[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 138 (Thursday, October 2, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12306-S12308]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATIONS FOR IRAQ SECURITY
Mr. INHOFE. The whole issue of the $87 billion is so misunderstood by
most of the American people, I would like to try to put it in a context
that is more understandable. First of all, you are talking about $87
billion, of which $66 billion is going back into the military. Most of
that is rebuilding the military for what happened to the military
during the 1990s, and to rebuild it, to get us up to be able to meet
the challenges that are very serious today. I would like to go into
more detail on that, but there is not time in this 5 minutes.
But I would say this, of the $87 billion--and you take away the $66
billion--we are talking about $20 billion, less $5 billion. It is very
important we understand this; $5 billion of this will be going toward
border security, having nothing to do with rebuilding infrastructure,
rebuilding any of the water systems, electrical systems, the highways,
the other infrastructure systems we are going to have to get done.
It leaves $15 billion.
The big discussion here is--and I know it sounds good to the American
people and it sounds good to my wife--with all of the potential oil
revenues, why don't we restructure this as a loan as opposed to a
grant? There is very good reason for that.
CSIS has come up with an analysis of the debt that is owed currently
by Iraq. It is not just $140 billion or the $200 billion figure you
have heard. When you put the claims in there that would have to be
subordinate to the $383 billion, if we do restructure this as a loan,
it would come in only after $383 billion has been repaid by some
source. We all know logically that would never ever happen. But the
rewards of expending this $15 billion and doing it quickly, as the
President is requesting, are immense. To have a friend in that country
of Iraq in the Middle East would have a great benefit for us.
When you stop to think about just the cost of petroleum for the no-
fly zone, that amounts to $15 billion each decade. If we don't do this,
we are going to be right back in that box where we didn't finish the
job we should have finished in 1991 and 1996. Now is the time to finish
the job.
I suggest to you that the greatest disservice we could do to our
troops on the ground over in Iraq would be to stall this thing, to not
get over there and put the necessary money in to fix the
infrastructure.
I am not sure how many people in this body know how much our troops
are doing. They are actually putting roofs on buildings, they are
actually constructing houses, and they are doing things on their own
with their own labor. They desperately need to have us come in and make
the necessary fixes.
We have had a success story. My gosh, we have had over 5,000
businesses started. The hospitals and clinics are now open. The schools
opened 2 days ago, and 56,000 Iraqis are now working in the security
control system.
All of this can continue only if we get the $15 billion over there
for the reparations and to take care of the infrastructure. If we don't
do that, we are leaving our troops out there in a very dangerous
situation.
I would like for everyone to remember their history a little bit.
The Treaty of Versailles was in 1919, at the end of World War I.
France insisted on leaving $32 billion in debt for the Germans to pay.
As a result of being covered up with debt and knowing there was no
possible way out, they became ripe for Hitler to come along. And we
know the rest of the story.
That is the same situation we are facing in Iraq right now. If we
don't come to the table with the $15 billion and get in there and start
repairing the infrastructure and continue the success we have had so
far, and do it immediately, then we are going to leave our troops
hanging out there to dry.
For the sake of national security, the most significant thing we
probably will be dealing with--certainly in this year and maybe during
our entire careers--is to get the money in there and get the job done,
and this time not do what we did in 1991 or 1996 but finish the job and
bring this country back up so it can be our ally in the Middle East.
I yield the floor.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Utah.
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, one of the anecdotes about politics I
enjoy the most and that I think is most illustrative of some of the
situation that is going on now with respect to Iraq relates to the late
Pauline Kael. She was the movie editor for the New Yorker magazine. In
1972, when Richard Nixon won an overwhelming and historic victory in
the Presidential election, carrying every single State except
Massachusetts and the District of Columbia, Pauline Kael was terribly
surprised. She said when commenting on this: Nixon can't possibly have
won. I don't know a single person who voted for him.
There might be some who will say that speaks well of her circle of
friends, but it demonstrates that she lived in a very tight
intellectual circle and had no real contact with what was happening in
the country as a whole.
I cite that because I think that is what is happening with respect to
reporting in Iraq right now. I had an experience over the weekend which
I will share briefly before I yield the remainder of our morning
business time to the Senator from Texas.
An old friend from Utah and his wife came to Washington on a tourist
visit, and I took them around to the various monuments. This man and
his wife expressed great concern about Iraq. The wife said: We have
real problems in
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Iraq. I said: Yes, we do. Tell me what they are, from your perspective.
