[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 105 (Wednesday, July 16, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H6888-H6890]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
{time} 1145
REGARDING EFFORTS TO ABOLISH SLAVERY AND OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN
SUDAN
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the
resolution (H. Res. 194) regarding the importance of international
efforts to abolish slavery and other human rights abuses in the Sudan,
as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. Res. 194
Whereas the efforts of the government of Khartoum to
subjugate the peoples of the southern Sudan have led to the
death of more than 2,000,000 persons and the displacement of
another 4,000,000 persons;
Whereas the Department of State's ``Country Reports on
Human Rights Practices for 2001'' estimates that between
5,000 and 15,000 Dinka women and children have been abducted
during the past 15 years, and that between 10,000 and 12,000
persons remain in captivity;
Whereas credible observers report that some of the
abductees were sold into slavery and others were used as
forced labor or drafted into the military, including
children;
Whereas the Department of State's ``Country Reports on
Human Rights Practices for 2002'' notes that persons held in
government controlled ``Peace'' camps for internally
displaced persons were reportedly subjected to forced labor;
Whereas the Special Rapporteur for Sudan to the General
Assembly of the United Nations concluded, on November 4,
2002, that the dire human rights situation in Sudan had not
significantly changed;
Whereas the United States Civilian Protection Monitoring
Team (CPMT) reported in February 2003 that militia allied
with the Government of Sudan and supported directly by
Government of Sudan troops continued to abduct civilians in
the western Upper Nile region of Sudan;
Whereas subsequent to the February 2003 report of the
Civilian Protection Monitoring Team, the Government of Sudan
restricted the movements of the CPMT and prevented it from
carrying out its mandate;
Whereas the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights declares
``[n]o one shall be held in slavery or servitude: slavery and
the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms'';
Whereas numerous human rights organizations, including
Christian Solidarity International, the Center for Religious
Freedom of Freedom House, and the American Anti-Slavery Group
have demanded an end to slavery in all its forms and, in
particular, to the abuses practiced by the Government of
Sudan;
Whereas the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People adopted, in May 1995, a Resolution to Combat
Modern Day Slavery stating that slavery in Sudan was an
``irrefutable fact, corroborated by numerous sources,'' and
pledging that ``we will not rest until these slaves are
freed'';
Whereas the House of Representatives has repeatedly decried
human rights abuses in Sudan and called for the abolition of
the slave trade and of chattel slavery in Sudan;
Whereas the House of Representatives committed itself to
practical measures to suppress the slave trade and chattel
slavery in the Sudan by the passage, by a vote of 359-8, in
the 107th Congress of H.R. 5531, the ``Sudan Peace Act'', and
the Senate passed a similar measure, S. 180, unanimously;
Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights
conducted its 59th session in Geneva from March 17 through
April 25, 2003;
Whereas the head of the United States delegation to the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Ambassador Jeane
Kirkpatrick, declared in her opening address that ``[t]he
Commission has the solemn duty to speak for those who are
denied the right to speak for themselves'';
Whereas Human Rights Watch and many other concerned persons
and organizations have called upon the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights to renew the mandate of the
Special Rapporteur on human rights for Sudan, and to condemn
gross abuses of human rights and violations of international
humanitarian law by the Sudanese Government and rebel Sudan
People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) forces; and
Whereas the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, by a
vote of 26 to 24 with 3 abstentions, refused to classify
Sudan as an ``Item 9'' country, one in which grave human
rights problems justify the appointment of a Special
Rapporteur to investigate abuses and to report on them: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of
Representatives that--
(1) slavery, under any circumstances, is an unconscionable
practice;
(2) the subjection inherent in slavery inevitably leads to
other abuses, including torture and rape;
(3) human rights abuses and slavery in Sudan remain a
matter of the most profound concern;
(4) the United States must condemn attempts to ignore or
condone these outrages;
(5) the United States must make clear to all members of the
United Nations Commission on Human Rights that the refusal to
condemn slavery in Sudan undermines any moral authority that
the Commission might seek to exert in other areas;
(6) the United States must work to re-classify Sudan as an
``Item 9'' country, requiring a Special Rapporteur at the
next session of the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights; and
(7) the United States should encourage the United Nations
to consider reinstating sanctions against Sudan and should
urge the European Union, the African Union, and all others
who express concern for human freedom and dignity to be
engaged in activities that will convince Sudan to abolish
slavery and respect human rights.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Quinn). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Payne) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).
General Leave
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous material on this resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
To start, I would like to commend the author of this resolution, the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano), and I would like to commend
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), the ranking member of the
Africa Subcommittee. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) is also
one of the original co-sponsors of this resolution, and they are a few
of the many Members who have worked diligently to keep attention on the
human rights situation in Sudan.
