[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 85 (Wednesday, June 11, 2003)]
[House]
[Pages H5185-H5190]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
WELFARE REFORM EXTENSION ACT OF 2003
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the
bill (H.R. 2350) to reauthorize the Temporary Assistance for Needy
Families block grant program through fiscal year 2003, and for other
purposes.
The Clerk read as follows:
H.R. 2350
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Welfare Reform Extension Act
of 2003''.
SEC. 2. REFERENCES.
Except as otherwise expressly provided, wherever in this
Act an amendment or repeal is expressed in terms of an
amendment to, or repeal of, a section or other provision, the
amendment or repeal shall be considered to be made to a
section or other provision of the Social Security Act.
SEC. 3. CONTINUATION OF TANF BLOCK GRANT FUNDING.
(a) State Family Assistance Grant.--Section 403(a)(1) (42
U.S.C. 603(a)(1)) is amended--
(1) in subparagraph (A), by striking ``and 2002'' and
inserting ``2002, and 2003''; and
(2) by striking subparagraphs (B) through (E) and inserting
the following:
``(B) State family assistance grant.--The State family
assistance grant payable to a State for a fiscal year shall
be the amount that bears the same ratio to the amount
specified in subparagraph (C) of this paragraph as the amount
required to be paid to the State under this paragraph for
fiscal year 2002 (determined without regard to any reduction
pursuant to section 409 or 412(a)(1)) bears to the total
amount required to be paid under this paragraph for fiscal
year 2002 (as so determined).
``(C) Appropriation.--Out of any money in the Treasury of
the United States not otherwise appropriated, there are
appropriated for fiscal year 2003 $16,566,542,000 for grants
under this paragraph.''.
(b) Matching Grants for the Territories.--Section
1108(b)(2) (42 U.S.C. 1308(b)(2)) is amended by striking
``2002'' and inserting ``2003''.
(c) Bonus to Reward Decrease in Illegitimacy Ratio.--
Section 403(a)(2) (42 U.S.C. 603(a)(2)) is amended--
(1) in subparagraph (C)(ii), by striking ``and 2002'' and
inserting ``2002, and 2003''; and
(2) in subparagraph (D), by striking ``2002'' and inserting
``2003''.
(d) Supplemental Grants for Population Increases in Certain
States.--Section 403(a)(3)(H) (42 U.S.C. 603(a)(3)(H)) is
amended--
(1) in the subparagraph heading, by striking ``of grants
for fiscal year 2002'';
(2) in clause (i), by striking ``fiscal year 2002'' and
inserting ``each of fiscal years 2002 and 2003'';
(3) in clause (ii), by striking ``2002'' and inserting
``2003''; and
(4) in clause (iii), by striking ``fiscal year 2002'' and
inserting ``each of fiscal years 2002 and 2003''.
(e) Contingency Fund.--
(1) In general.--Section 403(b)(2) (42 U.S.C. 603(b)(2)) is
amended by striking ``and 2002'' and inserting ``2002, and
2003''.
(2) Conforming amendment.--Section 403(b)(3)(C)(ii) (42
U.S.C. 603(b)(3)(C)(ii)) is amended by striking ``2002'' and
inserting ``2003''.
(f) Federal Loans for State Welfare Programs.--Section
406(d) (42 U.S.C. 606(d)) is amended by striking ``2002'' and
inserting ``2003''.
(g) Maintenance of Effort.--Section 409(a)(7) (42 U.S.C.
609(a)(7)) is amended--
(1) in subparagraph (A), by striking ``or 2003'' and
inserting ``2003, or 2004''; and
(2) in subparagraph (B)(ii), by striking ``2002'' and
inserting ``2003''.
(h) Grants to Indian Tribes.--Paragraphs (1)(A) and (2)(A)
of section 412(a) (42 U.S.C. 612(a)(1)(A) and (2)(A)) are
each amended by striking ``and 2002'' and inserting ``2002,
and 2003''.
(i) Census Bureau Study.--Section 414(b) (42 U.S.C. 614(b))
is amended by striking ``and 2002'' and inserting ``2002, and
2003''.
SEC. 4. CONTINUATION OF MANDATORY CHILD CARE FUNDING.
Section 418(a)(3)(F) (42 U.S.C. 618(a)(3)(F)) is amended by
striking ``fiscal year 2002'' and inserting ``each of fiscal
years 2002 and 2003''.
SEC. 5. CONTINUATION OF CHILD WELFARE DEMONSTRATION
AUTHORITY.
Section 1130(a)(2) (42 U.S.C. 1320a-9(a)(2)) is amended by
striking ``2002'' and inserting ``2003''.
