[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 155 (Thursday, October 30, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H10206-H10210]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                              {time}  2046
   WAIVING A REQUIREMENT OF CLAUSE 6(a) OF RULE XIII WITH RESPECT TO 
  CONSIDERATION OF CERTAIN RESOLUTIONS REPORTED FROM THE COMMITTEE ON 
                                 RULES

  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the 
Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 421 and ask for its 
immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 421

       Resolved, That the requirement of clause 6(a) of rule XIII 
     for a two-thirds vote to consider a report from the Committee 
     on Rules on the same day it is presented to the House is 
     waived with respect to any resolution reported on the 
     legislative day of October 30, 2003, providing for 
     consideration or disposition of a conference report to 
     accompany the bill (H.R. 3289) making emergency supplemental 
     appropriations for defense and for the reconstruction of Iraq 
     and Afghanistan for the fiscal year ending September 30, 
     2004, and for other purposes.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gillmor). The gentleman from Washington 
(Mr. Hastings) is recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, 
I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
Frost); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During 
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purposes 
of debate only.
  (Mr. HASTINGS of Washington asked and was given permission to revise 
and extend his remarks.)
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, our resolution would waive 
clause 6(a) of rule XIII requiring a two-thirds vote to consider a rule 
on the same day it is reported from the Committee on Rules against 
certain resolutions reported from the Committee on Rules.
  This resolution applies the waiver to any special rule reported on 
the legislative day of October 30, 2003, providing for the 
consideration or disposition of a conference report to accompany the 
bill, H.R. 3289, making emergency supplemental appropriations for 
defense and for the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan for the 
fiscal year ending September 30, 2004, and for other purposes.
  Mr. Speaker, given the urgent need to move the Iraqi supplemental to 
the President's desk without further delay, the Committee on Rules has 
acted to expedite consideration of this critically important conference 
agreement filed in the House just a short while ago. Members will have 
ample opportunity to debate the merits of that conference agreement 
once we move to its consideration here in the House.
  Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to adopt this 
resolution so that we may begin this important debate.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I voted for the U.S. military action to 
remove Saddam Hussein from power. I support the American troops and 
civilians who are now in Iraq doing the dangerous job of rebuilding 
that nation. And I expect to vote for President Bush's $87 billion 
supplemental for the supplemental foreign aid package for Iraq even 
though it still does too little for the U.S. troops and asks too much 
of U.S. taxpayers.
  But this martial law rule is the perfect example of what is wrong 
with the approach the Bush administration and the Republican leadership 
of this Congress have taken to rebuilding Iraq. Instead of being honest 
with the American people about the dangers and difficulties of nation-
building in Iraq, they keep trying to sweep it all under the rug.
  Earlier this week we had the literally unbelievable scene of 
President Bush trying to spin the public into believing that 
sophisticated and deadly terrorist attacks in Iraq actually demonstrate 
``progress'' in Iraq. A similar thing is happening on the House floor 
today, Mr. Speaker. Instead of being open with the public, the 
President and the Members of this House, Republican leaders, want to 
waive the House rules so that no one has time to actually read the text 
of this $87 billion foreign aid package.
  Make no mistake, this is exactly what this ``martial law'' rule does. 
It is simply a procedural way to get around the House rule that would 
otherwise guarantee everyone one legislative day to examine this 
massive expenditure of American taxpayers' money.
  Of course, Republican leaders long ago made secrecy a key component 
of this strategy for running the House of Representatives. This martial 
law is the 8th time this year that Republicans have waived the House 
rules to rush legislation through the House. In the last Congress they 
did it 27 times. But their secretive approach to this $87 billion 
foreign aid package poses an even greater danger.
  That is because President Bush and his administration have already 
developed a dangerous credibility problem on Iraq, a credibility gap 
that threatens to undermine our ability to win the peace.
  For too long they have treated nation-building in Iraq as some sort 
of political campaign, relying on spin, sophistry, and stagecraft to 
hide from the public the true magnitude of the dangerous and difficult 
job before us.
  Mr. Speaker, the American people are smarter than that. They cannot 
be spun by President Bush and they cannot be kept in the dark by this 
Republican Congress. They know that more than 120 Americans have died 
in Iraq since President Bush's carefully choreographed PR event to 
declare victory on an aircraft carrier. They know that they have 
already spent billions of dollars on Iraq, and the United States 
already has a massive debt of its own, one that will raise the debt tax 
on every American. They remember being told before the war that Iraq is 
an oil-rich Nation that could pay for its own reconstruction.
  That is why the process surrounding this supplemental spending bill 
has been so controversial and why so many Members who support President 
Bush's nation-building project may refuse to vote for it until he 
finally presents to the American people a credible plan to