The conflict in Sudan, pitting the National Islamic Front Government
against armed forces in the south struggling for political autonomy and
with religious freedom has brought incomprehensible suffering to the
people of Sudan. The numbers are truly staggering. There have been over
2 million Sudanese who have died over the past 2 decades alone due to
war-related causes. Twice that number have been displaced.
In March of 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell told the Committee
on International Relations ``. . . there is perhaps no greater tragedy
on the face of the Earth today than the tragedy that is unfolding in
the Sudan.'' Those were the words of our Secretary of State.
It is the Sudanese government that bears most all of the
responsibility for this human rights disaster. Khartoum has long been
responsible for marauding militias with notorious human rights abuses
against southerners, including taking slaves and forcing conversions to
Islam. These and other human rights abuses including blocking emergency
food deliveries have rightly earned the Sudanese government widespread
condemnation for these acts. In appointing former Senator John Danforth
as his special envoy to Sudan in 2001, President Bush said, ``For
nearly 2 decades, the government of Sudan has waged a brutal and
shameful war against its own people. And this is not right and this
must stop.'' Such condemnation was also made by the U.N. Commission on
Human Rights until this year.
The Commission had classified Sudan as an ``Item 9'' country,
denoting its grave human rights problems. This brought needed
international attention to these abuses primarily through the
appointment and work of a Special Rapporteur to Sudan who was doing
valuable human rights reporting on the ground in Sudan. Yet in April,
the members of the commission representing individual countries in a 26
to 24 vote made the incomprehensible decision to end this status for
Sudan. This was done despite the Special Rapporteur's judgment that the
dire human rights situation in Sudan had not significantly improved and
all the violations that respected human rights organizations have
reported. This decision mars the commission, and it needs to be
reversed.
House Resolution 194 states that ``human rights abuses and slavery in
[[Page H6889]]
Sudan remain a matter of the most profound concern'' and that ``the
United States must work to reclassify Sudan as an `Item 9' country,
requiring a Special Rapporteur at the next session of the U.N.
Commission on Human Rights.'' And this is the honest thing to do. It is
also the just thing to do. It is the right thing to do in defense of
victimized Sudanese who are suffering, and it is the right thing to do
in memory of those who have perished. Designating Sudan a human rights
special case is also a constructive step in support of the peace
process in Sudan. We gain nothing by being blind to human rights abuses
in Sudan.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in strong support of this resolution. First of all, Mr.
Speaker, let me commend the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano)
for introducing H. Res. 194 concerning the ongoing problem of slavery
in Sudan. This resolution keeps Congress on record in opposition to
this inhumane practice. I also would like to thank the gentleman from
California (Mr. Royce), chairman of the Africa Subcommittee, for his
support of this resolution and for his continued good work as it
relates to the problems on the continent of Africa; and with his
leadership we have been able to have many hearings and to discuss many
of the problems there. I would also like to compliment the gentleman
from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for his interest and the gentleman from
California (Mr. Lantos), ranking member, for the strong support that he
has given these resolutions.
In spite of the universal condemnation of the practice of slavery in
Sudan, the government has stonewalled on issues of slavery, claiming it
is a matter of rival tribes engaging in hostage-taking over which it
has little control. Prior to this, they actually denied the fact that
there was any kind of engaging of people in slave trade. Now they admit
it, but say it is just a traditional thing.
Mr. Speaker, between 5,000 and 14,000 children have been abducted in
Sudan since 1983. Millions of girls have been forced into domestic
service worldwide while boys have been trafficked to the gulf to work
as menial laborers. Yet the Government of Sudan only takes half
measures to convince the international community that it is taking the
crime of slavery seriously. While they claim that there are laws in
their country that prohibit slavery, there is no aggressive enforcement
of those laws and no special courts dedicated to this singularly
heinous practice against children.
Mr. Speaker, this Congress has never wavered in its demand to end
slavery. With this resolution, we urge the administration and all
international bodies to continue pressure to end this practice of
slavery.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the sponsor of this
resolution, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Capuano).
Mr. CAPUANO. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman from
Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr.
Lantos), ranking member; the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce); and
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for bringing this matter to
the floor on this issue and for their great leadership on this issue
and many other issues relative to the issues around the world,
particularly with regard to the continent of Africa.
I want the people at home listening to understand what we are talking
about. The word ``slavery'' just kind of rolls off the tongue, and in
many ways I think people sometimes think we are talking in a figurative
manner. We are talking about literal slavery, old-fashioned slavery
where the government of one country either directly sanctions or
indirectly allows one group of people to enslave another, to put them
up on an auction block and sell them as I would sell a bicycle. It is
not figurative. It is not some hyperbole. It is actual real textbook
slavery that I think most Americans, if we ask them, would think has
been gone from the face of this Earth since the middle of last century.
