[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 144 (Wednesday, October 15, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H9418-H9431]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SYRIA ACCOUNTABILITY AND LEBANESE SOVEREIGNTY RESTORATION ACT OF 2003
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass
the bill (H.R. 1828) to halt Syrian support for terrorism, end its
occupation of Lebanon, stop its development of weapons of mass
destruction, cease its illegal importation of Iraqi oil and illegal
shipments of weapons and other military items to Iraq, and by so doing
hold Syria accountable for the serious international security problems
it has caused in the Middle East, and for other purposes, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 1828
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Syria Accountability and
Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) On September 20, 2001, President George Bush stated at
a joint session of Congress that ``[e]very nation, in every
region, now has a decision to make . . . [e]ither you are
with us, or you are with the terrorists . . . [f]rom this day
forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support
terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile
regime''.
(2) On June 24, 2002, President Bush stated ``Syria must
choose the right side in the war on terror by closing
terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations.
(3) United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373
(September 28, 2001) mandates that all states ``refrain from
providing any form of support, active or passive, to entities
or persons involved in terrorist acts'', take ``the necessary
steps to prevent the commission of terrorist acts'', and
``deny safe haven to those who finance, plan, support, or
commit terrorist acts''.
(4) The Government of Syria is currently prohibited by
United States law from receiving United States assistance
because it has repeatedly provided support for acts of
international terrorism, as determined by the Secretary of
State for purposes of section 6(j)(1) of the Export
Administration Act of 1979 (50 U.S.C. App. 2405(j)(1)) and
other relevant provisions of law.
(5) Although the Department of State lists Syria as a state
sponsor of terrorism and reports that Syria provides ``safe
haven and support to several terrorist groups'', fewer United
States sanctions apply with respect to Syria than with
respect to any other country that is listed as a state
sponsor of terrorism.
(6) Terrorist groups, including Hizballah, Hamas,
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine, and the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine--General Command, maintains offices,
training camps, and other facilities on Syrian territory, and
operate in areas of Lebanon occupied by the Syrian armed
forces and receive supplies from Iran through Syria.
(7) United Nations Security Council Resolution 520
(September 17, 1982) calls for ``strict respect of the
sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and political
independence of Lebanon under the sole and exclusive
authority of the Government of Lebanon through the Lebanese
Army throughout Lebanon''.
(8) Approximately 20,000 Syrian troops and security
personnel occupy much of the sovereign territory of Lebanon
exerting undue influence upon its government and undermining
its political independence.
(9) Since 1990 the Senate and House of Representatives have
passed seven bills and resolutions which call for the
withdrawal of Syrian armed forces from Lebanon.
(10) On March 3, 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell
declared that it is the objective of the United States to
``let Lebanon be ruled by the Lebanese people without the
presence of [the Syrian] occupation army''.
(11) Large and increasing numbers of the Lebanese people
from across the political spectrum in Lebanon have mounted
peaceful and democratic calls for the withdrawal of the
Syrian Army from Lebanese soil.
(12) Israel has withdrawn all of its armed forces from
Lebanon in accordance with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 425 (March 19, 1978), as certified by the United
Nations Secretary General.
(13) Even in the face of this United Nations certification
that acknowledged Israel's full compliance with Security
Council Resolution 425, Syrian- and Iranian-supported
Hizballah continues to attack Israeli outposts at Shebaa
Farms, under the pretense that Shebaa Farms is territory from
which Israel was required to withdraw by Security Counsel
Resolution 425, and Syrian- and Iranian-supported Hizballah
and other militant organizations continue to attack civilian
targets in Israel.
(14) Syria will not allow Lebanon--a sovereign country--to
fulfill its obligation in accordance with Security Council
Resolution 425 to deploy its troops to southern Lebanon.
(15) As a result, the Israeli-Lebanese border and much of
southern Lebanon is under the control of Hizballah, which
continues to attack Israeli positions, allows Iranian
Revolutionary Guards and other militant groups to operate
freely in the area, and maintains thousands of rockets along
Israel's northern border, destabilizing the entire region.
(16) On February 12, 2003, Director of Central Intelligence
George Tenet stated the following with respect to the Syrian-
and Iranian-supported Hizballah: ``[A]s an organization with
capability and worldwide presence [it] is [al Qaeda's] equal
if not a far more capable organization . . . [T]hey're a
notch above in many respects, in terms of in their
relationship with the Iranians and the training they receive,
[which] puts them in a state-sponsored category with a
potential for lethality that's quite great.''.
(17) In the State of the Union address on January 29, 2002,
President Bush declared that the United States will ``work
closely with our coalition to deny terrorists and their state
sponsors the materials, technology, and expertise to make and
deliver weapons of mass destruction''.
[[Page H9419]]
(18) The Government of Syria continues to develop and
deploy short- and medium-range ballistic missiles.
(19) According to the December 2001 unclassified Central
Intelligence Agency report entitled ``Foreign Missile
Developments and the Ballistic Missile Threat through 2015'',
``Syria maintains a ballistic missile and rocket force of
hundreds of FROG rockets, Scuds, and SS-21 SRBMs [and] Syria
has developed [chemical weapons] warheads for its Scuds''.
(20) The Government of Syria if pursuing the development
and production of biological and chemical weapons and has a
nuclear research and development weapons and has a nuclear
research and development program that is cause for concern.
(21) According to the Central Intelligence Agency's
``Unclassified Report to Congress on the Acquisition of
Technology Relating to Weapons of Mass Destruction and
Advanced Conventional Munitions'', released January 7, 2003:
``[Syria] already holds a stockpile of the nerve agent sarin
but apparently is trying to develop more toxic and persistent
nerve agents. Syria remains dependent on foreign sources for
key elements of its [chemical weapons] program, including
precursor chemicals and key production equipment. It is
highly probable that Syria also is developing an offensive
[biological weapons] capability.''.
(22) On May 6, 2002, the Under Secretary of State for Arms
Control and International Security, John Bolton, stated:
``The United States also knows that Syria has long had a
chemical warfare program. It has a stockpile of the nerve
agent sarin and is engaged in research and development of the
more toxic and persistent nerve agent VX. Syria, which has
signed but not ratified the [Biological Weapons Convention],
is pursuing the development of biological weapons and is able
to produce at least small amounts of biological warfare
agents.''.
(23) According to the Central Intelligence Agency's
``Unclassified Report to Congress on the Acquisition of
Technology Relating to Weapons of Mass Destruction and
Advanced Conventional Munitions'', released January 7, 2003:
``Russia and Syria have approved a draft cooperative program
on cooperation on civil nuclear power. In principal, broader
access to Russian expertise provides opportunities for Syria
to expand its indigenous capabilities, should it decide to
pursue nuclear weapons.''.
(24) Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (21 UST 483), which entered force on March 5, 1970,
and to which Syria is a party, Syria has undertaken not to
acquire or produce nuclear weapons and has accepted full
scope safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency to
detect diversions of nuclear materials from peaceful
activities to the production of nuclear weapons or other
nuclear explosive devices.
(25) Syria is not a party to the Chemical Weapons
Conventions or the Biological Weapons Convention, which
entered into force on April 29, 1997, and on March 26, 1975,
respectively.
(26) Syrian President Bashar Assad promised Secretary of
State Powell in February 2001 to end violations of Security
Council Resolutions 661, which restricted the sale of oil and
other commodities by Saddam Hussein's regime, except to the
extent authorized by other relevant resolutions, but this
pledge was never fulfilled.
(27) Syria's illegal imports and transshipments of Iraqi
oil during Saddam Hussein's regime earned Syria $50,000,000
or more per month as Syria continued to sell its own
Syrian oil at market prices.
(28) Syria's illegal imports and transshipments of Iraqi
oil earned Saddam Hussein's regime $2,000,000 per day.
(29) The Government of Syria also utilized the railway
network linking Mosul, Iraq, to Aleppo, Syria, to transfer a
wide range of weaponry and weapon systems to Saddam Hussein's
regime.
(30) On March 28, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld warned: ``[W]e have information that shipments of
military supplies have been crossing the border from Syria
into Iraq, including night-vision goggles . . . These
deliveries pose a direct threat to the lives of coalition
forces. We consider such trafficking as hostile acts, and
will hold the Syrian government accountable for such
shipments.''.
(31) According to Article 23(1) of the United Nations
Charter, members of the United Nations are elected as
nonpermanent members of the United Nations Security Council
with ``due regard being specially paid, in the first instance
to the contribution of members of the United Nations to the
maintenance of international peace and security and to other
purposes of the Organization''.
(32) Despite Article 23(1) of the United Nations Charter,
Syria was elected on October 8, 2001, to a 2-year term as a
nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council
beginning January 1, 2002, and served as President of the
Security Council during June 2002 and August 2003.
(33) On March 31, 2003, the Syrian Foreign Minister, Farouq
al-Sharra, made the Syrian regime's intentions clear when he
explicitly stated that ``Syria's interest is to see the
invaders defeated in Iraq''.
(34) On April 13, 2003, Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld charged that ``busloads'' of Syrian fighters entered
Iraq with ``hundreds of thousands of dollars'' and leaflets
offering rewards for dead American soldiers.
(35) On September 16, 2003, the Under Secretary of State
for Arms Control and International Security, John Bolton,
appeared before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and
Central Asia of the Committee on International Relations of
the House of Representatives, and underscored Syria's
``hostile actions'' toward coalition forces during Operation
Iraqi Freedom. Under Secretary Bolton added that: ``Syria
allowed military equipment to flow into Iraq on the eve of
and during the war. Syria permitted volunteers to pass into
Iraq to attack and kill our service members during the war,
and is still doing so . . . [Syria's] behavior during
Operation Iraqi Freedom underscores the importance of taking
seriously reports and information on Syria's WMD
capabilities.''.
(36) During his appearance before the Committee on
International Relations of the House of Representatives on
September 25, 2003, Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, III,
Administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq,
stated that out of the 278 third-country nationals who were
captured by coalition forces in Iraq, the ``single largest
group are Syrians''.
SEC. 3. SENSE OF CONGRESS.
It is the sense of Congress that--
(1) the Government of Syria should immediately and
unconditionally halt support for terrorism, permanently and
openly declare its total renunciation of all forms of
terrorism, and close all terrorist offices and facilities in
Syria, including the offices of Hamas, Hizballah, Palestinian
Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine--General Command;
(2) the Government of Syria should--
(A) immediately and unconditionally stop facilitating
transit from Syria to Iraq of individuals, military
equipment, and all lethal items, except as authorized by the
Coalition Provisional Authority or a representative,
internationally recognized Iraqi government;
(B) cease its support for ``volunteers'' and terrorists who
are traveling from and through Syria into Iraq to launch
attacks; and
(C) undertake concrete, verifiable steps to deter such
behavior and control the use of territory under Syrian
control;
(3) the Government of Syria should immediately declare its
commitment to completely withdraw its armed forces, including
military, paramilitary, and security forces, from Lebanon,
and set a firm timetable for such withdrawal;
(4) the Government of Lebanon should deploy the Lebanese
armed forces to all areas of Lebanon, including South
Lebanon, in accordance with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982), in order to assert the
sovereignty of the Lebanese state over all of its territory,
and should evict all terrorist and foreign forces from
southern Lebanon, including Hizballah and the Iranian
Revolutionary Guards;
(5) the Government of Syria should halt the development and
deployment of medium- and long-range surface-to-surface
missiles and cease the development and production of
biological and chemical weapons;
(6) the Governments of Lebanon and Syria should enter into
serious unconditional bilateral negotiations with the
Government of Israel in order to realize a full and permanent
peace;
(7) the United States should continue to provide
humanitarian and educational assistance to the people of
Lebanon only through appropriate private, nongovernmental
organizations and appropriate international organizations,
until such time as the Government of Lebanon asserts
sovereignty and control over all of its territory and borders
and achieves full political independence, as called for in
United Nations Security Council Resolution 520; and
(8) as a violator of several key United Nations Security
Council resolutions and as a nation that pursues policies
which undermine international peace and security, Syria
should not have been permitted to join the United Nations
Security Council or serve as the Security Council's
President, and should be removed from the Security Council.
