haiti on the
ground or are floating face down in the waters around Haiti and the
United States. I will tell you that it is not healthy for our
hemisphere; it is not healthy for our policy of making sure that we put
forth democracies in the Caribbean and in this hemisphere, and it works
against logic. So I urge the President, though we urged him earlier
today, let individuals that are carrying guns know in Haiti, as they
are getting more and more equipped as the hours go by.
Just a week and a half ago, there were 1960-style rifles that these
rebels, thugs, whatever we want to call them or they identify
themselves as, 1960-style rifles that can shoot maybe three or four
bullets. Now they are almost up to par with U.S. troops. They are
wearing full body armor, armored helmets, AR-15s, M-16s, American made,
I must add, carrying a magazine of bullets of 40 to 50 rounds, banana
clips, radio capabilities; and they are holding press conferences. If
we expect for the people of Haiti, a human being, to keep their family
in that kind of environment, thinking that they are just going to suck
it up and take the bullets, then we are in for a rude awakening.
I want to talk about U.S. taxpayers. If we play defense of having our
Coast Guard out there waiting in a 5-mile radius from each other,
planes flying over to detect boats and things of that nature, all those
resources focused on Haiti, what is happening to some of the other
countries where we know we have a footprint of terrorism in the
Caribbean? It is not Haiti, but I think it is important that we
understand that and take that under heavy consideration.
I know that the American people are compassionate people. And if we
are in Iraq justifying our presence of being there, of saying that we
stand for democracy and we stand for the lives of the Iraqi people,
then definitely 650 miles off the coast of the continental United
States, we should stand for a democracy if we had an international
force there to be able to stop the violence and start diplomatic talks.
I want to thank the gentleman for allowing me to address the House
tonight. I know that we have to continue to follow this situation, but
I would also like to add before I close that the Haitians that are on
boats now, we have to remember international law and our own laws, if
they can prove persecution, if they fear persecution, if returning back
to Haiti, what the President said earlier today cannot stand. It is
almost like we are sending them back to be murdered. So it is important
that we set up the opportunity for them to receive the due process that
they deserve. If we agree or not with illegal immigration, it is
important that we ask other countries to do the same, that we do things
by the book and by the law.
Mr. CUMMINGS. I want to thank the gentleman for his statement.

{time} 2015

Question: I know the gentleman has been very concerned about this
issue because one of the reasons I know he has an extraordinary
sensitivity, as there are many Haitians that live in his district. Is
that right?
Mr. MEEK of Florida. That is correct; and, Mr. Speaker, it is the
highest concentration of Haitians in the United States. And I will tell
the gentleman this: the Haitian people have been so involved in this
country's history. They fought with us for our independence, and they
are major, major contributors to not only our economy. We have a
positive trade relationship with Haiti, and they create many U.S. jobs.
Because of that positive relationship that is very important, Mr.
Speaker, whichever side that people may fall on this issue, we cannot
allow democracies to be taken over by gun and violence, and that is the
bottom line.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, not only are the Haitian people going
through what they are going to in Haiti, but one of the things I think
a lot of people do not realize is that some 75 to 80 percent of people
in Haiti live in pure poverty, and I know that when one combines the
need for humanitarian assistance such as clean water with the violence,
it has got to be painful just as it is painful to us. I would imagine
for many of the gentleman's constituents, it is very painful, too,
knowing that they have relatives that are going through all that, and
then the violence makes it even more difficult for them to live any
semblance of a normal life and definitely almost precludes any kind of
assistance for going in; and I think that is one of the reasons why we
talked today with the President about this humanitarian corridor.
Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, that is 110 percent right. We have
to look at the stage the way it is set. I think it is important for us
to understand the U.S. has asked U.S. citizens and mission workers to
leave Haiti for their own safety. The French have advised their own
citizens, which is justified. Canadians have done the same and other
representatives from other countries that are there.
There are a number of U.S. citizens still in Haiti. That is still
something for us to take into account. Because 97 percent of social
services in Haiti, including schools and educating the children, are by
missions. They are privatized. I mean, it is not like the government
has the ability to be able to put forth an education system. So when
that breaks down, that means that the elderly are not receiving the
care that they have received before in the past. Children are not
receiving the kind of care that they need, prenatal care for women that
are pregnant, some of the very things that are there. The AIDS and HIV
work that this country is invested in, should invest more but has
invested in, is all going to go for naught and having to rebuild all of
that if we do not stop the violence.
We have people that are pro-Aristide and that are against Aristide;
but one thing they have in common, Mr. Speaker, is that we must,
yesterday, stop the violence. They know that has to happen. And unless
we stop that from happening, we are not going to be able to come up
with a diplomatic or political solution to this situation.
So, Mr. Speaker, I think that Members of this Congress should
continue to press on, and I am glad that we met with the President and
Secretary Powell and also Dr. Rice, National Security Adviser; and the
President's Chief of Staff, Mr. Andy Card. We have taken it to the
highest levels that it can be taken to in this country and in the
international community. Very little has to be done by us to prevent
drowning of Haitians and Haitians face down in the streets of Haiti and
very little, very little of a presence and leadership.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman and the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Lee), who will be coming up next, for being a part
of that meeting today because it was indeed a very historic meeting. So
while there is very little to be done, it must be done immediately.
Mr. MEEK of Florida. Yes, sir.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Because the longer we wait, the worse it gets. And so I
really appreciate the gentleman's participation in the meeting today
with the President.
Mr. MEEK of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman
from Northern California (Ms. Lee).
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, first let me thank our chairman of the
Congressional Black Caucus once again for his leadership not only in
unifying the Congressional Black Caucus around such an important issue
but also in terms of insisting that we move forward not only in terms
of our position but in terms of trying to make sure that we are
actively involved in trying to help save lives, and that is really what
we are doing. So I thank the chairman very much for his leadership.
This has been, as it relates to Haiti, in some respects a very sad
time for many of us. Just last night we were here again talking about
the fact that