It is not gone and this is a government, a country, not just a few
renegades. This is not a criminal activity that uses women for sex
slaves and uses children for forced labor; this is not that. This is an
actual government who allows this to continue and in many cases
participates in it indirectly. That is what we are talking about here.
What we are asking for is the United Nations to stand up. Just
yesterday we took two votes on the United Nations. I pride myself on
being a supporter of the United Nations, and I consider myself an
internationalist. I think this country and the world is better off if
we can talk to each other. I think the United Nations plays a valuable
role. Yet the United Nations itself, a committee of the United Nations,
said slavery is okay. I cannot be more offended than by that vote. I
think it should be noted that the Chair of that commission is the
country of Libya. An amazing coincidence. An amazing coincidence.
This administration, the Bush administration, has done a good job on
this, and I do not agree with them on many things. On this issue they
have stood up tall and been right, and I appreciate that and I
congratulate them for that. This resolution and my message on this
resolution is to the United Nations. If they want people like me to
continue to support them, I do not think it is a very high bar to say
to them that they need to stand up against slavery. How is that a high
bar? I cannot imagine an any lower bar. Yet they have not. Honestly
from a United Nations perspective, I cannot think of another vote that
they have taken that has more offended me particularly in modern times.
This resolution is simple, and again I congratulate and thank the
leaders of the Committee on International Relations for bringing this
forward. This is really a message to the U.N. to get back on their
game, stand up, stand up for the easiest issue in the world. If they do
not, they jeopardize support from people like me and I think they
undermine their credibility on every other issue around the world; and
I find that to be absolutely the opposite of what the United Nations,
what the United States stands for and our support for the United
Nations.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for
those comments.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District
of Columbia (Ms. Norton), who has worked very hard on this issue
herself.
Ms. NORTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
And I must thank the gentleman for his continuous hard work on this
issue. He and I came to the floor several years ago when slavery in
Sudan had never been mentioned on this floor and did a 1-hour Special
Order. We were the first to raise the consciousness of this House, and
it is very gratifying to see that that consciousness remains raised. I
know the gentleman has gone to Sudan and as a member of the Committee
on International Relations continues to press this matter forward, and
we need the whole House and we need the whole country to do so.
President Bush has just been to Africa and declared that slavery is a
crime, and of course he meant slavery involving African Americans; but
I am sure he meant it worldwide as well, and I thank the President not
only for that trip but for his own initiatives on Sudan, still a
largely unknown, a little recognized issue in our country. We have a
nation, 70 percent are Sunni Muslims, 25 percent are Animists;
Christians, 5 percent. We have come to the floor again and again with
resolutions similar to this, and this resolution is very mild. It just
asks the United Nations to consider reinstating sanctions.
{time} 1200
The United States has also instituted sanctions under President
Clinton; and it calls upon others, our allies, to express the same
concern essentially that we have expressed: the African Union, which
should be taking leadership here, the European Union. We need allies on
this matter, and we need them desperately. Because, if the truth be
told, almost no progress has been made. That is the sad truth that we
must face.
There is still widespread institutionalized slavery, according to the
[[Page H6890]]
most recent report on Sudan. There is still massive dislocation and
wholesale discrimination against the nonMuslim population.
The administration has made efforts, as we had Foreign Minister
Ismail come to this country for consultations with the State
Department, a delegation to come with consultations. I am not sure what
comes out of these consultations, however, nor am I sure what we use as
guideposts to determine whether progress is being made. And we
understand the role Sudan plays as a possible center of terrorism.
Terrorism has been strongly associated with Sudan, so we have extra
reason to press forward.
Comprehensive sanctions, however, were put forward in 1997 as early
as the Clinton administration, but they were our comprehensive
sanctions. We are one country. There is a lot of oil in this country,
and others continue to ignore slavery in Sudan. We have a humanitarian
crisis. We need what the resolution calls for.
We need more as well. We need to increase assistance using religious
and other nongovernmental organizations to distribute food and
assistance on a nondiscriminatory basis. We need the United States to
take the initiative in the United Nations so that sanctions go beyond a
few nations like our own and so that we put a goalpost out here so that
we can judge Sudan by whether there is an end to the bombings of
civilians that keeps food from getting to them and into slavery and
into the war itself.
Mr. Speaker, I ask that the Congress continue to keep this matter in
its sights until we see some progress at last.
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume
just to conclude by thanking the gentlewoman from the District of
Columbia.
Mr. Speaker, 2 million people have died as a result of the practices
of the government of Sudan; 4 million have been displaced. We have had
the EGAT nations attempt to come to a conclusion, a solution to this
problem. We continually push this issue of slavery. It must be
abolished, and other human rights abuses in Sudan must end.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The Sudan peace process is, frankly, entering a very critical period.