She said: People are dying all the time, and we are making no
progress whatsoever, and we have no plan of making progress. We are in
real trouble in Iraq. I said to her: Let me ask you a few things. I
said: Are you aware of the fact that about 90 percent of the country is
peaceful and that the attacks on Americans are taking place only in
what is known as the Sunni Triangle, which goes from Baghdad to Tikrit,
and that outside of the Sunni Triangle Americans are not being attacked
and killed? She said: No, I didn't know that.
I said: Which country do you think is providing the most troops other
than America to help fight for security in Iraq? She said: I guess it
is the British. I said: No, it is not the British. Not the British? Is
there another country that has more troops in Iraq fighting for Iraq
besides the British? I said: Yes. It is the Iraqis. She said: What do
you mean? Why, there are close to 50,000 Iraqis under arms providing
security support for Americans. She said: I didn't know that.
I said: How many schools do you think have been reopened since the
war? She said: I assume probably none. I said: No. I said: 90 percent
of the schools and hospitals are now operating. She said: I didn't
know.
I will not prolong the time because the Senator from Texas wishes to
speak. But the point is that we have in the American press today a lot
of Pauline Kaels, someone who said, I don't know a single person who
voted for Richard Nixon, in the face of the most historic landslide we
had with Richard Nixon. We have press people who are telling us what is
going on in Iraq who don't know anybody who has anything good to say
about what is going on in Iraq.
I have said before and I will conclude with this: During the height
of hostilities in Iraq, to watch television, it was clear we were
losing the war on CNN. But, fortunately, we won it on Fox. Ultimately,
the fact that we won came through even to the CNN executives.
I think the good things that are happening in Iraq will eventually
come through, even to the people at CNN and the New York Times and some
of the other places that are living in a Pauline Kael world.
I yield the remainder of our morning business time to the Senator
from Texas.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Texas.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I inquire how much time remains on our
side.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Texas has 20
minutes remaining.
Mr. CORNYN. I thank the President, and I thank the Senator from Utah
for the courtesy and the opportunity to rise to say a few words about
the President's budget request.
I want to be clear about this. The sooner we accomplish our mission
of securing Iraq and freeing the economy and stabilizing the
government, the sooner our young men and women will be able to come
home and we can turn Iraq over to the Iraqis so that they can enjoy the
blessings of self-government and liberty.
By the same token, the longer we delay in voting on this supplemental
request, the longer we delay in getting money that is needed both to
support our troops and to restructure that troubled region and the
longer it will be before our troops will be able to come home to their
families. Slowing this funding request merely delays the return of our
troops from harm's way. And that should not be the role of the Senate,
either unintentionally or otherwise.
We all know that the Congress voted to authorize the President to use
necessary force to remove Saddam Hussein's regime last November. But
there are some in this body today who appear to be playing the politics
of the moment, making claims that seem to exploit for political gain
the hardships that our military is enduring in serving the cause of
freedom. This is nothing more than crass political games. They
certainly have no place in this body.
I have the utmost respect and regard for my fellow Senators. Yet I
must confess that I am dumbfounded at how soon some have appeared to
forget the truth of Saddam's vile regime. The fundamental question we
ought to be asking is, Are the Iraqi people better off today than they
were under Saddam's regime? The answer to that is unequivocally yes.
Are the American people safer today than they were when Saddam was in
power? Again, the answer is unequivocally yes. The only remaining
question is, Have we finished the job we started with Saddam's ouster?
The answer to that question is no. But we must and we will.
I had the honor of traveling to Iraq with members of the Senate Armed
Services Committee last June. I was sickened by the inhumanity
evidenced by the mass graves, holding some 300,000 Iraqis and others
who were victims of Saddam's regime. I was also shocked to learn from a
U.N. representative that there are some 1.5 million people simply
missing. We do not know whether they are dead or alive.
The suggestion in the face of these silent witnesses that Iraq, the
Middle East, indeed the entire free world, are not better off today
than before we took Saddam down is simply false.
Today there is religious freedom and human rights in Iraq unlike
anything experienced during Saddam's regime. The Iraqi people now have
hope, they have a future, something that must have seemed only like a
dream to them a few short months ago.
I am proud to commend President Bush for the resolute leadership that
he has demonstrated in pursuing the war on terror both in Iraq and
around the world. Everyone who has been engaged in this fight, whether
it is the most junior recruit or the Commander in Chief, is doing a
remarkable job under extraordinarily difficult circumstances. I
strongly believe we must remain committed to finishing the job in Iraq
by supporting this supplemental.