[[Page H10207]]

win the peace in Iraq. It is also a big part of the reason that we have 
been losing the relatively meager international assistance we have had 
so far, with the Red Cross and the United Nations scaling back their 
presence in Iraq. And it is where so many Americans have such sincere 
doubts about this effort with nearly a majority of Republicans wanting 
to pull U.S. troops out of Iraq, according to a Gallup Poll this week.
  Mr. Speaker, more secrecy from the Republican Congress will only make 
the Bush administration's credibility gap worse. It will only make it 
more difficult to maintain public support for the important job of 
winning the peace in Iraq. Take, for example, the issue of 
accountability. American taxpayers have already given the Bush 
administration $79 billion to spend on Iraq. So when the chairman of 
the Committee on Appropriations, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) 
came before the Committee on Rules, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Hastings) asked him whether he knew what had become of the previous $79 
billion. He answered, ``I would like to tell you that I do, but if I 
did I would not be telling the truth.'' If the chairman of the 
Committee on Appropriations does not know, then presumedly no other 
Member of Congress has any idea where that $79 billion has gone.
  So during the conference an amendment was adopted to create an office 
of the inspector general to find out where the money is going in Iraq. 
Now, however, we find out that the conference report has been changed 
to give President Bush the power to muzzle the inspector general 
whenever he might have some bad news to report, which very likely means 
that the public will never see a report from the new inspector general 
that contradicts the Bush administration's PR campaign. So this $87 
billion package may disappear into the same black hole that swallowed 
up the first $79 billion.
  Mr. Speaker, we should be giving the public more time to examine this 
massive $87 billion package, not rushing it through before anyone can 
read it. That is why I urge Members to oppose this martial law rule. 
That way the Congress can try to begin repairing President Bush's 
credibility problem on Iraq.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce.)
  Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, this rule is important so that we can bring 
up the supplemental conference report tonight to fund our troops. The 
need is very urgent. This past weekend I had the privilege of traveling 
to Iraq where I led a Congressional delegation. And I say 
``privileged'' because it was a privilege to spend time with our brave 
servicemen and women on the ground in Iraq who are doing a tremendous 
job under difficult conditions. They deserve our greatest support.
  And, Mr. Speaker, that is what this bill does. It supports our 
servicemen and women with the resources that they need. And I would 
like to commend the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis) and the 
ranking member, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha), and all 
the Members involved in working out this bill with the other body.
  I would like to bring attention to one program in particular 
contained in this bill: The Commanders Emergency Response Program, 
which, fortunately, was agreed to by the conferees. Having seen this 
program at work on the ground in Iraq, I would like to report to my 
colleagues that it is effective and it is very efficient. This program 
allows our military commanders in Iraq to respond to urgent 
humanitarian relief and reconstruction needs. And with this program, we 
have repaired roads, water treatment facilities, police stations, and 
schools. We had an opportunity to see this work. And this is done hand 
in hand with Iraqi labor and it is done very cost effectively.
  To date, the program has been carried out with the funds seized from 
Saddam's regime, including funds taken from overseas accounts and taken 
out of the walls of Saddam Hussein's palaces in some cases. And these 
funds are running out. And our troops are fighting to show the Iraqi 
people that their best future lies with democracy and with the rule of 
law. These projects give the Iraqi people hope for that future, 
emboldening them to fight the Baathists and emboldening them to fight 
the terrorists. And they also make our troops safer.
  Our top commanders in the field see these projects as security for 
our troops. They see these projects as winning friends and weakening 
our enemies. One commander told me that this program was the most 
important ammunition he had. It is my hope that this program continues 
to be carried out in a streamlined and flexible way, taking the 
greatest advantage of the ingenuity of the Americans and Iraqis working 
together. It is not too much to say that this modest effort is a key to 
our success in Iraq.
  And that is why, Mr. Speaker, I support this rule because of the 
urgency. And I support the next rule and the underlying bill to fund 
our troops which will come up before this body tonight.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Obey.)
  Mr. OBEY. Mr. Speaker, this is the largest supplemental appropriation 
bill ever voted on by the Congress of the United States. And I think 
that it is a shame that it is being debated under these circumstances 
at this time of night. The only reason for the martial law rule is so 
that Members will not be given the courtesy of having this bill lay 
over one day so that they can examine what the details of the bill are.