SEC. 4. STATEMENT OF POLICY.
It is the policy of the United States that--
(1) Syria will be held responsible for attacks committed by
Hizballah and other terrorist groups with offices, training
camps, or other facilities in Syria, or bases ion areas of
Lebanon occupied by Syria.
(2) the United States shall impede Syria's ability to
support acts of international terrorism and efforts to
develop or acquire weapons of mass destruction;
(3) the Secretary of State will continue to list Syria as a
state sponsor of terrorism until Syria ends its support for
terrorism, including its support of Hizballah and other
terrorist groups in Lebanon and its hosting of terrorist
groups in Damascus, and comes into full compliance with
United States law relating to terrorism and United Nations
Security Council Resolution 1373 (September 28, 2001);
(4) efforts against Hizballah will be expanded given the
recognition that Hizballah is equally or more capable than al
Qaeda;
(5) the full restoration of Lebanon's sovereignty,
political independence, and territorial integrity is in the
national security interest of the United States;
(6) Syria is in violation of United Nations Security
Council Resolution 520 (September 17, 1982) through its
continued occupation of Lebanese territory and its
encroachment upon Lebanon's political independence;
(7) Syria's obligation to withdraw from Lebanon is not
conditioned upon progress in
[[Page H9420]]
the Israeli-Syrian or Israeli-Lebanese peace process but
derives from Syria's obligation under Security Council
Resolution 520;
(8) Syria's acquisition of weapons of mass destruction and
ballistic missile programs threaten the security of the
Middle East and the national security interests of the United
States;
(9) Syria will be held accountable for any harm to
Coalition armed forces or to any United States citizen in
Iraq due to its facilitation of terrorist activities and its
shipments of military supplies to Iraq; and
(10) the United States will not provide any assistance to
Syria and will oppose multilateral assistance for Syria until
Syria ends all support for terrorism, withdraws its armed
forces from Lebanon, and halts the development and deployment
of weapons of mass destruction and medium- and long-range
surface-to-surface ballistic missiles.
SEC. 5. PENALTIES AND AUTHORIZATION.
(a) Penalties.--Until the President makes the determination
that Syria meets all the requirements described in paragraphs
(1) through (4) of subsection (d) and certifies such
determination to Congress in accordance with such
subsection--
(1) the President shall prohibit the export to Syria of any
item, including the issuance of a license for the export of
any item, on the United States Munitions List or Commerce
Control List of dual-use items in the Export Administration
Regulations (15 C.F.R. part 730 et seq.); and
(2) the President shall impose two or more of the following
sanctions:
(A) Prohibit the export of products of the United States
(other than food and medicine) to Syria.
(B) Prohibit United States businesses from investing or
operating in Syria.
(C) Restrict Syrian diplomats in Washington, D.C., and at
the United Nations in New York City, to travel only within a
25-mile radius of Washington, D.C., or the United Nations
headquarters building, respectively.
(D) Prohibit aircraft of any air carrier owned or
controlled by Syria to take off from, land in, or overfly the
United States.
(E) Reduce United States diplomatic contacts with Syria
(other than those contacts required to protect United States
interests or carry out the purposes of this Act).
(F) Block transactions in any property in which the
Government of Syria has any interest, by any person, or with
respect to any property, subject to the jurisdiction of the
United States.
(b) Waiver.--The President may waive the application of
paragraph (2) of subsection (a) for one or more 6-month
periods if the President determines that it is in the vital
national security interest of the United States to do so
and transmits to Congress a report that contains the
reasons therefor.
(c) Authority To Provide Assistance to Syria.--If the
President--
(1) makes the determination that Syria meets the
requirements described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of
subsection (d) and certifies such determination to Congress
in accordance with such subsection;
(2) determines that substantial progress has been made both
in negotiations aimed at achieving a peace agreement between
Israel and Syria and in negotiations aimed at achieving a
peace agreement between Israel and Lebanon; and
(3) determines that the Government of Syria is strictly
respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity, and
political independence of Lebanon under the sole and
exclusive authority of the Government of Lebanon through the
Lebanese army throughout Lebanon, as required under paragraph
(4) of United Nations Security Council Resolution 520 (1982),
then the President is authorized to provide assistance to
Syria under chapter 1 of Part I of the Foreign Assistance Act
of 1961 (relating to development assistance).
(d) Certification.--A certification under this subsection
is a certification transmitted to the appropriate
congressional committees of a determination made by the
President that--
(1) the Government of Syria has ceased providing support
for international terrorist groups and does not allow
terrorist groups, such as Hamas, Hizballah, Palestinian
Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine-General Command to maintain facilities in territory
under Syrian control;
(2) the Government of Syria has withdrawn all Syrian
military, intelligence, and other security personnel from
Lebanon;
(3) the Government of Syria has ceased the development and
deployment of medium- and long-range surface-to-surface
ballistic missiles, is not pursuing or engaged in the
research development, acquisition, production, transfer, or
deployment of biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons, has
provided credible assurances that such behavior will not be
undertaken in the future, and has agreed to allow United
Nations and other international observers to verify such
actions and assurances; and
(4) the Government of Syria has ceased all support for, and
facilitation of, all terrorist activities inside of Iraq,
including preventing the use of territory under its control
by any means whatsoever to support those engaged in terrorist
activities inside of Iraq.
SEC. 6. REPORT.
(a) Report.--Not later than 6 months after the date of the
enactment of this Act, and every 12 months thereafter until
the conditions described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of
section 5(d) are satisfied, the Secretary of State shall
submit to the appropriate congressional committees a report
on--
(1) Syria's progress toward meeting the conditions
described in paragraphs (1) through (4) of section 5(d);
(2) connections, if any, between individual terrorists and
terrorist groups which maintain offices, training camps, or
other facilities on Syrian territory, or operate in areas of
Lebanon occupied by the Syrian armed forces, and the attacks
against the United States that occurred on September 11,
2001, and other terrorist attacks on the United States or its
citizens, installations, or allies; and
(3) how the United States is increasing its efforts against
Hizballah given the recognition that Hizballah is equally or
more capable than al Qaeda.
(b) Form.--The report submitted under subsection (a) shall
be in unclassified form but may include a classified annex.
SEC. 7. DEFINITION OF APPROPRIATE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES.
In this Act, the term ``appropriate congressional
committees'' means the Committee on International Relations
of the House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign
Relations of the Senate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) and the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen).
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that debate on
the motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1828, as
amended, be extended to 60 minutes, equally divided.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Florida?
There was no objection.
General Leave
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend
their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1828, as amended.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1828, as amended, a
bill I introduced with my colleague the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Engel), to hold Syria accountable for behavior and activities which
threaten U.S. national security, our interests and our allies.
The Syrian regime has the blood of Americans on its hands, and we
cannot, and we will not allow this to go unpunished. That is one of the
primary reasons we are here today. And we would not have reached this
point were it not for the commitment and unwavering support of a great
American, our distinguished majority leader, the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. Delay), and we thank him for that support.
Mr. Speaker, following the deplorable terrorist attacks of September
11, 2001, President Bush clearly articulated what would be the guiding
principles of U.S. foreign policy. He said: ``Every Nation in every
region now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are
with the terrorists. From this day forward, any Nation that continues
to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as
a hostile regime.''
The choice was clear, and Syria chose to be on the wrong side of
history. Syria continues to harbor Hezballah, the Palestinian Islamic
Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the PFLP-GC,
and Hamas, including permitting the operation of offices and terrorist
camps in Syrian territory and in Syrian-occupied Lebanon.
These and other Syrian-sponsored groups have perpetrated acts of
terrorism against Americans, most notably the bombing of the U.S.
Marine barracks in Syrian-occupied Lebanon in 1983, which killed 241
American Marines, and the attack on the Khobar Towers in 1996, where,
with the assistance of Syria, the terrorists killed 19 American
servicemen and injured scores of others.
The Syrian regime has continuously allowed Iranian transshipment of
weapons to Hezballah and, in recent years, has also begun to supply
Hezballah
[[Page H9421]]
militants with mortars, rocket-propelled grenade launchers and other
weapons.
The Syrians vehemently defend, as well as support, protect and
harbor, the leaders of Hezballah. For example, Sheik Nasrallah, a
terrorist, who proclaimed in a speech broadcast on Hezballah's TV
station in late April of this year, he said, ``Death to America was,
is, and will stay our slogan.''
The actions that have earned the Syrian regime the pariah status as a
state sponsor of terror have been further highlighted in Iraq, where
Syria has been complicit against our forces in Iraq, as repeatedly
articulated by the Syrian foreign minister, when he said, ``Syria's
interest is to see the invaders defeated in Iraq.''
Syria has encouraged thousands of so-called ``irregular forces'' and
other ``volunteer'' terrorists to cross the Syrian border into Iraq to
battle our coalition forces. When U.S. military forces captured a large
group of Syrians, they reportedly confiscated 70 suicide jackets, each
filled with 22 pounds of military grade C4 explosives and mercury
detonators. U.S. soldiers also reportedly found several hundred
thousand dollars on a bus that came from Syria, together with leaflets
suggesting that Iraqis would be rewarded if they killed Americans.
Ambassador Paul Bremer, the Administrator of the Coalition Provision
Authority in Iraq, testified before our Committee on International
Relations just a few weeks ago, and he said that the largest number of
third-country detainees in U.S. custody in Iraq are from
Syria. Ambassador Bremer underscored: ``And we believe that there are
rat lines, as they call them, from Syria into Iraq, where both fighters
and, in many cases, terrorists are still coming in.''
Despite the Syrian regime's efforts at manipulation, the terrorists
they support remove any question that Syria is facilitating the
movement of fighters into Iraq to kill our men and women in the Armed
Forces. In September 14, 2003, an interview was printed with the Sunday
Times World where a member of the militant Islamic group Martyrs of
Islam, identifying himself only as Jamal, revealed that he and many
others had trained at a camp in Syria during the buildup to the recent
war in Iraq.
According to Jamal, while at the Syrian camp, he was trained to make
bombs, set booby traps and fire various small arms, including rocket-
propelled grenade launchers. Jamal said, ``Our entire group was trained
in Syria. Other groups were trained there after us. We are here to kill
American soldiers.'' He claimed that his 15-member cell had carried out
about 60 attacks against American forces in 3 months.
Syria also continues to occupy Lebanon, in direct contravention of
the United Nations Security Council resolutions. Through its illegal
occupation of Lebanon, the Syrian regime has imposed its will on the
Lebanese people through electoral intimidation, through political
persecution, through the stifling of free speech, assassination of
opposition leaders, and, last but not least, through brute military
force.
The Syrian regime has all but eliminated Lebanon from the
international political map, denying the Lebanese people their right to
self-determination. It hijacked the democracy process in Lebanon,
converting Lebanon into a proxy of the dictatorship in Damascus, a
proxy in much the same way that the former Soviet Union used Eastern
Europe to propagate its ``evil empire.''