I ask those who oppose this supplemental or who want to slow it down
or who want to cut it in pieces and engage in lengthy delay, what is
the message America sends to our enemies in the war on terror if we are
shaken in our commitment? Do we doubt our mission so easily? Do our
international commitments mean so little? We did not undertake the war
against terror because it was easy. We undertook it because it was the
right thing to do, because it was necessary to make America safer.
As I said, there are some in the Senate who have advocated separating
the moneys requested in this $87 billion supplemental between
assistance to the troops and reconstruction of Iraq. I am opposed to
any such separation and I am glad we voted down an amendment yesterday
on that issue. Some argue that we should loan the money to Iraq instead
of providing it to Iraq in the form of a grant--that is, that portion
that should go to reconstruction. If we are to get our young men and
women in uniform back home as soon as possible, which should be our
goal, and turn the government over to the Iraqi people as soon as
possible, which should also be our goal, we should not allow for any
delay in the delivery of these funds.
General Abizaid, the CENTCOM commander, testified before the Senate
Armed Services Committee that these reconstruction funds are
inextricably intertwined with the security of our men and women on the
ground.
I also believe it would be foolish to extract what would be only an
illusory guarantee of loan repayment, and the delay in getting such
loan funds to those who need it on the ground will likely jeopardize
the security of our troops, according to General Abizaid.
The economic assistance and the reconstruction support requested
today are essential to the success and security of our troops and
essential to our success in Iraq. We must build up Iraqi security, we
must gain the confidence of the Iraqi people by improving the
infrastructure, and we must begin the capacity to deal with all of the
threats they face on the ground.
I share my colleagues' concerns and their sense of fiscal
responsibility when dealing with taxpayer dollars. I strongly believe
we should be good stewards of the taxpayers' money at all times. I wish
this newfound concern pervaded all aspects of our fiscal
responsibilities in Congress, not just this one. We cannot preach
fiscal restraint on one hand and practice fiscal irresponsibility on
the other. True, responsibility cannot depend on political convenience.
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The numbers we are dealing with today are hard for many to grasp but
boil down to the American taxpayer, according to a recent USA Today
article, this way: Each year American households spend about 1 percent
of their income on alcoholic beverages, another 1 percent on tobacco
products, and we spent about .7 percent of our income on cosmetics. To
put it into context, if this request were approved, our combined
operations to combat terror in the Middle East and Afghanistan will
have cost .8 percent of our income next year, a bit more than we
annually spend on makeup and shampoo and a bit less than we annually
spend on alcohol and tobacco. Significant? Yes. Budget busting? No.
Worth it? Yes.
The American people are well aware that we are engaged in a
Presidential election season and they recognize the difference between
those with an honest difference of opinion and those who seek to
exploit the President's handling of the war purely in order to gain
political advantage. I find something particularly unsavory about the
comments of those who seek political advantage in questioning our
commitment to our troops and our dedication to winning the war on
terror. Those who spend their time playing political games with our
mission in Iraq, even as our young men and women labor to secure and
stabilize that fledgling nation, do a dishonor not only to themselves
but to our soldiers in the field and the memories of those who have
sacrificed everything they had opposing Saddam's blood thirsty regime.
There are clearly obstacles to overcome in Iraq and there will
certainly be setbacks along the way, as we have seen. I only hope the
politics of the moment do not drive criticism that only serves to
undermine our commitment to winning the war on terror and American
resolve. We must not cut and run. We must not leave the Iraqi people
with a promise unfulfilled. We owe it to our young men and women in
uniform to give them our unequivocal support as they labor on in a
dangerous place for an honorable cause.
Our troops, I am convinced, have the will to win. I only hope our
politicians share that will to win.
As President Kennedy said 42 years ago:
Let every nation know whether it wishes us well or ill,
that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any
hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the
survival and the success of liberty.
I only wish those who are consciously or not intent on denying our
troops what they need to finish the job and to get home as soon as
possible will stop to reconsider. We have liberated Iraq of Saddam
Hussein and now we must simply finish the job. We seek to make Iraq
secure, to make it a place where the rule of law can be established so
that civilian leaders, including the Iraqi Governing Council, can
establish a new government for a new nation. This is not an easy task
and it is not without cost. But it must be done, so Iraq can flourish
as a free nation, and so that the victories won, the lives lost, will
not be in vain.
Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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