[[Page H624]]

we wanted our government to actively engage in attempting to forge a
cease-fire, to insist that the rule of law be adhered to, and to insist
that the Haitian constitution be complied with. We were told again last
evening at about 5 o'clock that we needed another extension, that the
opposition was not going to comply with any political agreement. And
here we are again tonight. Still the opposition has not agreed to a
political settlement. More lives are being lost. The thugs are moving
into Port-au-Prince. And at least tonight, however, under our
chairman's leadership, we have had a chance to talk to the President
directly and to Dr. Rice and to Secretary Powell to convey our sense of
urgency, which I hope they understood and felt during our meeting.
Because we are witnessing right next door the world's oldest black
nation deteriorate. We are witnessing right next door in our own
hemisphere thugs carrying M-16s and M-50s, weapons, I understand, that
probably are made in the United States of America. Where they are
getting these weapons from, who knows. Here we are witnessing once
again tonight, as we felt last night and witnessed last night, the lack
of action by our government to stop and to prevent a violent overthrow,
a violent coup d'etat of a duly-elected, democratically elected
President. We would not tolerate that anywhere else in the world. We
just would not tolerate it.
So today I believe our meeting put forth the Congressional Black
Caucus's sense of urgency to the President, and also I believe, Mr.
Speaker, what it did was convey to him that we understand that saving
lives and not allowing a violent overthrow of a government that is duly
elected is not a Democratic issue, and it is not a Republican issue,
but this is a bipartisan issue. It should be nonpartisan. It should be
nonpartisan. We are talking about saving lives and preventing
bloodshed, preventing a possible civil war from erupting. This is
serious business, and there is no way we should sleep, really, and I am
very glad that my colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers),
has called for a Haiti watch, 24 hours. As co-chair with the gentleman
from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) of the Haiti task force, I cannot think of
anything that is more important right now.
We have written to the President. We have communicated with Secretary
Powell. Not just this week, but the Congressional Black Caucus has been
sounding the alarm for months really with regard to this unfortunate
moment with which we are faced. And so now is the time that our great
country can step up to the plate and can say to both sides that peace
is the only option. There are no other options. Again, as I said
earlier, how does one negotiate a political settlement with thugs
carrying M-16s and M-50s? So we do not need any more extensions with
regard to the political settlement that President Aristide has
embraced, that CARICOM has embraced, that the international community
has embraced. I mean, this is useless at this point.
Tomorrow, I understand, the Security Council will meet. They may
consider a resolution calling for international security forces; and if
that happens, I sure hope that our government does not block that. In
fact, I wish and I hope that we support that effort. But minimally we
should allow the world community to come together to say no to this
violence and insist on a cease-fire and insist on upholding a
democratically elected government.
Eight million Haitian lives are at stake, Mr. Speaker. There is no
way that any of us should allow any of these people to die on our
watch, on our watch. History will record whether or not we just stood
there and said, so be it. We did not especially like this policy of the
Aristide government or that policy and hands off at this point. History
is going to record if we took that position and did nothing that the
lives of these 8 million people are in our hands and the blood will be
on our hands if, in fact, the bloodbath occurs, which is what we
tonight are trying to prevent.
So let me just say to the Speaker, to the chairman, that I think the
President, and I know Secretary Powell and Dr. Rice, got it. I know
they got it. But what is important is what are they going to do with
what they got. They cannot just say we abhor the violence and it is bad
and it is wrong for folks to kill each other. We are the most powerful
country in the world. So the question is, what are they going to do
tonight? What are they going to do?
So I want to thank again the Congressional Black Caucus for stepping
up to the plate. Hopefully, the rest of the House of Representatives at
least will step up to the plate tomorrow and join us in our efforts. I
think we need to make sure that every Republican and every Democrat in
this House stands for democracy in our own hemisphere, stands for an