The Syrian regime has even tried to extend its repression of the
Lebanese people to the U.S., to the hallowed halls of Congress. For
example, for his testimony during a Congressional roundtable that I
held on September 17 as chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East
and Central Asia, General Michel Aoun, the former Prime Minister of
Lebanon and one of the leading opposition figures in Lebanon, faces
prosecution on charges of tarnishing Lebanon's ties with Syria. His
statements in support of the Syria Accountability and Lebanese
Sovereignty Restoration Act were viewed as an ``offense and he should
be tried for it,'' said the authorities.
For all of the reasons I have articulated this afternoon, Mr.
Speaker, it is imperative that we render our overwhelming support to
H.R. 1828, as amended.
The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of
2003, as reported, establishes a clear set of policies with respect to
Syria. It calls for the imposition of sanctions intended to deny Syria
resources to pursue its threatening behavior and limit its diplomatic
legitimacy should it persist in pursuing these activities. If the
Syrian regime does not alter its behavior, it will suffer the
consequences.
The sanctions are to be imposed unless the President certifies that
Syria is not providing support for terrorists; has stopped all support
for terrorist activities inside of Iraq; has withdrawn all military,
intelligence and other security personnel from Lebanon; is not involved
in the production, development, deployment, acquisition or transfer of
weapons of mass destruction and long-range ballistic missiles; has
provided credible assurances that such behavior will not be undertaken
in the future; and has agreed to allow United Nations and other
international observers to verify such actions and assurances.
The imposition of some, but not all, of the sanctions may be waived
by the President for a 6-month period if he determines that it is in
the vital national security of the United States to do so and transmits
a report to Congress on the reasons substantiating such a
determination.
Mr. Speaker, diplomacy with the Syrian regime has failed miserably.
It is time to reinforce our words with concrete, tangible and punitive
measures. This bill provides the President with the tools and the
overwhelming Congressional support he needs to hold the regime in
Damascus accountable for choosing to side with the terrorists and
engaging in activities threatening the American people and U.S.
national security interests.
Syria cannot be allowed to continue to act with impunity. The game is
over.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1828.
Mr. Speaker, among the Members who deserve our praise for sponsoring
this bill, I would like to single out the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Engel), who first introduced this bill in the 107th Congress. I want to
commend the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) chair of the
Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, and the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on
the Middle East and Central Asia, for their invaluable work in bringing
this legislation to the floor.
Mr. Speaker, no one in Damascus should be surprised by our action
today.
{time} 1700
One might even say that the Syrian Government is the moving spirit
behind this action.
Syria, Mr. Speaker, is the leading regional force for destabilization
and against peace. Syria is a charter member of the U.S. Government's
list of state sponsors of terrorism. Syria hosts and provides both
military and economic support to a wide array of vicious terrorist
groups.
For too many years, inexplicably, our government has treated Syria
better than it does other state sponsors of terrorism. We have been
allowing more trade with Syria, and we have maintained normal
diplomatic ties. It is time, Mr. Speaker, for this special treatment to
end.
The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of
2003 will closely align our Syria policy with our policy toward other
state sponsors of terrorism.
Twenty years ago, Mr. Speaker, Syrian-sponsored terrorism was
responsible for the worst pre-September 11 terrorist incident in
American history: the murder of 241 U.S. Marines by a suicide bomber in
Lebanon in October of 1983. I visited with those Marines just a few
weeks before the tragedy. Now, Syria's irresponsible behavior is again
resulting in more murders of American soldiers, this time in Iraq.
Six months ago, Mr. Speaker, I visited Syria and met with the
president of that country. I told him that he had made a major
miscalculation regarding Iraq. Completely misunderstanding media
reports of Coalition difficulties
[[Page H9422]]
in the first days of the war due to a sand storm, Syria promptly
aligned itself with Saddam Hussein, opening its borders to jihadists
and suicide bombers, and opening the floodgates for arms and military
equipment to flow into Iraq. To this very day, Mr. Speaker, Syria keeps
its borders open, and suicide bombers and pro-Saddam thugs are allowed
to cross into Iraq and attack our American soldiers in that country.
But it is not the only way that Syria is aiding terrorists in Iraq.
This last weekend, Mr. Speaker, we learned that Syrian state-controlled
banks are holding some $3 billion of Saddam Hussein's cash. Despite our
diplomatic efforts, Syria is refusing to freeze those funds and to
return them to pay part of the cost of rebuilding Iraq. Meanwhile,
Saddam's ``bitter-enders,'' perhaps Saddam himself, are drawing on
those funds to fuel their murderous attacks on American soldiers.
When I met with President Asad 6 months ago, I warned him that the
Syria Accountability Act would soon be on its way to passage in the
House and in the Senate unless Syria changed its ways in Iraq and
throughout the region. President Asad understood me perfectly. I was
not surprised to find that he was very familiar with the Syria
Accountability Act.
Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Asad one week after my visit;
and told him, as I had, what he needed to do to improve Syria's
standing in the United States: he had to end support for terrorism in
Iraq and elsewhere. He had to stop supporting Hezbollah and other
terrorist groups in Lebanon. He had to close the terrorist offices in
Damascus. He had to remove the 17,000 Syrian soldiers in Lebanon. He
had to remove the thousands of Syrian military intelligence officers
who effectively run Lebanon. He had to stop work on weapons of mass
destruction. He had to free the many political prisoners in Syrian
prisons, and he had to end vicious anti-U.S. incitement in Syria's
media.
I repeated my warning in a press conference with Arab media
immediately after my meeting with Asad. When I returned to Washington,
I wrote the president of Syria, reviewing the contents of our meeting.
I reminded him that congressional action was looming, but that he had
the power to avert it.
Mr. Speaker, at this time I will introduce into the Record the text
of my letter of last May to President Asad.
Committee on International Relations, House of
Representatives,
Washington, DC, May 23, 2003.
His Excellency, President Bashar al-Asad,
Damascus, Syrian Arab Republic.
Dear Mr. President: Once again I would like to thank you
for receiving me in your office recently. Our discussion was
valuable, and I believe it could mark the beginning of a
productive dialogue that benefits both our nations.
I have therefore been surprised and deeply dismayed by
Syria's failure to take truly meaningful action on the issues
we discussed in the weeks since my visit. Notwithstanding
press reports that some of the offices of Palestinian
terrorist organizations in Damascus may have been closed, I
am deeply disappointed by your failure to confirm this
definitively and to affirm that their closure is the result
of a decision by the Syrian government, not by the
terrorists. I was also disturbed by your failure to join the
U.N. Security Council consensus in favor of UNSC Resolution
1483 ending sanctions on Iraq and by the Syrian state media's
harsh and inaccurate accusations against the U.S. regarding
that resolution.
Mr. President, closing the offices of Palestinian
terrorist organizations is the most basic of steps you must
take if we are to make a start toward improving U.S.-Syrian
relations, as you and I discussed. But it is crucial not only
that you actually close the offices and prevent these groups
and their partisans from carrying out activities in Syria but
that you also make clear, publicly and formally, that you are
doing so. Only if such actions are executed in a transparent
and definitive manner can Syria demonstrate to the world that
it opposes the actions of these terrorist organizations. A
stealthy closing of the offices, or a sham closing in which
terrorist personnel continue to carry out their activities
less publicly and from different locations--or a closing
which you claim is strictly the result of the terrorists'
decision, as you so far have done--will only leave the world
skeptical of your real intentions and will prevent you from
reaping any benefits in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations.
I was pleased that, in our meeting, you said you oppose
terrorism ``anywhere.'' Since the Palestinian groups with
offices in Damascus have claimed credit for numerous
terrorist attacks in Israel--and sometimes have issued these
claims from Damascus itself--they surely have no business in
Syria, and you should have no trouble making public
declarations to that effect. As we agreed, there is no point
in discussing semantics. Whether one calls them information
offices or terrorist headquarters, it is imperative that they
be closed and their cadre expelled--and that this decision be
publicly announced and definitively implemented--if we hope
to begin a new era in bilateral relations.
You will recall that we discussed the Syria Accountability
Act. I told you at that time that, depending on your
decisions and actions, Congressional action on that bill will
be delayed, halted, or accelerated. I also told you that I
would be looking for the earliest possible positive action on
your part and in particular in the immediate aftermath of the
Powell visit. Based on what I have seen and read thus far,
such positive action from you has not been sufficiently
forthcoming. Should that continue to be so, I will have no
choice but to join with like-minded colleagues in the near
future to accelerate action on the Syrian Accountability Act.
So that there be no misunderstanding, I think it is
important that I review with you the content of our
discussion and my reflections on it. As I indicated to you,
Syria made many regrettable decisions in the months leading
up to the Iraq war, during it, and in its immediate
aftermath. These mistakes were reflected in both your
statements and actions during this period. My impression
during our meeting was that you understand this. In fact, it
is crucial that your future performance fully reflect this
understanding, that you expel any Iraqi officials and Saddam
Hussein family members who took refuge in Syria, that you
seal your border so as to prevent the smuggling of arms and
other military equipment into Iraq as well as the
infiltration of anti-U.S. personnel, and that you fully
cooperate with the United States' Iraq policy in all other
ways. Indeed, my overwhelming concern--and I believe that of
all of my colleagues in the U.S. Congress--is that you
cooperate to the fullest extent with ongoing United States
efforts in Iraq. Based on Syria's absence from yesterday's UN
Security Council vote, you clearly have not comprehended the
urgency of this concern.
Beyond cooperation regarding Iraq, several steps are
necessary in order to reverse the recent erosion of bilateral
ties. Let me once again enumerate these steps:
(1) The offices of the Palestinian terrorist groups must
be closed and their activities ended immediately, and this
decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented,
as discussed above.
(2) All military assistance to Hizballah, both directly and
as a conduit for Iran, must be terminated.
(3) Hizballah must be removed from the Lebanese-Israeli
border area as well as from the area of Shebaa Farms, and the
Lebanese Armed Forces must be deployed throughout the length
of the border. Hizballah also must cease its attacks on
Israeli territory and personnel, including in the Shebaa
Farms area.
(4) Hizballah must be disarmed, as every other Lebanese
militia has been.
(5) Iranian Revolutionary Guard cadre must be expelled from
Lebanon.
(6) All terrorist bases in Lebanon and Syria must be
closed, and all other support for terrorism must end.
(7) Syrian military forces must be evacuated from Lebanon.
(8) All Israeli prisoners held by Hizballah or Syria must
be released.
(9) Syria must take immediate steps to address the many
serious human rights problems addressed in the U.S. State
Department's recent human rights report. In particular, it
must release the academicians, journalists, and members of
the Syrian parliament currently in prison for crimes of
speech and thought.
(10) Hostile anti-U.S. propaganda in state media must be
terminated.
All of these steps are required urgently, but again I
emphasize that an affirmative decision to close the offices
of the Palestinian groups in Damascus must be announced and
implemented definitively and immediately.
During our meeting, you asked me whether I expect you to
undertake these actions ``for free.'' To reiterate, I am not
asking anything for free. In English, there is a saying that
virtue is its own reward. Indeed, a state that supports
terrorist groups and violates the sovereignty of a
neighboring nation cannot be fully accepted as member in good
standing of the civilized world in the twenty-first century.
But of course I understand that you were asking what the
political pay-off would be for Syria. The reward, Mr.
President, is immeasurable and of the greatest significance.
It is the goodwill of the Congress, the Administration, and
the American people. This goodwill is a priceless commodity,
and it has long been lacking in our bilateral relations
precisely because of Syria's failure to take the necessary
actions I enumerated in our talk and have underscored here.
From the establishment of goodwill all other benefits flow.