                              {time}  2100

  We are going to be held accountable for this vote for a long time. 
Our constituents are going to ask us every time we are home how we 
voted, what it contained. They are going to be asking us about the 
loans. They will be asking us whether or not there is adequate 
protection for taxpayers' money. And I venture to say that 90 percent 
of the Members of this Congress have not had an opportunity to dig 
deeply enough into this in order to be able to answer these questions.
  There were a few of us on the conference committee, and so we have 
been able to form our judgments. But I have to tell you that conference 
committee in which we participated the last 2 days is one of the most 
chaotic, and at some moments the most laughable, conference that I have 
ever participated in. And I think that in terms of the details of this 
bill, that will be demonstrated over time, because over time, 
regardless of whether or not the average Member in this House knows 
what is in this bill tonight, over time there will be a lot of good 
reporters who dig deeply enough into it to discover what is in this 
bill. They will be able to form a judgment about whether or not, for 
instance, the Inspector General provision is something with teeth or 
something that is nothing short of a sham.
  I happen to think that there are loopholes in the Inspector General 
provision of this bill big enough to drive a 65-foot truck through.
  I also would point out that that provision was adopted as a way to 
sandbag the GAO accounting procedures that Senator Byrd wanted attached 
in the conference. So I think there are a lot of detailed questions 
that Members ought to know the answers to. They will not by the time 
they vote, and that is the purpose of this rule. Our constituents will 
learn over time what is in this bill even if a lot of Members have not 
learned tonight, and that is why if I were a Member who feels any 
responsibility at all to my constituents, I would not vote for this 
martial law rule regardless of how you vote on the final bill.
  The Members owe it to the country to have taken the time to review 
this. This proposal will provide per capita aid to the citizens of Iraq 
that is more than 10 times as large as the per capita aid that was 
provided during the Marshall Plan to all of Western Europe. Under those 
circumstances, we ought to take a bit more time than this rule will 
allow us to take tonight.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Kucinich).
  Mr. KUCINICH. Mr. Speaker, the Iraq supplemental conference report 
will continue a failed policy. This bill is not about supporting the 
troops. This bill supports the continued occupation of Iraq by the 
United States. If we truly want to support the troops, we should bring 
them home.

[[Page H10208]]