end to the violence, and stands for United States support for a cease-
fire and an end to this carnage that is taking place in Haiti.
I thank the chairman for his leadership, and let us hope that we are
waking up America.
Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to call on the Bush administration to
lead the international community in supporting efforts to pass a U.N.
Security Council resolution, provide international forces, and do
everything possible to prevent violence and save Haitian lives.
At any moment, the democratically elected President of Haiti could be
overthrown any minute and at risk is the safety of over 8 million lives
in Haiti.
Time is of the essence, and the Bush administration has failed to
adequately address the dire need for a solution.
Far too many lives have been lost, too many children have been
orphaned and fear has begun to set in.
Nevertheless, our administration has minimized their involvement to
diplomacy--which to date has been inadequate.
The Bush administration has done nothing to help Haiti since coming
into office except embargo economic, social, and most importantly now
political assistance to Haiti.
Even if we look directly at the support the administration has given
since January, I believe they have done nothing to save one Haitian
life.
The administration was well aware of the political stalemate facing
the country and the need for elections, yet they did nothing to bring
the opposition to the table and on January 12, the term of the 47th
legislature came to a close with the departure of 83 Deputies and 4
senators left.
Later that week, on January 15, the CARICOM community came out and
said, ``We are all committed to free and fair elections, dedicating
resources from our respective countries, with the help of other
countries in the hemisphere, to create a framework from which we are
able to guarantee free and fair elections.''
CARICOM held talks on Haiti in an effort to end the political impasse
and unrest and developed the CARICOM proposal that we are still asking
the opposition to accept an agreement which was endorsed by the
president over a month ago.
The administration still bided its time, and allowed the opposition
to impede the democratic process.
The administration allowed the Organization of American States to do
its diplomatic duties toward Haiti, and the OAS convened an emergency
meeting to discuss Haiti. OAS endorses the CARICOM proposal, condemns
the escalating violence in Haiti, and adopts Resolution 861.
After allowing even more time to pass, the Bush administration
finally felt pressure from the international community and this
Congress to act.
A team of international diplomats from the United States, Canada,
France, CARICOM, and the OAS traveled to Haiti on February 21 in an
attempt to broker the same peace plan that the opposition parties had
rejected over a month ago.
Why was it a surprise that they would reject is again on February 23.
Why did our administration allow the opposition another 24 hours to
say no--again?
Many have speculated that the additional 24 hours to accept the
CARICOM plan was necessary because the opposition was in a position to
accept it, but the ultimate outcome was: More violence, more lives
lost, more cities burned, and more fear spread throughout the country.
President Aristide accepts the peace plan and opposition are given
until February 23 to accept or reject it.
Any legitimacy that the opposition had is gone.
They have repeatedly refused to support the democratic process by
continually rejecting any offer to resolve the conflict peacefully.
Now is the time to move toward averting a disaster and stop the
violence by pushing our administration to lead the international
community in protecting the dually elected President, the people of
Haiti, and upholding the Haitian Constitution.
If we allow this coup to occur, we will be responsible for the deaths
of thousands because

[[Page H625]]

we sat on our hands and refused to bring light on the real criminals,
killers, and antidemocracy forces involved in this coup d'etat.
We, the members of the Congressional Black Caucus, friends of Haiti,
and supporters of democracy will not allow the current crisis in Haiti
to be ignored.
We marched up to the White House today, and refused to leave until
our urgent message was heard.
We met with Secretary Powell, Dr. Rice and ultimately President Bush.
We told them that the time is now to enforce a cease fire, laying
down arms, honoring the rule of law, and honoring the Haitian
Constitution.
Bush must show some leadership and speak out against the violence and
disregard for the rule of law in Haiti.
President Bush should speak out in support of the democratically
elected President of Haiti and provide President Aristide the
assistance he needs to promote peace on the ground, allow free and fair
elections to take place, and uphold the Haitian Constitution.