If you show clear indication that you are progressing in
the direction I outlined--beginning with full cooperation
regarding Iraq and the immediate and definitive closing of
the offices of the Palestinian terrorist organizations and
the cessation of their activities on Syrian or Lebanese
soil--I will do everything I can to prevent Congressional
consideration of the Syria Accountability Act. Let me add
something else: Once it would be fully clear that Syria no
longer belongs on the list of state-sponsors of terrorism,
nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to advocate
its removal from that list.
[[Page H9423]]
Absent such indication, however, I can only foresee the
worst. I must again underscore the importance of your acting
immediately. Time is running out.
You asked that I sound out the Israelis about their
interest in pursuing negotiations regarding the Golan Heights
and Syrian-Israeli peace. I did indeed raise this matter with
Prime Minister Sharon during my visit to Israel. He assured
me that he is ready to engage in negotiations, on an
unconditional basis, at any time. I would be delighted to be
of any further assistance to you on this matter.
Let me reiterate that I foresee the prospect of a new and
positive era in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. The recent
war in Iraq is a cataclysmic development that will usher in
great changes in the region. A Middle East that is more
politically liberal and increasingly friendly to the United
States is on the horizon. This trend is typified by some of
your bordering neighbors, such as Jordan, Israel, Turkey,
and, soon no doubt, the new Iraq. It is my fervent wish that
Syria be seen as fully in step with these regional trends. It
is my firm conviction that Syria indeed must be fully in step
with these trends if U.S.-Syrian relations are to improve and
prosper rather than suffer still further damage. The path our
relations follow will depend, Mr. President, on your vision,
your leadership, and, most important, your willingness to
take bold decisions along the lines we have discussed.
Sincerely,
Tom Lantos,
Ranking Democratic Member.
Mr. Speaker, after 6 months of waiting, 6 months after Secretary
Powell's visit, and 6 months after my own visit, Syria has done nothing
to comply with our long-standing requirements. This conclusion is
confirmed by the administration which has sensibly changed its position
on the Syrian Accountability Act from one of opposition to its current
stance, which I view as implicit support for our legislation. It seems,
Mr. Speaker, everyone's patience has run out.
I wish that this legislation had not been necessary, but the Syrian
regime's actions, or perhaps I should say inactions, have made it
imperative. Despite warning after warning, the Syrian Government has
refused to heed the dictates of common sense. In fact, it has regressed
with its latest outrages resulting in more terrorism in Iraq. The door
to good relations with the United States has been wide open to Syria,
but the Syrian regime has contemptuously slammed it shut. Now it must
pay the consequences.
Nevertheless, Mr. Speaker, as our legislation makes it clear, the
United States remains ready and receptive to good relations with Syria,
just as soon as the Syrian regime conforms to the norms of civilized
conduct.
The whole Middle East is changing, Mr. Speaker. Syria cannot and will
not be frozen in a past of supporting terrorism and suppressing its own
people. I trust change in Syria will come peacefully. I know it will
come soon.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader who is
responsible for this legislation moving quickly through the House.
Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida
for yielding me this time and for her leadership on this issue. I also
want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for sponsoring
this legislation and, as always, thank my friend, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos), for his leadership and advocacy for peace and
security in the Middle East. I should also, by the way, on behalf of
the House thank my predecessor, Dick Armey, for initially proposing the
Syrian Accountability Act in the last Congress before his retirement.
It is a good bill, one that I am proud to sponsor and support; and it
is a critical addition to America's diplomatic arsenal in the war on
terror.
Mr. Speaker, Syria's hostility to the United States and our allies is
no secret. Neither is its weapons of mass destruction program or its
sponsorship of Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other
terrorist networks. And least secret of all, Mr. Speaker, is Syria's
active support of terrorists seeking safe passage into Iraq to kill
Americans. According to Ambassador Bremer, of the 276 terrorists
detained in Iraq since the end of major combat there, 123 are from
Syria.
The current Syrian regime is not a friend, and it is not a
misunderstood bystander. It is a government at war with the values of
the civilized world and a violent threat to free nations and free men
everywhere. It is a textbook example of a terrorist state and poses a
clear and present danger to American soldiers, diplomats, and civilians
in the Middle East.
President Bush made the terms of the war on terror very clear: ``You
are either with us or you are with the terrorists.'' And since then, we
have tried everything, and the President has tried everything. But
despite every olive branch and carrot that we have offered, Syria has
chosen to side with the terrorists. Therefore, we in the House have no
choice but to begin identifying ways to change their leaders' minds,
and this legislation will empower the President to pressure Syria in
several ways from economic sanctions and travel restrictions to
diplomatic isolation.
But, Mr. Speaker, this bill is about more than its substantive
penalties. After all, international sanctions have been levied against
Syria for years, and Syria's regime has only scoffed at them. But times
have changed, and the heightened sanctions in this bill are just the
beginning. Congress will be watching Syria's every move and responding
accordingly. And by passing this bill today, we will start that
process. We will send a very clear message to President Asad and his
fellow travelers along the Axis of Evil. The United States will not
tolerate terrorism, its perpetrators, or its sponsors; and our warnings
are not to be ignored.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this bill, send
that message, and enlighten the Syrian regime as to America's resolve
in the war on terror.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 6 minutes to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), my good friend and the original
author of this legislation, who has been indefatigable in pursuing this
cause; and I am delighted to see it is coming to fruition this
afternoon.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos), for yielding me this time and for his kind
words.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak in favor of H.R. 1828, the Syria
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003. As the
lead sponsor of the bill, I am very appreciative that this bipartisan
bill, which I wrote in my office and introduced more than a year and a
half ago, is today coming to the floor. I am pleased to have worked on
this bill with our lead Republican sponsor, the chair of the
Subcommittee on the Middle East, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen), and it has been a delight to work with her on this bill.
Mr. Speaker, since the war in Iraq, it has become plain to ordinary
Americans, Members of Congress across party lines, and officials in the
administration what has been plain to me for many years, that Syria is
among the most dangerous, destabilizing countries in the Middle East.
In 1979, our U.S. State Department put forth a list of countries which
support terrorism. Syria was a charter member of that list. She has
been on that list unabated for 24 years; and yet she is currently the
only country on this list with which we have normal diplomatic
relations. I have never understood that, and it is time to tell Syria
that the game is over.
As President Bush said on June 24, 2002, ``Syria must choose the
right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and
expelling terrorist organizations.'' In fact, terrorist groups that
have thrived under Syrian protection have taken hundreds of American
lives. In 1983, Hezbollah killed 241 U.S. Marines in a terrorist attack
near Beirut and killed more in the bombing of the U.S. embassy annex
the following year.
Syria also plays host to a number of terrorist groups in its capital,
Damascus, and terrorist camps throughout Syria and Syrian-occupied
Lebanon. In fact, the leader of the Palestine Islamic Jihad, which just
murdered 21 innocent people in a homicide bombing in the Israeli city
of Haifa, lives in Damascus. Israel was correct and justified in its
recent attack on the Palestine-Islamic Jihad training camp in Syria.
The threat of collusion between terrorist groups and the Government
of Syria must be addressed directly, especially because of Syria's
arsenal of weapons of mass destruction. Under
[[Page H9424]]
Secretary of State John Bolton testified last month before the
Subcommittee on the Middle East that ``since the 1970s, Syria has
pursued what is now one of the most advanced Arab state chemical
weapons capabilities and is continuing to develop an offensive
biological weapons capability.''
{time} 1715
For a country with Syria's history with weapons of mass destruction,
this is a cause for serious concern.
Even with all this damming evidence about the threat that Damascus
poses some have suggested that we should not hold Syria accountable.
The reasons they give have varied, but the most common is that Syria
has somewhat helped the U.S. in our war on terror. Absolutely nonsense.
Syria is both the arsonist and the fireman. She continues to help
terrorism and then throws us crumbs and says look, I am putting it out.
That shell game has got to stop.
Syria is two-faced, throwing the few small bones of information to
American sources while continuing to aid the most violent terrorist
groups in the Middle East. This is not an acceptable deal in the post-
September 11 world.
Under this bill, unless Syria meets four key criteria, it will face
several sanctions, both economic and commercial and military. First and
foremost, Syria must end its support for terrorism. It must close the
offices and end the operations of the Palestinian terror groups and
stop the supplies to Hezbollah. And it must come into full compliance
with Security Council Resolution 1373 which directs all countries to
fight terror.
Secondly, Syria must withdraw its armed forces from Lebanon. Nothing
would do more for peace and the promotion of democracy in the Middle
East than a free and sovereign Lebanon. The U.N. long ago certified
Israel's withdrawal, but the Syrian military occupation remains. It is
time to let the Lebanese run Lebanon.
Thirdly, Syria must halt development and procurement of weapons of
mass destruction and ballistic missiles. The Syrian force of hundreds
of Scud missiles topped with unconventional warheads poses a serious
danger to the Middle East.
Finally, Syria must take immediate steps to stop guerrillas from
traveling to Syria to Iraq to attack and kill American troops.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to inform you that this bipartisan
legislation has gathered 297 cosponsors in the House including a
majority of Democrats and Republicans, and the bill received an
overwhelming 33 to 2 vote in the Committee on International Relations.
The Senate version of our bill tells a similar story with 76 cosponsors
led by Senators Boxer and Santorum.
Finally, I would like to thank the chairman and the ranking member of
the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois
(Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for moving
the bill forward and for their support, as I mentioned before. I also
thank the chair of the subcommittee, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms.
Ros-Lehtinen) for her hard work, and all 297 Members of the House who
have cosponsored this important bill. I want to thank the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority leader, for moving the bill
forward quickly on the House floor, and the minority leader, the
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the minority whip, the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), and the majority whip, the
gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), for their cosponsorship of the
bill.
I urge the House to pass this important legislation and send a clear
message to Syria to end its destabilizing policies. I am also grateful
that the administration recently lifted its opposition to the bill, and
President Bush has indicated that he will sign this bill. Again, in the
war against terrorism this is a good place to continue. I urge my
colleagues to support this bill.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the chief
majority deputy whip, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).
Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise in favor of H.R. 1828 and want to
commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engle) as well as the chairman
of the Middle East Subcommittee on International Relations, the ranking
member, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) as well as the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for pushing this bill forward
because it comes at a very important time.
And it is true that the time has come to hold the Syrian Government
accountable for its role in sponsoring the activities of terrorist
organizations. Passage of this bill will send a message that the
American people are fed up with the broken promises and unmet
obligations of Bashar Assad and his government. Syria has a long-
standing history of providing safe haven, refuge, and logistical
support to a number of terrorist groups including Hezbollah and Hamas.
When innocent people are blown up and killed in Jerusalem, they issue
the press releases in Damascus. This must come to an end.
President Bush has been resolute as he leads our country and the
world in the fight against the terrorists. Under the Bush doctrine, we
cannot and will not allow there to be a gap between the state sponsors
of terrorism and the terrorists themselves. Closing this gap in Syria
is exactly what this bill does.
Mr. Speaker, not only must we pass this bill here today, we must also
work to persuade some of our European and Arab state allies to take
similar action.
Working to strengthen economic ties with a terrorist regime is
unacceptable while American men and women are dying in Iraq fighting
these same terrorists.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to
the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished democratic
whip who has been an indefatigable fighter for freedom and against
terrorism throughout the globe.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the distinguished ranking
member of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos).
Mr. Speaker, this is a very important piece of legislation. And I
want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his
leadership and sponsorship of this legislation. This bill is part and
parcel of our Nation's continuing war on terrorism. And it is a
necessary reminder to states that want to belong to the family of
civilized nations while simultaneously sponsoring and providing safe
harbor to terrorist organizations, you cannot have it both ways.