  We need to acknowledge that the continued U.S. presence in Iraq is 
counterproductive. Every day that we are inside Iraq the situation gets 
progressively worse as evidenced by the frequent and more sophisticated 
attacks on our troops. More U.S. troops have died occupying Iraq than 
died in the war for Iraq. We need to recognize that at this point 
continuing the U.S. occupation is counterproductive and contributes to 
instability. That is why we need to get the U.S. out and the U.N. in. 
And to do that we will need a new resolution articulating a new policy 
from this administration.
  To approve a budget-busting $87 billion for the reconstruction of 
Iraq would be to throw good money after bad, to throw good money at a 
failed policy. I am not suggesting that we cut and run. But we must 
begin the process of getting the U.N. in and the U.S. out. The U.S. 
must pay for the rebuilding of all that we have damaged in the 
invasion. We must compensate the Iraqi victims and contributed to 
future U.N. efforts. The U.S. must bring our troops home. End the 
occupation of Iraq.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Sherman).
  Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, we all want to vote to support the troops. 
This bill, however, contains provisions for $18 billion as gifts, and 
none as loans, to Iraq. We ought to have a separate vote on that 
provision. But what they have done is link the two provisions in this 
rule, so that you cannot oppose the way they have structured the aid to 
Iraq without, in the view of some, ``voting against the troops.'' But 
that diabolical connection was insufficient, so they added one more; 
and while homes are burning by the hundreds in California, they decide 
to load into this bill additional money for FEMA: $500 million for FEMA 
at a time when FEMA needs the money. It is outrageous to try to take a 
bad policy towards aid to Iraq and use it as a pass on our natural 
concern for the thousands who have lost their homes in California.
  This is a martial law rule. So as the gentleman has pointed out, we 
do not get a chance to read the bill and understand it before we vote 
on it. Forty-seven Republicans voted for my amendment (on October 16), 
along with all Democrats, to say that we have to have competitive 
bidding on all the oil contracts in Iraq. As far as I know, that has 
been stripped out of this bill so we will not have competitive bidding. 
The 47 Republicans, who along with Democrats, realized we could not 
trust this administration with no-bid contracts will not be able to 
have that provision in the bill--or maybe they will because we are 
still looking--because it is martial law, which means do not read the 
bill, just vote on it.
  Finally and most importantly, we just had a donors conference. The 
vast majority of donors gave the vast majority of their aid in the form 
of loans. We will not put in a single penny as loans. Why do the 
American taxpayers not get paid back? Because these other people need 
to be paid back; $116 billion of Saddam Hussein's debts are all on 
Iraq's balance sheet. They should be renounced, but instead they will 
be paid, and we will not.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
  Mr. KIND. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant opposition to this martial rule. I 
do not understand why we cannot follow regular process around here to 
give this body a chance to actually look at the supplemental, $87 
billion, the largest in our Nation's history, so we know the details 
that are contained in it.
  Just a couple of weeks ago, I had the opportunity to visit Iraq and 
visit our troops in the field. They are doing an incredible job under 
very difficult and dangerous circumstances. And, of course, this body 
is going to do everything we can to make sure they have the tools and 
the resources they need so they can do their mission safely and return 
home soon. But this process is out of order, and we are derelict in our 
duty in regard to the accountability to the American taxpayer.
  We do need accountability, and that is why earlier the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Cardin) and I offered an amendment with this bill that 
would have slashed the reconstruction funds in half, requiring the 
administration to come back to account for how the money is being used 
and to justify the need for more.
  Instead, we are giving them $20 billion when the World Bank just 
released a report indicating that Iraq cannot absorb more than $6 
billion in the next year anyway for reconstruction.
  But I am also concerned that these conference committees are becoming 
the black hole of the democratic process. The will of the House and the 
will of the Senate go in, but it never comes out. Specifically, in both 
the House and the Senate with wide bipartisan majorities, it was 
determined that we wanted to provide half the reconstruction funds in 
grants and the other half in loans, recognizing Iraq is sitting on the 
second largest oil reserve in the world, but also it would give us some 
bargaining position with the rest of the nations holding debt over Iraq 
to hopefully get them to forgive the debt. But any loan in this has 
been vanished in the conference committee; and, instead, the 
administration wants to just gift outright the $20 billion, requiring 
our children and grandchildren to pick up the tab for many years to 
come.
  We want to do right in Iraq. We do not have the luxury of cutting and 
running. We must succeed, but this process is not the way to do it.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished 
ranking member of the Committee on Rules.
  Mr. Speaker, I had hoped that with such a serious step being made by 
this body that we would have an opportunity to give Members the time to 
deliberate over, as what you have heard my colleagues say is the 
largest supplemental in the history of this Congress.
  I hope that my colleagues can understand the context in which we 
speak. That means that World War I, World War II, Korea, Vietnam, 
Kosovo, Bosnia, Somalia and other places, this is the largest amount, 
in essence, this is a blank check to the administration. And on top of 
this, Mr. Speaker, the American people do not feel any safer after the 
war in Iraq with respect to the war against terrorism.
  Right now, as my colleagues know, it seems as if we are facing an 
enormous apocalypse, if you will, on the west coast and my sympathies 
go to those families and those who have lost their lives.
  I believe this Congress wants to do the right thing and would stand 
up and debate the question of the resources that we need to be able to 
deliver to our friends in California. But in the dark of night we now 
have this martial rule where we understand that FEMA has been 
increasing its funding somewhere cushioned inside this $87 billion so 
that Members will feel hamstrung, if you will, to vote for something 
that is reckless and irresponsible.
  First of all, let me say that, being the largest one, it does not 
make sense. In the Madrid donor conference, $13 billion was given; but 
there were thousands, or at least thousands or let me say a large 
number, of countries that were there and all we got was $13 billion to 
aid us in Iraq; and most of that, Mr. Speaker, was in loans.
  It is interesting that the administration could not even decipher for 
Members of Congress how much were loans and how much were not. Then we 
find embedded in the provisions of this supplemental a weak Inspector 
General provision which is necessary in order not to give anyone a 
blank check.
  The three branches of government are just that by the Founding 
Fathers. Congress provides oversight to the administration and to the 
executive. It is a tragedy that we went to war without a constitutional 
vote under section 1, article 8. It is a tragedy as well that we 
continue to lose lives in Iraq and that the statement by the 
administration says simply, It is to be expected. I do not think we 
expect 40 deaths in 48 hours.
  I have spoken to those troops who are bravely on the front lines and, 
Mr. Speaker, they get it. They know our dissent is not against them. 
They fully understand that we want them home. We do not want to run. We 
want a real