Democracy in Haiti is in grave danger. Turmoil rages on the ground,
in the streets, at the university, through the halls of the government,
and in the homes of Haitians.
Haitians are dying, and it is apparent that the hope for peace is
diminishing.
If we believe in the power of democracy and the potential for global
peace we must not turn a blind eye to our neighbor and long-time ally.
The United States must stop dragging its feet, lead the charge at the
United Nations' Security Council meeting tomorrow, and answer the call
for assistance from President Aristide.
The United States of America cannot give more time for more people to
get killed.
Haiti, our neighbor and a sovereign democracy, has stood by us
through thick and thin.
Haiti remains the world's oldest independent Black nation.
We must work with our neighbor, to secure peace in our region, and
uplift Haiti's proud history.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman for her
statement. And as she was speaking, I could not help but think about
the book entitled ``Seize the Time.'' And that is what this is all
about, seizing this moment and doing what needs to be done to save a
lot of lives. So I really do appreciate what she has done. I thank her
for being at the meeting today too.
Ms. LEE. I thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings). We must
seize the time. We cannot wait any longer.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Michigan
(Mr. Conyers), the dean of the Congressional Black Caucus and one who
has been very strongly involved in this issue.
Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.
Cummings). I am delighted to participate in this Special Order. And we
have all agreed that the original objective of this was to discuss
black history, and that has been postponed until next week; and it will
be given thorough consideration here.
What we are talking about tonight is world history, and the events
that I just want to comment on turn around the meeting with Senator
Dodd last evening, with Senator DeWine, the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Meek), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Corrine Brown), the Canadian
ambassador, and the French ambassador. The French ambassador to the
U.S., the Canadian ambassador to the U.S. And what we were talking
about there was the importance of getting our international bodies
committed, CARICOM, the Organization of American States, the Security
Council and the United Nations and how that could be gone about.

{time} 2030

I was encouraged by the positions taken by both ambassadors,
particularly the French Ambassador. Our colleague, the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Waters), points out that in South Africa there is a
readiness to intervene. It was a very positive meeting.
Today we had nearly two dozen Members of Congress, including the
Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Rangel), the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the gentleman from North
Carolina (Mr. Watt), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens), the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Meeks), the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Meek), the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Corrine Brown), at least a couple gentlewomen from
California, maybe all three, and the gentlewoman from the Virgin
Islands were with us.
Now, we asked to see the President. We were greeted by the Secretary
of State, Colin Powell, and the Chief Security Adviser, Dr. Condoleezza
Rice, and Mr. Andy Card, and we had a very intense, frank exchange that
led to the reconsideration of whether we were going to meet with the
President of the United States.
I suppose in the course of history it may not be considered important
that there was a reconsideration that led us to meet with the President
of the United States, and it was on the basis of our collective
arguments to the two Cabinet members that we were at a precipice, that
this was so immediate that continued political negotiations were really
not appropriate. After all, many parts of the north have been taken by
rebels, drug lords, gangsters, ne'er-do-wells and a legitimate
political opposition. The second largest city in Haiti has already been
captured.
Yesterday, at 5 o'clock p.m., the final offer that Secretary of State
Powell had worked so hard on was rejected. It is not hard to interpret
from that that the decision had been made to move forward and to take
over the country; that they did not want to negotiate, even though
President Aristide had quickly agreed to every condition in the
proposal that was being brokered by the Secretary of State.
So the question that remains now is what are the steps that we ought
to take, and we expect to hear from the President to speak about our
opposition to any violent overthrow of any nation in the Western
Hemisphere less than an hour away from our shores. So this is quite
important.
I should mention that our colleague, the gentlewoman from Illinois
(Ms. Schakowsky), was with us, and she was with us at the press
conference earlier, and that our colleague the gentlewoman from Texas
(Ms. Jackson-Lee), was likewise at both events.
Now, there are several ways that we can approach this matter. One is
to assume that we can still negotiate politically toward a settlement,
which some had argued was a precondition to us sending in support. The
only problem with that is that if the rebels and the assorted groups
that are demanding now to oust the President with no agreement
whatsoever, that there would be nobody left for us to negotiate with if
that were to occur. In addition, the country would be in ruin.
Furthermore, it is not hard to perceive that if there was an outbreak
of violence between these two groups, Lavalas and the citizens loyal to
their government and those who want Aristide's ouster, that it would be
the largest bloodbath in recent Haitian history, and that it could
result in the assassination of the President of Haiti.
It was out of that concern that we wanted to make sure that we
insulate the Government of Haiti, as well as the President. That was
based on the simple premise that if we cannot protect the head of the
government, then we cannot protect any of the other 8 million people
there. So it was important that we have this meeting.
Now, I want to take this moment to praise the President of the United
States for agreeing to see us and agreeing to consider the proposal
laid out by the Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus and others
that were present. This constitutes a reconsideration of immense
proportions, because I do not think that the President has been looking
at this from the point of view of the members of the caucus and our
contacts in Haiti.
We do have a member of the caucus that has personally visited this
country on three occasions. It now turns out, thanks to a Senator in
the other body, that a plane will be provided for us to make sure
everyone in the Caribbean, that all the millions of occupants and
citizens of this independent nation struggling economically and
socially to survive will know that the Congressional Black Caucus, 39
men and women strong, are completely behind the order and the legal
process that requires that under no circumstance can violence be used
to resolve internal political differences, not just in the Western
Hemisphere, but anywhere in the world, for that matter.