Syria has regularly appeared on the State Department list of state
sponsors of terrorism. Let me recall the remarks of our President as he
spoke to a joint session of Congress on September 20. He said, ``And we
will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every
nation in every region now has a decision to make,'' our President
said, ``either you are with us or you are with the terrorists.''
Now, when he said ``us,'' he did not simply mean America; he meant
the civilized law-abiding nations of the world and peoples of the
world. ``From this day forward,'' he went on, ``any nation that
continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United
States as a hostile regime.'' Strong words but appropriate words.
Syria provides safe haven and support for terrorist groups operating
in Israel and throughout the region, including, as has been mentioned,
Hezbollah. I saw that, Mr. Speaker, with my own eyes when I led a
congressional delegation to Israel just a few weeks ago. We traveled to
the Israel-Syrian border in the Golan Heights where members of
Hezbollah openly walk about on the Syrian side, have arms on the Syrian
side, have missiles, and launch terrorist attacks from the Lebanese-
Syrian side.
As far as I am concerned, Mr. Speaker, Syria's relationship with
Hezbollah is reason enough to end economic relations with Damascus, as
the President indicated we would do, but there are others as well.
Damascus has failed to fulfill its agreement to withdraw its forces
from the security zone in southern Lebanon. In recent years, Syria had
become a major supply route for oil flowing out of Iraq and illegal
arms shipments into Iraq. And Syria is believed to be pursuing both
nuclear weapons and missile development. Syria, in fact, is subject to
fewer sanctions, fewer sanctions than any other country designated by
our government as a state sponsor of terrorism.
This bill would require the President to impose economic and
diplomatic
[[Page H9425]]
penalties on Syria unless immediate and meaningful changes are made in
its policies.
Left unchecked, I strongly believe Syria poses a grave risk to
Israel, to the Middle East, and to our interests. It threatens regional
stability and is ultimately a major U.S. national security concern.
This bill seeks to reign in one of the major impediments to peace in
the Middle East. And I urge my colleagues to support it.
The President was correct, you are either with the civilized law-
abiding nations of the world or you are not. And if you are not, our
relations with you should not be normal. In fact, they should impose
sanctions and penalties for such conduct destabilizing and making less
secure the region and the world.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to a new member of
our Florida delegation, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ginny Brown-
Waite).
Ms. GINNY BROWN-WAITE of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in
support of this important bipartisan legislation, the Syrian
Accountability Act. It will authorize new sanctions against Syria until
it meets certain conditions.
Although the Department of State lists Syria as a state sponsor of
terrorism, fewer sanctions apply to this country than to any other
nation on this list. We know that Syria provides a safe haven and
support to several terrorist groups including Hezbollah, Hamas, and the
Palestinian Islamic Jihad, to name only a few.
Secretary Rumsfeld has asserted that bus loads of Syrian fighters
entered Iraq with thousands of dollars and leaflets offering rewards
for dead American soldiers.
Syria deserves the same sanctions and loss of diplomatic relations as
any other nation that sponsors terrorism overseas or against Americans.
It is absolutely critical that this renegade nation be held accountable
for its actions once and for all.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill which the gentlewoman from
Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) proudly sponsors.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield whatever time she may consume to the
distinguished democratic leader, the gentlewoman from California (Ms.
Pelosi), my friend and colleague and neighbor, who has been a fighter
against terrorism and for free societies through her entire life.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) for yielding and for his great leadership as
the chair of the Human Rights Caucus and a fighter against terrorism
and a person who understands better than any of us America's leadership
role in the world.
I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his
leadership in bringing this important legislation to the floor and
commend our colleague, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen),
for her usual extraordinary leadership on this issue. I also want to
commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), working with the
gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for what they have done to make
this discussion possible today.
I am pleased to join nearly 300 of our colleagues in cosponsoring
this important measure, which is an effort to encourage Syria to cease
its support for terrorism and to end its occupation of Lebanon. Syria's
assistance to terrorist organizations is well known, and the State
Department continues to list Syria as a state sponsor of terrorism in
violation of resolutions on that issue by the U.N. Security Council.
The Bekaa Valley in Lebanon, which Syria controls, provides a haven
and a site of training facilities for Hezbollah, Hamas, and other
terrorist groups. These activities could not occur without the assent
of the Syrian government.
The people of Israel and the cause of peace in the Middle East have
been the traditional targets of groups led by, and helped by, Syria.
But today's attack on the U.S. convoy in Gaza is a reminder that the
United States and our interests in the world are foremost on terrorist
target lists. Dealing with the problem of terrorism is our top
priority.
Rhetoric has thus far not been effective in encouraging the Syrian
Government to cease its assistance to terrorists and to remove its
forces from Lebanon.
This legislation provides another alternative. The imposition of
sanctions that will hopefully convey a stronger message of our
seriousness.
{time} 1730
As proposed in the bill, sanctions are a flexible tool that the
President may weigh against other interests of the United States in
fashioning a response to whatever the Syrian Government may do with
respect to the presence of terrorist organizations within the territory
it controls.
The costs of terrorism are well known in our country and in the
countries throughout the world. It behooves us to have a range of
options to address the threat terrorism poses. H.R. 1828 adds to our
options with respect to terrorism in the Middle East, and I urge its
adoption and once again commend the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Engel), the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Hyde), and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen) on their leadership on this important matter.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my colleague, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of holding Syria
accountable for aiding and abetting terrorists and for helping those
who are killing Americans in Iraq, also to suggest to the Syrians that
it is time for them to leave Lebanon.
Terrorism, we hear that word a lot. What is it? A terrorist is an
individual or an organization or a nation that uses violence against
noncombatants in order to achieve its goals. Syria needs not face this
type of punitive legislation. First of all, let me note that before the
Syrian Army went into Lebanon, the Lebanese were engaged in slaughter
among themselves and that the Syrian troops played a positive role at
that time. That has long since passed. They should be out of there by
now.
But also the fact is that the Syrian Government fully understands
that it is offering its country as a base of operations for
organizations that target women and children in Israel. They are based
there. They announce their attacks and the results of their attacks
from there. There is no doubt that terrorists, people who are
slaughtering innocent people, are there in their country; yet they
refuse to change the policy that permits those terrorists to operate
out of that country.
Now, when you talk to them about it, which I have, they always use
what they perceive as the evils of Israel as an excuse. Well, I will
tell you this, I am opposed to anyone who targets noncombatants to
achieve their military or political ends. It is sinful. And today I
wholeheartedly support this because what Syria does by providing safe
haven to terrorists is an affront to civilization. Also, they are now
engaged in helping those who are pulling the trigger in killing
Americans as we do our job in Iraq. And I do not have to condemn all
evil in the world in order to wholeheartedly condemn this evil. Today
it is even more incumbent upon us to take a strong stand with Syria's
wrong doing because every day our soldiers are being killed by people
who are sneaking through Syria to get into Iraq. I would plead with
Syria, please change your ways. You need not be our enemy. You need not
have the policies you do.
Finally, let me note that while I wholeheartedly support this
legislation condemning Syria's wrongdoing, I also condemn when other
countries are engaged in wrongdoing in that part of the world. I would
suggest that as a body we do not forcefully condemn Israel when it is
apparent to us that Israel is engaged in wrongdoing. I believe that
undermines our credibility with these Arab countries and these Arabs
when we plead with them on issues like this. If we could be more
balanced, I think we could be a greater force for the good and moral
standards that we talk about today.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a
unanimous consent request to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Ackerman), who has been fighting for peace in this region for his
entire congressional career.
(Mr. ACKERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
[[Page H9426]]
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Syria
Accountability Act, encourage the administration to use all of the
tools at its disposal to enforce that accountability.
Mr. Speaker, today's debate over the Syria Accountability Act, is in
my view, Congress's long overdue response to the Bush Administration's
failure to match its tough talk with demonstrations of our resolve.
This spring, the Administration took sudden notice of the numerous
and longstanding Syrian policies that are hostile to our national
interests. The President dispatched the Secretary of State to loudly
threaten serious consequences; there were the predictable rounds of
feckless diplomacy; and then the Administration's attention wandered
off. Syria's policies, of course, didn't change one bit.
We know that during combat operations in Iraq, there was credible
evidence of arms and people moving from Syria into Iraq. And we know
that Syria is directly responsible for providing safe passage and
transit documentation to many of the terrorists now working to
undermine our relief and reconstruction efforts in Iraq. The Bush
administration's response? Zero.
We know that Syria's highly touted cooperation in battling Al-Qaeda
has dried up. According to the State Department counterterrorism
coordinator, Damascus has ``allowed Al-Qaeda personnel to come in and
virtually settle in Syria with their knowledge and their support.'' The
Bush Administration's response? Zero.
We have known for years that Damascus has actively opposed U.S.
efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through its
patronage of Hezbollah.
Today, Hezbollah, is aggressively working to facilitate ever greater
levels of Palestinian terrorism against Israel. And since Hezbollah
can't get Iranian weapons through Iraqi airspace, Damascus is reported
to be supplying Hezbollah with weapons from Syria's own depots. The
Bush Administration's response? Zero.
On July 22, President Bush said ``Syria . . . continue[s] to harbor
and assist terrorists. This behavior is completely unacceptable, and
states that support terror will be held accountable.''
It's now mid-October. Secretary Powell went to Damascus in early
May. Where's the accountability?
Moreover, when asked only weeks ago to testify about Syria's weapons
of mass destruction, the Administration provided an elaborate listing
of the numerous authorities they have under U.S. law, the powers
provided by executive orders, and the manifold capabilities of the
executive branch, all to counter Syria's proliferation efforts. But
next to nothing was offered on how these tools are being used.
By now, two things should be indisputably clear: terrorism is the
Assad regime's preferred strategic option in dealing with America, and
bluster is the favored method of the Bush Administration in dealing
with Syria.
Mr. Speaker, Congress can only provide the tools, and with this
bill, we will be adding to the already considerable stockpile of
authority the President has chosen not to use. What's lacking in our
Syria policy is not legal authority. What's lacking is consistency,
focus, and resolve.
I hope passage of this bill will prompt the Bush Administration to
conduct the kind of serious policy review that has been unfortunately
absent so far, that has allowed our policy to drift so badly, and that
has brought this legislation to the floor of the House.
I strongly encourage Members to support the bill.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Matsui), who has been unique in his support for
constructive development in the region and who has been fighting
tenuously against terrorism throughout the region and the world.
Mr. MATSUI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from the State of
California (Mr. Lantos) for his kind comments. Obviously, I want to
thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his sponsorship of
this and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her
wonderful sponsorship and lead on this in terms of the subcommittee
Chair.
This act is one that has been overdue. I am very, very pleased that
the President has not opposed this and has given us the liberty now to
bring this before the floor.
This is a piece of legislation that should have been passed 25 years
ago when we had the original State Department list on state-sponsored
terrorism. Syria has been on this list now for 25 years. For 25 years
they have been on this list as a state-sponsored terrorist country.
They have had Hezbollah. They have had Hamas. They have had a number of
terrorist groups that have had offices in Syria. They have had training
bases in Syria, and they also have weapons of mass destruction that
could get in the hands of these terrorists.
In addition, even recently Syria has allowed visas to be given to
terrorist individuals who have gone into Iraq for the sole purpose of
doing damage to the infrastructure in putting the lives of American men
and women in jeopardy. This act would merely give the President the
authority to take two actions out of a menu of about 15. They would be
simple things like preventing many of the diplomats from going 25 miles
outside of the U.N.
Let me conclude, if I may. It would perhaps impose trade sanctions on
the Syrian Government. It is very, very simple kinds of sanctions for
the kinds of terrorist activities the Syrian Government has been
responsible for. I urge the adoption of this legislation.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman
from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole).