SEC. 6. CONTINUATION OF ABSTINENCE EDUCATION FUNDING.
Section 510(d) (42 U.S.C. 710(d)) is amended by striking
``2002'' and inserting ``2003''.
SEC. 7. CONTINUATION OF TRANSITIONAL MEDICAL ASSISTANCE.
(a) In General.--Section 1925(f) (42 U.S.C. 1396r-6(f)) is
amended by striking ``2002'' and inserting ``2003''.
(b) Conforming Amendment.--Section 1902(e)(1)(B) (42 U.S.C.
1396a(e)(1)(B)) is amended by striking ``2002'' and inserting
``2003''.
SEC. 8. EFFECTIVE DATE.
The amendments made by this Act shall take effect on July
1, 2003.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
California (Mr. Herger) and the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger).
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2350, the Welfare Reform
Extension Act of 2003. This legislation is a simple 3-month extension
of key parts of the Nation's welfare system.
[[Page H5186]]
Since the historic 1996 welfare reform law, nearly 3 million children
have been lifted from poverty, record shares of current and former
welfare recipients are working, and welfare dependence has been cut in
half. Despite the challenges facing our country, these welfare reforms
continue to benefit families with children by promoting work by low-
income parents.
Unless we act, the authorization for key welfare programs will expire
on June 30, 2003. H.R. 2350 will continue current funding for these
programs through September 30, 2003. That will provide the Senate more
time to consider a broad welfare reauthorization bill along the lines
proposed by the President and already passed by the House.
Members will recall that the House passed a broad 5-year welfare
reauthorization bill last year. The Senate did not act on that bill
before the 107th Congress adjourned. The 2002 House bill was the
product of intensive research and evaluation, including more than 20
hearings in the House. Key provisions focused on achieving more work,
less poverty, and stronger families.
In February 2003, the House again acted on a full 5-year welfare
reform reauthorization bill and approved H.R. 4, an updated version of
its 2002 bill. While we have been waiting for consensus on a long-term
reauthorization of these programs, the House and Senate have agreed to
three separate short-term extensions. Those extensions covered the
first, second, and third quarters of the current fiscal year.
The legislation before us today would do more of the same, extending
these programs for the fourth quarter of the current fiscal year, or
through September 30, 2003. States and families would be on the
receiving end if we reach agreement on a long-term reauthorization
bill.
The House-passed 5-year reauthorization bill, H.R. 4, encourages even
more low-income parents to work while providing more resources to
support them. Unfortunately, the improvements included in H.R. 4 will
continue to remain on hold while we pass short-term placeholder
extensions. For example, H.R. 4 as passed by the House provides at
least $2 billion in added child care funds over 5 years, along with
more flexibility in spending cash welfare funds on child care and other
needs.
So long as we continue to extend our Nation's welfare system on a
short-term basis, States cannot take advantage of these additional
dollars or improve flexibility. That means low-income families will not
see the benefits of the improvements we have proposed for the program.
Ultimately, the success of the 1996 law reforms may begin to erode as
well.
It is my hope H.R. 2350 will be the final short-term extension we
approve, and in the next 3 months we get a comprehensive welfare reform
bill to the President's desk for signature.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this 3-month extension of the
funding for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or TANF,
program. I also support the bill's continuation of funding for a series
of programs designed to help people leave welfare for work, including
child care assistance and transitional Medicaid coverage. Without this
extension, funding for all these vitally important programs would
expire at the end of this month.
While this bill is important, it is obviously only a stopgap measure,
as the chairman has indicated. Unfortunately, this is the fourth short-
term extension we have been forced to pass since last fall. Rather than
continuously enacting these temporary measures, we should be sitting
down to figure out how to craft a good 5-year reauthorization for the
TANF program.
I appreciate my chairman's hope that this will be the last of our
extensions. I can tell my chairman, the best way to make sure that this
will be the last of these short-term extensions is for us to get
together, Democrats and Republicans, with Members of the other body and
the administration, and work out a true bipartisan compromise on a
reauthorization that will help America's families.
But regrettably, the Republican leadership of this House has
precluded such discussions by literally ramming through a TANF
reauthorization without any hearings and without any opportunity this
year for us to work our will, so once again we are stuck without a
long-term commitment to many of our Nation's most important antipoverty
programs.