[[Page H626]]

That is what we stand for. That is why we helped create the United
Nations. That is why we have worked on issue after issue on the planet,
whether it be in Eastern Europe, the Middle East or anywhere else.
So I join proudly the members of the caucus, who comported themselves
extremely properly. They were duly aware of the circumstances between
the Congress and the White House, and I think this was, as the
gentleman from Maryland (Chairman Cummings) has said, an important,
and, yes, I believe a turning point in the destiny of this small, but
great, nation.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman for his
statement. I want to thank him also for his leadership and thank him
for his participation today in our meeting.
I now yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).
Mr. MEEKS of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for
yielding. I, too, want to join with the others in thanking him for his
leadership for the past year and a half, but particularly on today, on
this day where crisis and time is of the essence.
I want to thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee) and the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers) for their leadership on the Haiti
Task Force. One always has to thank the great gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Waters) for simply being Maxine Waters.
Mr. Speaker, it is indeed again another one of those times where it
is true that the Congressional Black Caucus is indeed the conscience of
the Congress, and I would hope that with today's meeting we have
awakened the conscience of those individuals that are currently at 1600
Pennsylvania Avenue, that we must not stand idly by as a Nation, a
Nation that believes in democracy, and allow a people to die and a
democracy to be wiped out.
We are indeed the world's only superpower, and just off our shores,
in our hemisphere, is a case of democracy being dismantled by
individuals who, by every account that I have heard, are violent, are
thugs and criminals. In fact, the opposition is supposed to be
peaceful, though they will not get to the negotiating table or agree to
anything that has been put on the table so that this can be resolved in
a peaceful way.
But because we are the only world superpower, it seems to me that we
would have the ability to drive to get people to the table, to make
that kind of difference, to save the lives, so that we can never see
people dying in the streets, as we did just a short time ago in Rwanda.
In fact, I appeal to Americans that even in being selfish about this,
when you think about what is going on in the world, if you want to be
selfish about this, you know, if you have instability in Haiti, there
could be instability here. In fact, people are coming now. The
President says, ``Don't come.'' But they are going to come if their
lives are on the line. They are going to go somewhere, and they are
going to try to come here.
I think it is in our best interests to make sure that we intercede
and have peaceful negotiations take place, and those negotiations are
obviously not going to take place unless there is something
affirmatively done to cause it to happen. We have the strength and the
ability to do that.
Now, we do not have to do it alone. Clearly there are others that
have agreed that they will come. They are just looking for a word; they
are looking for some kind of indication to say, ``Go do this,'' so we
can bring Canada, we can bring France, and we can bring CARICOM along
with us.

