[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 105 (Wednesday, July 16, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H6997-H6998]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




              DEMOCRATIC STUDY GROUP ON NATIONAL SECURITY

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff) is recognized for 5 minutes.
  Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, tonight I am proud to join my colleague, the 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Scott), as well as our other colleague, the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Israel), as Chairs of the Democratic Study 
Group on National Security.
  Mr. Speaker, we founded this group to advance principles and policies 
of national security which will strengthen America. We have been 
meeting with nations, top national security experts, and we have been 
taking to the House floor to respond to world events. We will also be 
introducing legislative matters to improve our safety here and around 
the world. I hope to address one of those tonight, that of the 
intelligence on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.
  But, first, I would like to articulate 10 principles of national 
security which I believe unite those that have come to associate 
themselves with the Democratic Study Group on National Security.
  First, our soldiers. We support our men and women in uniform, our 
soldiers, our sailors, our marines, our airmen and -women, our 
veterans, our reservists, our National Guard, completely and 
unequivocally. Our soldiers are the foundation of our Nation's 
security.
  Second, military strength. We believe that America's military 
strength is superior in every respect, and we are committed to making 
sure it remains that way. The supremacy of America's military 
capability is the cornerstone of our security.
  Number three, military transformation. We believe that America's 
military must be transformed to one that is more versatile, more agile, 
more capable of responding to multiple crises in far-away places and 
even more technologically powerful.
  Number four, troop levels. We believe America's Armed Forces must not 
be overextended; that our reserves must not be stretched too thin; that 
the number of our troops must reflect the number of our military 
commitments we are likely to face and the severity of those 
commitments. We must either reduce the number of our commitments or 
increase the number of our troops. As General Shinseki recently said, 
``Beware the 12-division strategy for a 10-division army.''
  Number five, intelligence. We believe that in the war on terrorism, 
top-quality human and technological sources of intelligence are 
essential and that the reporting of intelligence must be accurate, 
timely, and properly weighted. The assimilation of that intelligence 
will be essential if we are to avoid another September 11.
  Six, vision. We believe that America cannot make itself secure by 
virtue of its military power alone; that moral authority, integrity, 
generosity, and vision are vital to our peace and prosperity. An 
America that inspires hope in its ideals must complement an America 
that inspires awe in its strength. We are a more secure America when we 
rally the world to our side in a great cause.
  Seven, democracy. We believe that the best hope for a secure America 
rests in the propagation of democracy around the world and that every 
instrument of American influence, diplomatic, military and economic, 
should advance the cause of democracy abroad. Democracies are poor 
breeding grounds for terrorism and war.
  Eight, civil rights. We believe that America must be confident in its 
strength, vigilant in the defense of the homeland, supportive of police 
and firefighters on the front line, and jealously protective of the 
rights of all Americans. We will not let terrorists change our way of 
life, we will not live in fear, and we will not undermine the civil 
rights which characterize our democracy.
  Nine, commerce. We believe that the free and fair flow of goods and 
commerce has the capability of lifting countries out of the despair of 
poverty and that we must act resolutely to eradicate the economic 
deprivation which allows the germ of terrorism to spread. Americans are 
blessed with great plenty. We are a generous people, and we have a 
moral obligation to assist those who are suffering from poverty, 
disease, war, and famine.
  Finally, number ten, world community. We believe that America lives 
in

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an interdependent world, made smaller by travel, technology, and the 
demands of a burgeoning population. America has a critical role to play 
as the most powerful member of the world community. And in this 
community, as in all others, the golden rule still applies: we must act 
toward other nations as we would have them act towards America.
  Tonight, let me address very quickly, in the remaining time that I 
have, one of these 10 commandments of national security, and that is 
sound intelligence.
  I believe we ought to have an independent commission investigate the 
intelligence on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. I supported the 
authorization of force, as did many of my colleagues, in a bipartisan 
manner, on the basis of intelligence that showed that Iraq possessed 
chemical, biological, and nuclear programs. We must determine whether 
that intelligence was accurate. We must determine whether that 
intelligence was weighted properly. We must determine whether that 
intelligence was presented to this Congress and the American people in 
an accurate manner.
  This is essential, number one, because this Congress made the most 
important determination it can make, and that is the determination 
authorizing the use of force on the basis of that intelligence; and, 
number two, if we are to avoid another September 11, we must ensure we 
have a sound intelligence process. And, finally, our standing in the 
world, the willingness of other nations to cooperate with America in 
the future will be dependent on how we resolve this issue.

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