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1828, the Syrian
Accountability Act. It is time for Syria, quite frankly, to make a
choice. In Lebanon its troops have been there far too long. The
sponsorship of terrorist activity against the State of Israel is no
longer, and never was, acceptable. Finally, the porous borders between
Iraq and Syria which terrorists move across is a constant threat to
American troops.
As our President has said, There is no middle ground in the war on
terrorism. It is simply not acceptable to cooperate in some areas as
Syria occasionally has, and yet to cooperate with terrorists on the
other hand as it constantly has done.
I am extraordinarily proud of the United States Congress for making
this strong statement in a bipartisan fashion, and I hope the message
will be understood and acted upon in Damascus.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Pallone).
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to pass this bill. We
have to show Syria that there are consequences for supporting terrorism
and undermining peace in the region. It is amazing to me that Syria
offered support to Iraq even as U.S. and Coalition forces were engaged
in combat and subsequently has turned a blind eye to militants who slip
across their borders into Iraq to kill American soldiers.
Syria has been on this terrorist list for such a long time, and yet
we allow it to continue. We have imposed fewer sanctions than any other
country that is a state-sponsor of terrorism. I suppose we sort of
bought into this idea that somehow they were helping us over the years.
But in the aftermath of the Iraq war, it has been quite clear that they
have not been helping us, and whatever effort was out there supposedly
to give that impression is simply not real.
The fact that they continue to be present in Lebanon, to harbor
various terrorist organizations, the time has come to pass this bill.
It is certainly long overdue, as so many of my colleagues have said on
a bipartisan basis. Let us get it passed today.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Crowley), a member of the Committee on International
Relations.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding me
time. Mr. Speaker, I would congratulate the gentlewoman and my good
friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for their leadership
here, and the ranking member of my committee, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos), for his continued leadership on this issue.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, the Syrian
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act. This
legislation passed the House Committee on International Regulations by
an overwhelming bipartisan vote. I want to thank the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Hyde), as well, for bringing this bill to the floor. I
thank the leadership for bringing this bill to the floor and before the
committee and ensuring that we have the opportunity to let Syria know
that the United States will not allow a free pass any longer.
Syria has been listed as a state-sponsor of terrorism since 1979.
This is unacceptable for any country that wishes to be a responsible
member of the
[[Page H9427]]
international community, especially a country currently serving as a
member of the United Nations Security Council. Unacceptable.
Syria's role on the council make a mockery of the mission of the
United Nations. Syria used its role recently on the Security Council to
present the draft resolution condemning Israel's right to self-defense
by destroying a terrorist training camp within Syria. Instead of
drafting a resolution condemning Israel's justified attack, Syria
should ensure that Israel will never need to attack a terrorist camp
within Syria's borders again.
Syria must cease all support for terrorist groups and close down all
terrorist training camps within her borders.
If their support for terrorism were not enough, Syria also has an
arsenal of biological and chemical weapons and the missile capability
to deliver those weapons to her neighbors. I hope our actions here
today will show President Asad that our resolve is strong.
Mr. Speaker, President Asad must change his country's ways and begin
to contribute to international peace and security rather than
undermining it. It is time for Syria to take her place amongst the
righteous nations of the world, as well as give Lebanon the chance to
take her place as a righteous nation in the world. I urge all of my
colleagues to support this important legislation.
Once again, I would like to thank the gentlewoman for yielding me
time; the sponsor of this legislation, my good friend, the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Engel). I thank him for his work on this. I thank
the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for all he has done on
committee by seeing that this bill gets to the floor today.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Price).
Mr. PRICE of North Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I will vote for the Syria
Accountability Act today, but I will do so with some serious
reservations. Permit me to take a moment to explain.
I will vote for the bill because I deplore the terrorist attacks
inflicted on Israel and understand that a strong signal must be sent to
the Syrian Government that it must aggressively confront and fight
terror and terrorist organizations. It must close terrorist offices,
expel terrorist leaders, close terrorist supply lines, and get out of
Lebanon.
This resolution, however, has no monopoly on that message. I and many
others who have been able to visit with President Asad in Damascus in
recent years, and he has received us often, have delivered that message
unequivocally but with only limited success.
Our Secretary of State has also been unwavering on the
unacceptability of Syria's sheltering of terrorists. That message,
however, has not been and should not be the sum total of our diplomacy.
What this bill fails to grasp is the utility of engagement and the
necessity of flexibility in our foreign policy.
Our experience suggests that Syria can sometimes be moved through
engagement. In recent months, the fruits of engagement have included
cooperation in the pursuit of al Qaeda, and a reduction in incidents
along the northern Israeli border. Nor should we forget that at two
points in the last decade, once in secret negotiations under the
Netanyahu government, and then in the U.S.-Israel-Syria tripartite
talks at Shepherdstown in early 2000, engagement brought an Israeli-
Syrian settlement very, very close to realization.
Events in the Middle East move quickly. Diplomacy requires
flexibility, but the directives in this bill at the high waiver
standard move in the opposite direction. A law is a clumsy instrument
with which to engage in the art of diplomacy. This bill is overly
prescriptive, and it could make the complex work of our diplomats far
more difficult.
{time} 1745
A more sophisticated policy of incentives, as well as sanctions,
carrots as well as sticks, is called for as our Nation attempts to
engage in a worldwide war against terrorism.
We must solidify a network of nations to confront terrorism, not
stake ourselves out as an isolated combatant. That struggle could be
far more successful with Syria as a full-fledged partner. But if that
is to happen, our diplomacy will have to be far more skilled and
flexible than the formula prescribed by the Syria Accountability Act.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the distinguished ranking
member of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign
Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs.
(Mrs. LOWEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her
remarks.)
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time, and I rise in support of this Syria Accountability and Lebanese
Sovereignty Restoration Act, and I want to thank the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Engel) for his long-standing leadership on this issue. He has
been insisting that we hold Syria's feet to the fire for a very long
time.
I also want to thank the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen),
my good friend and colleague, for her leadership on this issue and, of
course, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), our ranking member
of the committee, for his leadership and strong voice.
It is time that Congress send a strong and clear message to Syria. We
will no longer tolerate their support of terrorism. We will not allow
them to further destabilize the Middle East, a region so crucial to the
national security of the United States, and we will not risk
undermining our efforts to secure peace and stability in Iraq and the
region.
Syria had its chance and had the opportunity to reform its political
environment and become a positive force in the region. Instead, it has
remained as it was, a closed society and haven for terrorists. Many
terrorist groups, including Hezbollah and Hamas, have offices and
training camps in Syria or Syrian-occupied Lebanon. These groups remain
heavily active, even after Secretary of State Powell met with President
Assad earlier this year and urged him to shut them down.
These groups thwart efforts for peace in Israel by destabilizing the
Israel-Lebanese border. They are the groups that might very well be
sending terrorists over the Iraqi border to commit terrorist acts
against our soldiers and the Iraqis brave enough to work with us to
create a stable democratic country. Indeed, at a recent hearing of the
House Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, the State
Department confirmed that Syria is allowing ``volunteers'' and others
to enter Iraq to attack and kill Americans.
Congress must send the message, it is time to end the terror, and
H.R. 1828 is heavily supported on both sides of the aisle. It imposes a
variety of penalties upon Syria until it ends its support of terrorism,
withdraws its armed forces from Lebanon, halts development of weapons
of mass destruction and ballistic missiles, and stops facilitating
terrorism in Iraq.
It is necessary, appropriate, and in my judgment, long overdue.
I strongly support H.R. 1828.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), a distinguished member of our
committee, my good friend.
Mr. WEXLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Syria
Accountability Act because Syria is an epicenter of terror, and despite
repeated warnings, Syria continues to develop weapons of mass
destruction, occupy Lebanon, harbor Palestinian terrorists and support
Hezbollah.
The very notion that fewer sanctions apply to Syria than any other
country on the State Department's terrorist list is unconscionable.
This is why I support sending an unequivocal message to Syria that its
hostile action will be met with serious consequences.
For too long, America has kowtowed to Syria as it played a
duplicitous game of providing Washington with limited intelligence
while continuing to support terror. I hope that President Assad
understands that no one in Washington is fooled anymore. The time for
soft pedaling with Damascus has come to an end.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), my distinguished colleague.
[[Page H9428]]
(Mr. NADLER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to strongly support the Syria
Accountability Act. This legislation is long overdue.
Syria has funded and encouraged organized terrorism in the Middle
East and around the world. Syria controls the Lebanon-Israeli border
from the Lebanese side where kytusha rocket attacks are regularly
launched against innocent Israeli citizens. Syria openly houses Hamas
and Hezbollah training grounds, and its government and citizens
knowingly fund their criminal activity.
Just today, terrorists operating in the West Bank murdered four U.S.
citizens. Were they trained and funded by Syria? We should not have to
wonder. If Syria provides aid and comfort to the terrorist enemy, it
should not receive aid and comfort from the United States.
This legislation is modest in comparison to the recent actions the
United States took against Iraq, and it is clear that Syria provides a
lot more aid to terrorist organizations than Iraq ever did. This bill
provides for economic sanctions against Syria for restrictions on
diplomatic activity in the United States and, most importantly, calls
for the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon.
I want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for his
strong leadership in championing this legislation. I give it my full
support, and I look forward to the Saudi Arabia Accountability Act.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), my good friend and distinguished
colleague.
Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the ranking member's time, and
also I want to congratulate the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-
Lehtinen), the chairperson of the subcommittee, my friend and colleague
from Florida, who really, with the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel)
as well, brought this to our attention, and, through fighting for
several years, brought it to the floor of the House.
This bill I believe will pass today, but it is somewhat melancholy
because at the same time, right after this debate is over, we are going
to take up the supplemental bill which includes $20 billion of direct
aid to Iraq, and when we talk about terrorism, all of these issues
around the world are really intertwined. We know that Iraq sent several
billion dollars, Saddam Hussein sent several billion dollars to Saudi
Arabia that, at this moment in time, the United States Government still
does not know where that money is, and in fact, there are many
indications that money is directly supporting terrorism even while we
speak and even while we stand here today.
Those issues tying into getting to the root of terrorism cannot stop
anyone. They cannot stop at Syria. They cannot stop at Saudi Arabia.
This legislation will go a long way in protecting the lives of
Americans, but yet we need to go further.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the Speaker how
much time is remaining and if the gentleman from California has any
other remaining speakers.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Simpson). The gentlewoman from Florida
(Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) has 9 minutes remaining. The gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) has 4 minutes remaining.
Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and
we yield back the balance of our time.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
It has been a delight for me to have worked with the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos) and the author of this legislation, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), and so many others in our
Committee on International Relations, and I would like to thank the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for his strong leadership as always.
As has been pointed out, Mr. Speaker, this bill, as reported, clearly
outlines congressional views of steps that the Syrian regime must
undertake: ending support for terrorism; stopping support and the
facilitation of terrorist attacks on our coalition forces in Iraq; halt
its weapons of mass destruction efforts; withdraw from Lebanon, all of
these.
It establishes a U.S. policy that Syria will be held accountable for
these activities. It prohibits the exports of military and dual-use
items, and then provides the President with a choice of six sanctions,
from which the President is to impose at least two. And these
sanctions, for example, are to prohibit the export of products from the
United States other than food and medicine; to prohibit United States
businesses from investing or operating in Syria; to restrict the travel
of Syrian diplomats in Washington and in the U.N. in New York City; to
prohibit aircraft of any air carrier owned or controlled by Syria to
take off from, land in or overfly the United States; to reduce United
States diplomatic contacts with Syria other than those required under
this Act, and this could mean suspension of diplomatic relations
altogether or a reduction of diplomatic representation or other
actions. It also would block transaction in any property in which the
government of Syria has any interest, by any person or with respect to
any property, subject to the jurisdiction of here in the United States.