My friends on the other side of the aisle may be tempted to blame the
other body, but let me tell the Members, I think it has been our
actions, not theirs, that have stalled the opportunity to enact a
comprehensive 5-year reauthorization bill. President Bush did send to
Congress a rigid, Washington-knows-best welfare plan that was
criticized by Governors, mayors, welfare administrators, poverty
experts, and religious leaders. It focused on make-work instead of real
jobs for welfare recipients, and it replaced State flexibility with
unfunded mandates.
Mr. Speaker, on Monday three dozen religious leaders sent a letter to
President Bush echoing these concerns. Let me quote a little from that
letter. These were religious leaders, some of whom helped the
administration in crafting its policy.
``Poor people are suffering; and our faith-based service providers
see it every day in communities across the country . . . We believe
that the budget your administration has put forward fails to protect
and promote the well-being of our poorest and most vulnerable citizens.
The tax cut passed by Congress with your support provides virtually no
help for those at the bottom of the economic ladder, while those at the
top reap windfalls.''
The letter goes on to say:
``Pro-family commitments to invest in adequate child care, education,
and training for our poorest families have fallen short in your
administration's proposals. The most effective and bipartisan public
policies for reducing poverty have not been adequately supported by
your administration.''
This letter from religious leaders concludes by suggesting, ``many
are feeling betrayed'' by the disconnect between the President's words
and the actions on poverty-related issues.
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record a copy of this letter.
The letter referred to is as follows:
Call to Renewal,
Washington, DC, June 9, 2003.
Dear Mr. President: We are all leaders in the faith
community, whose churches and faith-based organizations are
on the front lines of fighting poverty. Many of us have
supported your faith-based initiative from the beginning of
the administration. Several of us have met with you to
discuss the churches' role in overcoming poverty and have
offered solid support to our friends, John Dilulio and Jim
Towey, who have led your Office of Faith Based and Community
Initiatives. But while we have consistently backed faith-
based approaches to poverty reduction, we have also insisted
they must be accompanied by policies that really do assist
low-income families and children as they seek self-
sufficiency.
Mr. President, it is a critical time for poor people in
America. Poor people are suffering; and our faith-based
service providers see it every day in communities across the
country. The poor are suffering because of a weakening
economy. The poor are suffering because of resources being
diverted to war and homeland security. And the poor are
suffering because of lack of attention in national public
policy.
We are writing because of our deep moral concern about
consistency in your administration's support for effective
policies that help alleviate poverty. We believe a lack of
focus on the poor in the critical areas of budget priorities
and tax policy is creating a crisis for low-income people. We
believe the budget your administration has put forward fails
to protect and promote the well being of our poorest and most
vulnerable citizens. The tax cut just passed by the Congress
with your support provides virtually no help for those at the
bottom of the economic ladder, while those at the top reap
windfalls. The resulting spending cuts, at both federal and
state levels, in the critical areas of health care,
education, and social services, will fall heaviest on the
poor. Budgets are moral documents.
You have taken many positive steps with regard to
international aid and development, such as the HIV/AIDS
initiative, and we would like to see that compassion manifest
here at home. In significant social programs, like welfare
reform, we have supported the proposals of your
administration to strengthen marriage and family as effective
antipoverty measures; but the companion pro-family
commitments to invest in adequate child care, education, and
training for our poorest families have fallen short in your
administration's proposals. The most effective and bipartisan
public policies for reducing poverty have not been adequately
supported by your administration.
[[Page H5187]]
Over the past several years, we have advocated several
policy initiatives in addition to the ``faith-based
initiative'' that would help low-income people in this
country. These include TANF reauthorization that makes
poverty reduction a priority, targeted tax relief for low-
income families, and funding for proven programs that would
effectively reduce poverty. We believe administration support
for such policies would be consistent with your stated
commitment of being compassionate toward the poor, especially
since you have spoken more about issues of poverty than many
of your predecessors.
We recall your Notre Dame address two years ago, where you
pointed out: ``Government has an important role. It will
never be replaced by charities. . . . Yet, government must
also do more to take the side of charities and community
healers, and support their work. . . . Government must be
active enough to fund services for the poor--and humble
enough to let good people in local communities provide
those services.''
Mr. President, ``the good people'' who provide such
services are feeling overwhelmed by increasing need and
diminishing resources. And many are feeling betrayed. The
lack of a consistent, coherent, and integrated domestic
policy that benefits low-income people makes our continued
support for your faith-based initiative increasingly
untenable. Mr. President, the poor are suffering, and without
serious changes in the policies of your administration, they
will suffer even more.