[[Page H10209]]

democracy in Iraq, but we also want them to have the resources that 
they need to have when they come home from Iraq such as veterans care, 
hospital care, such as educational opportunities.
  I see my colleague on the floor of the House, the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Watson), who has been a leader on this issue. We want 
people like Shoshanna Johnson to be able to come and get the right kind 
of benefits that they deserve having suffered as a POW. But yet with 
this midnight rule, the martial rule, what we are facing are questions 
left unanswered. Why can the United Nations not participate in the 
aftermath and more of our allies be in place? Why have we not answered 
the question of where are the weapons of mass destruction? And why have 
we not answered the question of who did provide the leak of the CIA 
agent and why is there not a special counsel being appointed?
  Let me simply say that as we go into the dark night with a martial 
rule, we have a Bush economic record where long-term unemployment has 
tripled, and we have a Bush economic record where the median household 
income has gone down $1,439; as well, jobs, long-term unemployment has 
tripled from .66 to 2.10.
  Mr. Speaker, I am not prepared to vote in the dark on something that 
is as serious as this on behalf of the American people. I support the 
troops. I want them to be paid on time.

                              {time}  2115

  I want them to have body armor. I want them to be able to come home 
safely. I want a democracy in Iraq, but I am not prepared to support a 
reckless expenditure of money.
  My final point, we are already going to spend $178 billion in the 
effort in Iraq. If we stay there over a 10-year period and the 
operations and the aftermath, we are going to be spending between $237 
billion, and it could reach $418 billion, as analyzed by our 
colleagues. This is a reckless decision.
  I ask my colleagues to defeat the martial law and defeat the rule and 
defeat the appropriations.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I would ask the gentleman if he has any 
additional speakers.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional 
speakers.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  At this point I am prepared to yield back the balance of my time. 
Before I do so, I urge my colleagues to vote no on martial law, no 
matter how they may vote on the supplemental, and I personally intend 
to vote in favor of the supplemental, but I am objecting to this 
procedure under which it is brought to the floor tonight.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. HASTINGS of Washington. Mr. Speaker, I yield back my time, and I 
move the previous question on the resolution.
  The previous question was ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. FROST. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not 
present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
  The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
  This vote will be followed by two 5-minute votes on motions to 
instruct conferees on H.R. 1 and on H.R. 6 postponed from yesterday.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 217, 
nays 197, not voting 20, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 597]