{time} 2045

Now, I will start wrapping it up, because I know that we have a lot
of Members who want to say something in regards to this. I will
conclude by saying that without military intervention, be it the United
States, not just by ourselves, or an international military
intervention at this point, I fear that the leaders of Haiti with the
most guns will feel that they can rule Haiti. It becomes the law of the
jungle. And I seriously cannot see how those who would kill and destroy
the institutions that currently exist, such as hospitals and other
institutions that are being burned, will bring this great country back
up. Let us act now, because the camera of history is roaming. Let it
not be on our time that we say that we stood by and did nothing,
allowing democracy to topple and people and bloodshed to fill the
streets.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the President of the United States to do
something to act, to lead, to save lives and save democracy in the
country of Haiti.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his statement
and his leadership.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters),
my friend and colleague, who has just spent a phenomenal amount of time
in Haiti and has been just a tremendous adviser to all of us in the
caucus and has given so much blood, sweat, and tears and passion to
this cause. I yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from California
(Ms. Waters).
Ms. WATERS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to first thank the gentleman
from Maryland (Chairman Cummings) for the tremendous leadership he has
provided to the members of the Congressional Black Caucus and
ultimately to this House. Today he organized the members and we took
the extraordinary step of going to the White House to present our case.
I would like to thank the chairman for the leadership that he provided
in the room with the President, with Secretary Powell, with Dr.
Condoleezza Rice, and others. He presented our case and he presented it
well. It was supported by other members of the Congressional Black
Caucus as we added to the presentation. In the final analysis, Mr.
Speaker, we were able to paint the picture to lay out the case of what
is going on in Haiti at this moment.
What we have is this, Mr. Speaker. We have the President of Haiti
whose back is up against the wall. We have the President who signed on
to a peace agreement that was presented by the international community,
led by the United States of America. We have the President with a
dwindling police force; and members of his police force are being
killed every hour, not simply by the opposition, but by thugs and ex-
military folks who have been in exile and who have come back into Haiti
to join in this mayhem. He is sitting there asking for help. He has
reached out to the United States. He has done everything that we have
asked him to do, and he is waiting for some help.
In this coalition that we have, the United States, France, Canada,
the OAS, the U.N., and CARICOM, it is time for somebody to step
forward. We made our case to the President tonight because we want this
great Nation to step forward and to lend a helping hand to this small,
poor country in this hemisphere. We think it is the right thing to do.
We want our country to lead. But as we stand on this floor tonight, we
are saying to France, we are saying to Canada, we are saying to
CARICOM, the U.N., OAS, all of them, somebody please step forward and
avoid the blood bath that we feel could happen at any time.
We believe that not only should the United States provide some
leadership, but this peace proposal was based on a presentation by
CARICOM. This is the CARICOM proposal that was put on the table. Our
friends in Jamaica and in the Bahamas and other states of the Caribbean
who are so intricately involved in this must step forward. As I stand
here, it is necessary for Jamaica to be in contact with South Africa in
order for South Africa to be able to respond under the banner of
CARICOM.
And so our message is not only to the President. We think he should
lead, we think we should lead, but to all of the others who are in this
coalition. Those friends of ours in the Caribbean, in CARICOM, who put
this proposal together know what happens to small nation states. They
understand what has been happening to Haiti for years. They too have to
receive immigrants from Haiti who have been escaping Haiti for years.
Finally, we thought they were settled under Aristide and this
presidency. We know that we had the problems of people who did not want
Aristide, who was responsible for the coup d'etat, the same people are
involved that did not want him in the first place; the same folks who
have enriched themselves on the backs of the poor people there and do
not want change.
But I suppose we could stand here all night and discuss the history
of Haiti and talk about how Haiti has been undermined, how we have had
people

[[Page H627]]

right here in the Congress of the United States, both Houses who have
worked against Haiti for years. But rather than talk about all of that,
this time should be used to make the plea, to say to our President,
move now; to say to CARICOM, it is your proposal, enforce it. If the
opposition does not support it, it is time to move ahead and stabilize
this little country, save the lives, avoid the blood bath and emerge as
honorable in all of this, honorable people, an honorable country that
reached out a helping hand and did the right thing at the right time.
We cannot wait any longer, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. CUMMINGS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say this: we in the
Congressional Black Caucus stand very strongly behind this effort to
bring peace to this land of Haiti, and we will continue to stand, and
we do appreciate the meeting that we did have with the President today.
But in echoing the words of the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee),
we want the President to act. Words are nice, but now he must act.

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