Some have described the next few months as the end game. There are
elements in the government of Sudan who appear to desire peace. General
Lazaro Sumbeiywo, the Kenyan mediator, has optimistically announced
that he expects to have a peace deal by mid-August.
One thing is sure, though. If peace is to have a chance in Sudan, the
U.S. and others will have to aggressively monitor any peace agreement,
including paying close attention to human rights conditions. Should a
peace agreement be struck, the Special Rapporteur would have an
important role to play in ensuring that the new government respects the
rights of all Sudanese. There is no reason in the world for the Special
Rapporteur to be sidelined now. This resolution says Sudan is a human
rights case that demands an international human rights spotlight.
It is critical that all parties in Sudan, especially the government,
understand that there will be consequences for those who shun peace and
perpetuate human rights abuses in Sudan. The Sudan Peace Act, signed
into law last year, provides for such consequences.
Today, the House of Representatives is going on record with another
stern warning that slavery and other gross human rights abuses in Sudan
are intolerable and that the U.S. is watching. That is the message of
this resolution which I urge my colleagues to support.
Mr. TOWNS. Mr. Speaker, as you are keenly aware, the road to peace
for the people of Sudan has been long and perilous. Yet the prospect
for a lasting peace may finally be at hand. Negotiations among the
government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army
(SPLM/A) have been ongoing over the past ten months under a renewed
commitment to peace and with a determination to resolve the important
issues that remain.
I observed today, the debate on H. Res. 194 regarding the importance
of international efforts to abolish slavery and other human rights
abuses in Sudan. Mr. Speaker, I share the concerns of my distinguished
colleagues and their desire to see and end to slavery and human rights
abuses, be it Sudan or elsewhere in the world. But while we cannot
condone or even forget the past, in my view the interests of the people
of Sudan are best served by focusing on the future and finding lasting
peace and stability for the region.
On April 21, 2003, President Bush, in his presidential determination
under the Sudan Peace Act, certified that the government of Sudan and
the People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/A) are negotiating in good
faith. This historic event underscores the government of Sudan's
commitment to peace and sets the stage for a negotiated peace agreement
and the chance for dignity, prosperity and a better way of life for the
people of Sudan, especially for Sudanese children.
Mr. Speaker, there will be those who will criticize the President's
decision and who will focus on past history while giving little
recognition to the positive events of the past year. The tragedy of
such criticism is that it promotes a policy of divisiveness instead of
unity which would enhance the prospects for peace and stability to the
region. Even more troublesome is that such criticism shifts the focus
from the real prospects for peace that now exist. While progress on the
peace front has not been without setbacks, positive developments have
and continue to occur and should not be ignored.
Mr. Speaker, the release of special envoy John Danforth's April 2002
report ``Outlook for Peace in Sudan'' put in motion the events to-date
that have helped reestablish the present framework for peace. Following
the Danforth report, an important first step towards peace was the
signing of the Machakos Protocol, on July 20, 2002, resolving the major
issues of self-determination for the south and the separation of state
and religion. In September 2002, peace talks resumed under a negotiated
ceasefire agreement and in October, 2002, the government of Sudan and
the SPLM/A signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to allow
unimpeded humanitarian access to all areas and to people in need, in
accordance with the Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS) agreement.
In addition, an addendum to the October 2002 MOU on cessation of
hostilities was signed to add new mechanisms to strengthen
implementation. Later in February, the human rights group Amnesty
International was invited to visit Sudan for constructive dialogue on
human rights issues.
On March 4, the mandate of the Civilian Protection Monitoring Team
(CPMT) was extended for another year. Later in March, the ceasefire
agreement was extended to June 30, 2003. Most recently, on May 1 the
United Nations secured the opening of a new corridor in southern Sudan
to enhance humanitarian access to the region.
Mr. Speaker, I hope my distinguished colleagues will view these
developments as testimony to the government of Sudan's commitment to
achieving a lasting peace for the benefit of all our people.
While these and other events give hope for peace and a permanent end
to hostilities, there are many of my colleagues who remain skeptical.
There remain roughly 90 days before the next ``Determination'' under
the Sudan peace act must be made. I would call on my colleagues to join
me in support an NGO-sponsored fact finding delegation mission to Sudan
and an accompanying report on the findings to assist in fully
understanding the current situation in the Sudan with regard to
allegations of slavery, human rights abuses and religious persecution.
Mr. Speaker. The situation in Sudan is the product of nearly a half-
century of conflict and political divisiveness. While we must never
forget the past, the interests of the Sudanese people will be best
served by focusing on the future and achieving lasting peace.
We look forward to the day when peace is at hand and when U.S.
sanctions can be lifted and Sudan removed from the state terrorist
sponsors list. Only then will the people of Sudan be able to receive
the benefits of American ingenuity, technology and investment for their
sustained growth and economic prosperity.
Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Linder). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 194, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the resolution, as amended, was
agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________