                               YEAS--217

     Aderholt
     Bachus
     Baker
     Ballenger
     Barrett (SC)
     Bartlett (MD)
     Barton (TX)
     Bass
     Beauprez
     Bereuter
     Biggert
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (UT)
     Blackburn
     Blunt
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonner
     Bono
     Boozman
     Brady (TX)
     Brown (SC)
     Brown-Waite, Ginny
     Burgess
     Burns
     Burr
     Burton (IN)
     Buyer
     Calvert
     Camp
     Cannon
     Cantor
     Capito
     Carter
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chocola
     Coble
     Cole
     Collins
     Cox
     Crane
     Crenshaw
     Cubin
     Culberson
     Cunningham
     Davis, Jo Ann
     Davis, Tom
     Deal (GA)
     DeLay
     DeMint
     Diaz-Balart, L.
     Diaz-Balart, M.
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ehlers
     Emerson
     English
     Everett
     Feeney
     Ferguson
     Flake
     Foley
     Forbes
     Fossella
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Garrett (NJ)
     Gerlach
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gingrey
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Granger
     Graves
     Green (WI)
     Greenwood
     Gutknecht
     Harris
     Hart
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Hensarling
     Herger
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Hostettler
     Houghton
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hyde
     Isakson
     Issa
     Istook
     Janklow
     Jenkins
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (IL)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Keller
     Kelly
     Kennedy (MN)
     King (IA)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kirk
     Kline
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     LaHood
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Leach
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     LoBiondo
     Lucas (OK)
     Manzullo
     McCrery
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McKeon
     Mica
     Miller (FL)
     Miller (MI)
     Miller, Gary
     Moran (KS)
     Murphy
     Musgrave
     Myrick
     Nethercutt
     Neugebauer
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Nunes
     Nussle
     Osborne
     Ose
     Otter
     Oxley
     Pence
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Pickering
     Pitts
     Platts
     Pombo
     Porter
     Portman
     Pryce (OH)
     Putnam
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Ramstad
     Regula
     Rehberg
     Renzi
     Reynolds
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rogers (MI)
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Royce
     Ryan (WI)
     Ryun (KS)
     Saxton
     Schrock
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherwood
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Simmons
     Simpson
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Souder
     Stearns
     Sullivan
     Sweeney
     Tancredo
     Tauzin
     Taylor (NC)
     Terry
     Thomas
     Thornberry
     Tiahrt
     Tiberi
     Toomey
     Turner (OH)
     Upton
     Vitter
     Walden (OR)
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Weldon (FL)
     Weller
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wilson (NM)
     Wilson (SC)
     Wolf
     Young (FL)

                               NAYS--197

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Alexander
     Allen
     Andrews
     Baca
     Baird
     Baldwin
     Becerra
     Bell
     Berkley
     Berman
     Berry
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (NY)
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boyd
     Brady (PA)
     Brown (OH)
     Brown, Corrine
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardin
     Cardoza
     Carson (IN)
     Carson (OK)
     Clay
     Clyburn
     Conyers
     Cooper
     Costello
     Cramer
     Crowley
     Cummings
     Davis (AL)
     Davis (CA)
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis (TN)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     Deutsch
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Dooley (CA)
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Emanuel
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Ford
     Frank (MA)
     Frost
     Gonzalez
     Gordon
     Green (TX)
     Grijalva
     Hall
     Harman
     Hastings (FL)
     Hill
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hoeffel
     Holden
     Holt
     Honda
     Hooley (OR)
     Hoyer
     Inslee
     Israel
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     John
     Johnson, E. B.
     Jones (OH)
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind
     Kleczka
     Kucinich
     Lampson
     Langevin
     Lantos
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lee
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas (KY)
     Lynch
     Majette
     Maloney
     Markey
     Marshall
     Matheson
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McIntyre
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek (FL)
     Meeks (NY)
     Menendez
     Michaud
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller, George
     Mollohan
     Moore
     Moran (VA)
     Murtha
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal (MA)
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Owens
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Paul
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Pomeroy
     Price (NC)
     Rahall
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Rodriguez
     Ross
     Rothman
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)
     Sabo
     Sanchez, Loretta
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Scott (GA)
     Scott (VA)
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Skelton
     Slaughter
     Smith (WA)
     Snyder
     Solis
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stenholm
     Strickland
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Taylor (MS)
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Tierney
     Towns
     Turner (TX)
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Van Hollen
     Velazquez
     Waters
     Watson
     Watt
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Wexler
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn

                             NOT VOTING--20

     Akin
     Ballance
     Blumenauer
     Boehlert
     Bradley (NH)
     Case
     Doolittle
     Fletcher
     Gephardt
     Goss
     Gutierrez
     McCollum
     McCotter
     Miller (NC)
     Pearce
     Sanchez, Linda T.
     Stupak
     Visclosky
     Weldon (PA)
     Young (AK)


                Announcement By The Speaker Pro Tempore

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Ose) (during the vote). There are 2 
minutes remaining in this vote.

                              {time}  2137

  Mr. KILDEE and Mr. DAVIS of Florida changed their vote from ``yea'' 
to ``nay.''
  Mr. SESSIONS changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''

[[Page H10210]]

  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________