[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 112 (Friday, July 25, 2003)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1592-E1593]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. DAN BURTON

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, July 24, 2003

  Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, since 1974, Cyprus has been 
divided de facto into the government-controlled two-thirds of the 
island, the Republic of Cyprus, and the Turkish Cypriot one-third, the 
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The anniversary of the events of 
July 1974 in Cyprus gives rise to misrepresentation of historical 
events. As the cliche goes, there are two-sides to every story. That is 
why I would like to share with my colleagues, the Turkish Cypriot point 
of view regarding the current situation on Cyprus.
  The island of Cyprus gained its independence from Great Britain in 
1960 and has been divided since 1974. At independence, the Republic's 
constitution defined elaborate power-sharing arrangements. It required 
a Greek Cypriot president and a Turkish Cypriot vice president; each 
elected by their own community. The Treaty of Alliance among the 
Republic, Greece, and Turkey provided for 950 Greek and 650 Turkish 
soldiers to help defend the island.
  Cyprus' success as a new Republic lasted from 1960-63. After 
President Makarios proposed constitutional modifications in favor of 
the majority community in 1963, relations between Turkish and Greek 
Cypriots deteriorated. In 1964, Turkish Cypriots withdrew from

[[Page E1593]]

most national institutions and began to administer their own affairs. 
Violence between Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities occurred in 
1963-64 and again in 1967. Since the 1964 crisis, U.N. peacekeeping 
troops have been a buffer between the two communities.
  In 1974, a military junta in Athens supported a coup against 
President Makarios, replacing him with a hardline supporter of enosis. 
Turkey, citing the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, sent troops in two 
separate actions and, by August 25, was in control of more than 36 
percent of the island. The Athens junta fell and civilian government 
was restored. The legitimacy of the Turkish intervention was confirmed, 
among others, by the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, by 
resolution 573, dated July 29, 1974, in which it is stated, ``Turkey 
exercised its right of intervention in accordance with Article IV of 
the Guarantee Treaty of 1960.'' Greece withdrew from NATO's military 
command to protest NATO's failure to prevent Turkey's action.
  According to Turkish Cypriot leaders, the Turkish intervention of 
July 1974 did not come about as an unprovoked invasion but in response 
to a coup d'etat; was in accordance with the Treaty of Guarantee of 
1960; and therefore, was legal and legitimate. Furthermore, the Turkish 
Cypriot community saw the 1974 coup attempt as the culmination of a 
campaign to annex Cyprus to Greece.
  Turkish Cypriots celebrate July 20 as their day of liberation. Since 
Turkey's arrival in Cyprus, peace has prevailed on the island, and the 
biggest beneficiaries of this atmosphere of peace and tranquility have 
been all Cypriots, Greek and Turkish. However, the Greek Cypriots enjoy 
a high level of economic prosperity, while the Turkish Cypriot economy 
continues to suffer from the embargoes imposed on the Turkish Cypriot 
North by the Greek Cypriot South.
  Turkey's presence in Cyprus is within the confines of a security role 
and far from preventing a political settlement. Turkey has always 
supported a just and lasting settlement on the island, within the 
mission of the good offices of the United Nations Secretary-General. 
Recently, Turkish Cypriots, with the full support of Turkey, 
demonstrated their good will by undertaking a series of confidence-
building measures, including the opening of the borders to people and 
traffic from both sides. This has allowed, by Turkish Cypriot 
estimates, thousands of Turkish and Greek Cypriots to cross over to 
each other's territory.
  This measure was followed-up by an offer to the Greek Cypriot side 
for the resettlement of the vacant town of Varosha in return for the 
re-opening of the now-defunct Nicosia International Airport. President 
Denktas also proposed to meet with Greek Cypriot leader Tassos 
Papadopoulos directly in order to discuss these and other related 
issues.
  However, it appears that the Greek Cypriot side has shown little 
interest in a negotiated settlement. In a speech made on July 17, Greek 
Cypriot leader Papadopoulos again made clear that his side does not 
accept the ``Annan Plan'' for a settlement as it is, claiming that 
doing so would mean ``legitimizing the gains accomplished by the 
occupation'' and that if they did so, the (the Greek Cypriots) ``would 
become accomplices in the destruction of the Republic of Cyprus.''
  It is my hope that efforts to reach a settlement will continue 
between Turkish and Greek Cypriot leaders. I know there are two sides 
to the Turkish and Greek Cypriot conflict, and that is why it is 
important for Congress to adopt a balanced, even-handed approach to the 
issue of facilitating a just and lasting settlement between Turkish and 
Greek Cypriots.

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