As we can see, there is strong support for this bill. We have almost
300 cosponsors. One of my colleagues raised concerns about the
flexibility issue, and I would like to underscore that we provide the
President with ample discretion in choosing which sanctions to impose.
Secondly, for anyone who believes that the Syrian regime has assisted
the U.S. in any way to eradicate terrorism, I would like to note that
the statements made on Thursday of last week by the State Department
spokesman and he said, ``Frankly, the Syrians have done so little with
regard to terrorism that we do not have much to work with.'' He added,
``There's not too much grounds for argument that Syria's done anything
that would mean that this bill was a bad idea.'' This is coming from
the ultimate diplomatic agency.
Mr. Speaker, this is the end of the line for the Syrian regime.
Enough is enough. They have made a mockery of requests by our Secretary
of State and by our congressional colleagues. The blood of Americans is
on their hands, and for this, they must be called to task. They must be
punished, and I urge my colleagues to vote for H.R. 1828.
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of
H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty
Restoration Act of 2003. I am proud to cosponsor this important
legislation for the 2nd straight Congress, and I look forward to
supporting it today on the floor of the House.
I want to begin, Mr. Speaker, by noting that I do not normally
support sanctions legislation. In fact, I believe that all too often,
Congress and U.S. administrations place unrealistic expectations on the
ability of sanctions to destabilize reckless regimes. We naively
believe that placing economic sanctions on countries that, more times
than not, are not dependent upon U.S. dollars and tourists, will
somehow result in countries complying with our demands.
The truth of the matter is, sanctions rarely accomplish what we
intend for them to accomplish. We need not look any further than Iraq
to see the effect that long-term economic sanctions have on a regime.
But what they do accomplish, in this instance, is a shift in U.S.
foreign policy toward Syria, a nation that has long supported the
efforts of terrorist organizations to attack Israel and the Western
world. It is for this reason that I come to the floor today in support
of this legislation.
I have long said that one of the true threats to peace and security
in the Middle East is not Baghdad, but instead Damascus. While the Bush
administration has focused its efforts on disarming Iraq, Syria has
continued to fund and harbor terrorist cells living and training within
its borders. Until today, the United States government has remained
largely silent.
Realize, we should not expect Syria to change its ways simply
because we apply new economic sanctions. But in passing this
legislation today, we are sending a clear and strong message to the
Syrian government that the United States will no longer stand idly by
while countries masking as our allies work against us.
I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Syria
Accountability Act. Syria has been on the State Department's list
[[Page H9429]]
of countries sponsoring terrorism since the list began in 1979, and
recent intelligence reports have only confirmed what we have long
thought to be true--that Syria remains an incubator of terrorism and
instability in the Middle East and throughout the world.
Syria has refused to shut down the offices of the Islamic Jihad, has
permitted weapons to flow freely to Hezbollah, and has allowed
Hezbollah to expand terrorist training operations. These terrorists
have attacked innocent men, women and children in Israel, and Syria's
unwillingness to put a halt to this lawlessness threatens not only
Israel but also stability and peace in the region.
In addition to the devastating effect of the Syrian government's
willingness to crack down on known terrorist groups within its borders,
Syria has allowed fighters seeking to harm American troops to cross its
borders. As we ask more and more American service members to put
themselves in harm's way in defense of our Nation, it is critical that
we also take steps to protect them from known threats.
We must act now by sending a clear message to Syria that they must
take a strong stand against terrorism, and I urge my colleagues to join
me in supporting the Syria Accountability Act.
Mr. RAHALL. Mr. Speaker, the Syria Accountability Act comes to the
House floor at a time when the situation in the Middle East is more
volatile than ever: the United States' effort to gain control of the
situation in Iraq; the breakdown of the Israeli and Palestinian peace
negotiations; and the new tensions between Syria, Lebanon and Israel
are all major concerns of U.S. Middle East policy.
The proposed legislation, H.R. 1828, could harm the United States'
ability to influence various actors in the region and could seriously
impair U.S. diplomatic efforts at a very critical time in the Middle
East.
At this critical juncture in America's War on Terrorism we should
work with Nations like Syria who are aiding our pursuit of the
terrorists who attacked America on 9-11.
Since September 11th, 2001, Syria has quietly helped the United
States by detaining suspected members of Osama bin Laden's
organization. Our government should continue its diplomatic relations
with Syria in order to capture these terrorists.
Syria supported the United States by voting in support of U.N.
Resolution 1441 asking Iraq to comply with the United Nations and to
allow inspectors back into the country.
During America's Operation Iraqi Freedom, Syria assisted the U.S. by
supplying power to northern Iraq, thus calming the population, and
undoubtedly saving American troops' lives.
In a most recent act of cooperation with the United States and at our
request, Damascus has opened its financial and banking institutions
allowing us to trace the accounts of the former Saddam Hussein regime.
Syria is currently designated by the U.S. State Department as a
state-sponsor of terrorism and, therefore, is already ineligible for
U.S. assistance and faces numerous, strict sanctions. This legislation
would further restrict the already limited leverage we have with Syria.
Instead of singling out Syria for developing weapons of mass
destruction and ballistic missiles, Congress should instead support
United Nations resolutions (687, par. 14) pursuing the goal of
declaring the whole Middle East a region free from all such weapons and
delivery systems. This bill lacks credibility by ignoring Israel's own
advanced pursuit of such weapons including nuclear arms.
Imposing unilateral sanctions on Syria would hurt American
businesses. At a time when our country is facing increasing
unemployment rates, Congress and the Administration should take action
to foster economic growth and trade, including with countries in the
Middle East, to foster an increase in American jobs.
European and Russian companies have already made contact with Syrian
businesses hoping to move in as American companies are forced to leave
after adoption of SAA.
This legislation attempts to adopt a simplistic approach to Lebanese-
Syrian relations. Both Syria and Lebanon are sovereign countries
capable of resolving their own differences without U.S. congressional
meddling.
Now is not the time to limit American options as we seek to pursue a
long-term comprehensive political solution to conflict in the Middle
East. Therefore, I urge my colleagues to stand in opposition to H.R.
1828 as we must remain focused on the difficult issues of the Middle
East already at hand.
Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I would like to express my strong opposition
to this ill-conceived and ill-timed legislation. This bill will impose
what is effectively a trade embargo against Syria and will force the
severance of diplomatic and business ties between the United States and
Syria. It will also significantly impede travel between the United
States and Syria. Worse yet, the bill also provides essentially an
open-ended authorization for the president to send U.S. taxpayer money
to Syria should that country do what we are demanding in this bill.
This bill cites Syria's alleged support for Hamas, Hizballah,
Palestine Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, and other terrorist groups as evidence that Syria is posing
a threat to the United States. But none of these organizations targets
the United States. Not since the Hizballah bombing of a U.S. Marine
barracks in Lebanon in 1983 has any of these organizations attacked the
United States. After that attack on our Marines, who were sent to
Beirut to intervene in a conflict that had nothing to do with the
United States, President Ronald Reagan wisely ordered their withdrawal
from that volatile area. Despite what the interventionists constantly
warn, the world did not come to an end back in 1983 when the president
decided to withdraw from Beirut and leave the problems there to be
worked out by those countries most closely involved.
What troubles me greatly about this bill is that although the named,
admittedly bad, terrorist organizations do not target the United States
at present, we are basically declaring our intention to pick a fight
with them. We are declaring that we will take preemptive actions
against organizations that apparently have no quarrel with us. Is this
wise, particularly considering their capacity to carry out violent acts
against those with whom they are in conflict? Is this not inviting
trouble by stirring up a hornet's nest? Is there anything to be gained
in this?
This bill imposes an embargo on Syria for, among other reasons, the
Syrian government's inability to halt fighters crossing the Syrian
border into Iraq. While I agree that any foreign fighters coming into
Iraq to attack American troops is totally unacceptable, I wonder just
how much control Syria has over its borders--particularly over the
chaotic border with Iraq. If Syria has no control over its borders, is
it valid to impose sanctions on the country for its inability to halt
clandestine border crossings? I find it a bit ironic to be imposing a
trade embargo on Syria for failing to control its borders when we do
not have control of our own borders. Scores cross illegally into the
United States each year--potentially including those who cross over
with the intent to do us harm--yet very little is done to secure our
own borders. Perhaps this is because our resources are too engaged
guarding the borders of countless countries overseas. But there is no
consistency in our policy. Look at the border between Pakistan and
Afghanistan: while we continue to maintain friendly relations and
deliver generous foreign aid to Pakistan, it is clear that Pakistan
does not control its border with Afghanistan. In all likelihood, Osama
bin Laden himself has crossed over the Afghan border into Pakistan. No
one proposes an embargo on Pakistan. In all likelihood, Osama bin Laden
himself has crossed over the Afghan border into Pakistan. On the
contrary: the supplemental budget request we are taking up this week
includes another $200 million in loan guarantees to Pakistan.
I am also concerned about the timing of this bill. As we continue to
pursue Al-Qaeda--most of which escaped and continue to operate--it
seems to me we need all the help we can get in tracking these criminals
down and holding them to account for the attack on the United States.
As the AP reported recently:
So, too, are Syria's claims, supported by U.S.
intelligence, that Damascus has provided the United States
with valuable assistance in countering terror.
The Syrians have in custody Mohammed Haydar Zammer,
believed to have recruited some of the Sept. 11 hijackers,
and several high-level Iraqis who were connected to the
Saddam Hussein government have turned up in U.S. custody.
Numerous other press reports detail important assistance Syria has
given the U.S. after 9/11. If Syria is providing assistance to the U.S.
in tracking these people down--any assistance--passing this bill can
only be considered an extremely positive and welcome development. Does
anyone here care to guess how much assistance Syria will be providing
us once this bill is passed? Can we afford to turn our back on Syria's
assistance, even if it is not as complete as it could be?
That is the problem with this approach. Imposing sanctions and
cutting off relations with a country is ineffective and
counterproductive. It is only one-half step short of war and very often
leads to war. This bill may well even completely eliminate any trade
between the two countries. It will almost completely shut the door on
diplomatic relations. It sends a strong message to Syria and the Syrian
people: that we no longer wish to engage you. This cannot be in our
best interest.
This bill may even go further than that. In a disturbing bit of deja
vu, the bill makes references to ``Syria's acquisition of weapons of
mass destruction (WMD)'' and threatens to ``impede'' Syrian weapons
ambitions. This was the justification for our intervention in Iraq, yet
after more than a thousand inspectors have spent months and some 300
million dollars none have been found. Will this bill's unproven claims
that Syria has WMD be later used to demand military action against that
country?
Mr. Speaker: history is replete with examples of the futility of
sanctions and embargoes
[[Page H9430]]
and travel bans. More than 40 years of embargo against Cuba have not
produced the desired change there. Sadly, embargoes and sanctions most
often hurt those least responsible. A trade embargo against Syria will
hurt American businesses and will cost American jobs. It will make life
more difficult for the average Syrian--with whom we have no quarrel.
Making life painful for the population is not the best way to win over
hearts and minds. I strongly urge my colleagues to reject this
counterproductive bill.
Mr. BISHOP of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of
H.R. 1828, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty
Restoration Act of 2003.
Mr. Speaker, the United States and our allies around the world have
stood steadfast in holding accountable terrorist states, those who
harbor or otherwise provide sanctuary for terrorist, or those who
threaten the world with weapons of mass destruction. That's what the
legislation before us today is all about.
The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of
2003 does not advocate the use of force against Syria. Instead, it
gives the President and the Secretary of State expanded authority to
impose U.S. diplomatic and economic sanctions against Syria unless
serious action is taken by Syria to rid itself of the cancer of terror
and the policies by which terror manifests itself throughout the region
and the world.
It's no secret that Syria hosts terrorist organizations including
Hizballah, Hamas, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine, all of which maintain offices, training camps, and other
facilities within Syrian borders and within areas of Lebanon currently
occupied by Syria. This is a threat that simply cannot continue to be
ignored.
This Act holds Syria accountable for its part in facilitating
terrorism and in so doing, threatening the world. It requires Syria to
withdraw from the nation of Lebanon, and to finally cease Syria's
ongoing pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. It calls for sanctions
against Syria including a prohibition on the export of defense and
dual-use items. In addition, it also requires the President to impose
two or more sanctions which may be waived in the interest of national
security. These are: prohibiting the export of products of the U.S.
other than food and medicine to Syria; prohibiting U.S. businesses from
investing or operating in Syria; restricting the travel of Syrian
diplomats to within a 25-mile radius of Washington, DC or the United
Nations; reducing levels of U.S. diplomatic contracts with Syria; and
blocking transactions in any property in which the Government of Syria
has any interest.
Mr. Speaker, let us act today and hold accountable terrorist states
by eliminating policies which advance terrorism. Let us pass the Syria
Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003.
Mr. REYES. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to be a cosponsor of H.R. 1828,
the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of
2003, and am even prouder still to see it on the floor of the House of
Representatives today.
This important piece of legislation gives the president the
diplomatic tools necessary to hold Syria accountable for its support of
terrorism, its weapons of mass destruction program and its occupation
of Lebanon. Syria should not be allowed to support terrorist activity
from groups, such as Hezbollah and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, with
continued impunity.
Passage of this bill will require that sanctions be imposed on Syria
unless the president can certify that it has taken steps to end its
support of terrorism, discontinue its weapons of mass destruction
program, and end its occupation of Lebanon. Sanctions could include
banning most U.S. exports to, and investment in, Syria; restricting the
movement of Syrian diplomats here in the United States; barring Syrian
aircraft from our airspace; and freezing Syrian assets in our country.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all my colleagues to support this important
legislation, which will put appropriate pressure on a regime that
continues to support groups that perpetrate heinous acts of terror
against the people of democratic Israel and that further destabilizes
an already volatile region.
Mr. TOM DAVIS of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R.
1828, a resolution that calls for an end to Syria's support for
terrorism and an end to its occupation of Lebanon.
In his 2003 State of the Union address, President Bush stated that
the gravest danger facing the United States in the war on terrorism is
the acquisition by other countries of weapons of mass destruction, and
that we must confront this danger. A senior Administration official
recently testified before the Committee on International Relations that
Syria remains a security concern as a supporter of international
terrorism and weapons of mass destruction proliferation.
I commend the Administration's efforts to reach a diplomatic solution
with Syria. President Bush has consistently called on Syria to close
its terrorist camps and to expel terrorist organizations. Secretary
Powell has worked diligently with the Syrian government towards ending
its occupation of Lebanon. Since 1990, the U.S. Congress has passed
seven resolutions calling on the withdrawal of Syrian armed forces from
Lebanon. Many members of Congress--including myself--have been to Syria
and urged the Syrian government to work with the United States in the
war against terrorism. And despite our diplomatic efforts, Syria has
not fulfilled its pledge to work with us.
Mr. Speaker, we know that Syria continues to offer protection to
terrorist groups such as Hizballah, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic
Jihad. Recently, Syria conducted efforts to acquire technology that
could be applied to a nuclear weapons program. Syria has also
undermined coalition efforts to bring stability to Iraq by allowing
volunteers to cross the border and fight our service members. And as we
all know, Syria has ignored numerous United Nations resolutions calling
on Syria to end its occupation of Lebanon, a sovereign nation.
H.R. 1828 would hold Syria accountable for the serious international
security problems it has caused in the Middle East. This resolution
would instruct the President to impose economic sanctions on Syria
until the Department of State determines that Syria ceases to provide
support to international terrorist groups, ceases the development and
deployment of weapons, and withdraws all military forces from Lebanon.
Mr. Speaker, despite our many attempts to reach a diplomatic
solution, Syria continues to obstruct our efforts in the war against
terrorism. I support H.R. 1828 and encourage my colleagues in the House
to vote in favor of this important resolution.
Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Speaker, for far too long, Syria has been an
exceedingly irresponsible partner in the troubled Middle East . By our
actions over the last two years, the United States has already sent a
strong message to Syria and has gotten some cooperation in anti-
terrorist efforts.
The current downward spiral of violence is not working for the
Palestinians and is not making Israel more secure. We should use our
resources to get the parties to resume steps to reduce pressures,
tensions and bloodshed.
Since I agree with the indictments of Syrian behavior contained in
H.R. 1828 I would not be comfortable voting ``no.'' Yet, I agree with
most independent commentators that passage at this time would not be
helpful for our efforts to advance the peace. I choose to vote
``present.''
Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to enter into
the Record an opinion piece that I wrote about the future of our
relationship with Syria. This piece was published in the San Francisco
Chronicle on October 14, 2003.
I also want to join my colleagues today in expressing deep concern
about the choices that Syria has made over the past year. This is a sad
day for American diplomacy. The passage of this bill, after more than
two years of debate, marks the refusal of Syria to accept our
diplomatic overtures. Syria has had numerous opportunities to
demonstrate that it intends to move away from the policies that keep it
on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terror. It has
consistently missed those opportunities, and now faces the specter of
isolation.
Syria had the chance to play a key role in securing the release of
Elhanan Tenebaum, Adi Avitan, Benny Avraham, and Omar Sawayid--Israeli
soldiers kidnapped by Hezbollah. They refused, perpetuating a hostage
situation that makes peace negotiations more difficult.
Syria had the chance to grant the United States use of its airspace
for Operation Iraqi Freedom. They refused, thereby dramatically
increasing the risk of mission failure for American pilots.
Syria had the chance to build good will toward the United States by
staying out of the war in Iraq. They refused, allowing jihadis and
military equipment to flow across their borders to kill American
soldiers.
Syria had the chance to demonstrate its commitment to the peace
process by supporting President Bush's Roadmap to Peace initiative.
Secretary Powell specifically asked Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to
close offices of Palestinian terrorist groups and to expel terrorist
leaders operating out of Damascus. He refused, choosing instead to
continue Syrian financial and logistical support for terrorist attacks
against Israeli civilians.
Following the war in Iraq, Syria had the chance to build good will in
the United Nations. They were repeatedly asked to support a
constructive UN presence in Iraq. Instead, they opted to pursue a
diplomatic agenda that drove divisions between the United States and
other members of the UN Security Council.
Syria has had the chance to withdraw its troops and end its dominance
of Lebanon. They refused, choosing to maintain their intimidating
military and intelligence presence in Lebanon.
[[Page H9431]]
And finally, Syria has had the chance to rein in Hezbollah. I have
personally asked senior Syrian government officials to disarm
Hezbollah, arguing that Syria's interests are best served through peace
negotiations. These requests have been consistently rejected. Syria
continues to provide strategic, financial, and logistical support to
Hezbollah in a misguided effort to keep the Lebanese conflict with
Israel burning.
These issues are not imagined and they are not part of some secret
Israeli agenda, as the Syrians believe. They are real problems that
have driven a wedge between our two nations. I don't know if this bill
will succeed in changing Syria's behavior--sanctions are rarely an
effective long-term solution. But we cannot ignore the fact that Syria
and the United States are moving in two very different directions.
Diplomacy with Syria has failed. Syria has been given a choice and it
has chosen poorly.
[From the San Francisco Chronicle, Oct. 14, 2003]
Opinion/Editorial
(By Darrell Issa)
During a recent visit to Damascus, Syrian President Bashar
al-Assad told me ``we want to be part of this world--we do
not want to be isolated like North Korea.'' This statement
demonstrated that the young Syrian president understands that
Syria is heading down a path toward complete isolation.
Unfortunately, President Assad also appears to believe that
he can postpone isolation indefinitely by straddling two very
different paths. One is the path of cooperation. The Bush
administration has noted that, following the Sept. 11
terrorist attacks, Syria provided us with valuable
intelligence on al Qaeda that ultimately saved American
lives. President Assad opened up his office to visiting
American officials--something his father, the late Hafez
Assad--was reluctant to do. He has talked about Syria
becoming a member of the World Trade Organization and
expressed interest in visiting the United States.
But Bashar Assad has also perpetuated Syrian policies that
keep it on the State Department's list of state sponsors of
terrorism. He has failed to fully shut down Palestinian
terrorist offices that operate out of Damascus. During
Operation Iraqi Freedom, he failed to stop the flow of
jihadis and military equipment across the border that killed
American soldiers.
The most troubling concern for America, however, is Syria's
intention to support Hezbollah, an Iranian-backed terrorist
organization that continues to fight a proxy war with Israel
and provide assistance to other terrorist groups like
Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage has referred to
Hezbollah as the ``A-team of terrorism.'' Hezbollah
operatives are responsible for the murder of more than 250
American peacekeepers and diplomats in Beirut in the 1980s.
They are suspected in carrying out two bombings in Argentina
that killed over 100 civilians. Imad Mughniah, the suspected
mastermind of numerous terrorist attacks against Americans,
is a senior adviser in Hezbollah's organizational structure.
There is evidence that Hezbollah operatives have infiltrated
Iraq to join attacks against American soldiers. As senior
Bush administration officials have stated repeatedly, Bashar
Assad has a choice to make: Either cooperate and be rewarded
or continue to support terrorism and risk total isolation.
Assad's strategy of trying to keep one foot on each path
will not work much longer. He may be faced with isolation
sooner than he thinks. The Syria Accountability Act, which
could mandate isolation at the levels of Libya or Iran, is
now poised to move quickly through Congress. Until recently,
the Bush administration opposed the act, arguing that it is
the president's constitutional responsibility to determine
the nature of diplomatic relations with foreign countries.
But as Syria consistently showed no sign of changing its
dangerous policies, the White House changed its mind and has
now given the act the green light.
The result for Syria will be devastating. Libya has learned
the costs of total isolation as a result of supporting global
terrorism. Only after a decade of international rejection has
Libya begun to dig its way out of isolation. Bashar Assad has
but a few days left to change direction: to put both feet on
the path of cooperation and lead Syria into the community of
nations.
Mr. DAVIS of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I support H.R. 1828 as a part of
my hope and commitment to finding a just, permanent, democratic,
prompt, non-military conclusion to our occupation of Iraq and as part
of my hope and commitment to doggedly pursue a roadmap to peace,
security and justice for both the people of Israel and the people of
Palestine.
There is no magic bullet, no simple solution to bringing an end to
terrorism. What we do know is we cannot win alone, that we must find
the means to enlist every nation as an ally. Our record, to date, in
this regard can only be characterized as poor.
The President has reported that the territory of Syria has been, and
is being, used as a base by certain terrorist organizations.
This bill gives the President additional diplomatic and economic
leverage in the war on terror. Our goal is to deny sanctuary to
terrorist who may be using the territory of Syria.
Our aim is to become partners with Syria in the war on terror, not to
make Syria an enemy, not to punish the Syrian people.
We trust that these new options will offer constructive new
possibilities and potential to American diplomacy and that these new
powers will be used wisely and constructively.
Mr. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) that the House suspend the
rules and pass the bill, H.R. 1828, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of
those present have voted in the affirmative.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
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