When you announced the faith-based initiative, you pledged
that: ``I want to ensure that faith-based and community
groups will always have a place at the table in our
deliberations.'' Mr. President, it's time to bring faith-
based organizations to the table where policy decisions are
being made. We are concerned that the needs of poor people in
America seem to have little influence in the critical policy
decisions your administration is making. The faith-based-
initiative seems to be the only place in your administration
where poverty is prioritized, yet we know that faith-based
initiatives alone will never be sufficient to solve the
problems of poverty. As we have discussed with you the faith-
based initiative, we now want to engage your administration
in a serious conversation about domestic social policy. Mr.
President, it's time to talk.
Sincerely,
Rev, Jim Wallis, Convener and President, Call to Renewal.
David Beckmann, President, Bread for the World.
Rev. Peter Borgdorff, Executive Director of Ministries,
Christian Reformed Church.
Lt. Col. Paul Bollwahn, National Social Services Secretary,
The Salvation Army.
J. Daryl Byler, Director, Washington Office, Mennonite
Central Committee.
Bart Campolo, President, Mission Year.
Tony Campolo, President, Evangelical Association for
Promotion of Education.
Rt. Rev. John Bryson Chane, Bishop, Episcopal Diocese of
Washington, DC.
Rt. Rev. Steven Charleston, President and Dean, Episcopal
Divinity School.
Dave Donaldson, President, We Care America.
Rev. Dr. Robert Edgar, General Secretary, National Council
of Churches in the USA.
Dr. Robert M. Franklin, Presidential Distinguished
Professor, Candler School of Theology, Emory University.
Wayne Gordon, President, Christian Community Development
Association.
Rev. Wes Granberg-Michaelson, General Secretary, Reformed
Church in America.
Rev. Dr. Richard Hamm, General Minister & President,
Christian Church--Disciples of Christ in the US and Canada.
Rev. Mark Hanson, Presiding Bishop, Evangelical Lutheran
Church in America.
Bishop Thomas L. Hoyt, Jr., Presiding Bishop, Fourth
District, Christian Methodist Episcopal Church, President-
elect, National Council of Churches in the USA.
David G. Hunt, President, American Baptist Churches USA.
Hyepin Im, President, Korean Churches for Community
Development.
William ``Bud'' Ipema, Vice-President, Council of
Leadership Foundations.
Rev. Alvin Jackson, National City Christian Church,
Moderator, Christian Church-Disciples of Christ in the US and
Canada.
Rev. Ted Keating, SM, Executive Director, Conference of
Major Superiors of Men.
Rev. Cliffton Kirkpatrick, Stated Clerk, Presbyterian
Church USA.
Rt. Rev. Mark MacDonald, Bishop, Episcopal Diocese of
Alaska.
Bishop Felton Edwin May, Presiding Bishop, Baltimore-
Washington Conference, United Methodist Church.
Rev. Dr. A. Roy Medley, General Secretary, American Baptist
Churches USA.
Gordon Murphy, Executive Director, Christian Community
Development Association.
Rev. Glenn R. Palmberg, President, Evangelical Covenant
Church.
Bishop Donald A. Ott, Coordinator, United Methodist Council
of Bishops Initiative on Children and Poverty.
Carole Shinnick, SSND, Executive Director, Leadership
Conference of Women Religious.
Ron J. Sider, President, Evangelicals for Social Action.
Rev. John H. Thomas, General Minister and President, United
Church of Christ.
Joe Volk, Executive Secretary, Friends Committee on
National Legislation.
Jim Winkler, General Secretary, General Board of Church and
Society, United Methodist Church.
Mr. Speaker, let me also point out to my colleagues a book that was
recently released by Elizabeth Sawhill as the editor called ``One
Percent for Kids. I mention that because the gentlewoman from
Connecticut (Mrs. Johnson) and I participated on a panel at Brookings
on this particular subject.
I want to just emphasize one point that was pointed out in the
beginning of this book. At the present time, our Nation is spending 2
percent of its gross domestic product on programs for children. We are
spending 2\1/2\ percent of our gross domestic product on servicing the
national debt.
My chairman mentioned the fact that the TANF reauthorization bill
that passed this body would increase the potential for funding for the
poverty programs in this country by $2 billion. I might point out that
only $1 billion was assured. The second billion was authorization. We
are increasing the national debt this year by $400 billion in order to
give tax cuts basically to wealthy people. To service that additional
debt, it will cost somewhere between $12 billion and $14 billion in
next year's budget alone.
{time} 1100
So, yes, we are very generous on the tax cuts and on saddling
taxpayers with interest on the national debt. But when it comes to
America's future, when it comes to investing in our children for their
future, we seem to have a deaf ear. One percent for kids could really
help stimulate our economy and grow our economy.
Mr. Speaker, let me make it clear, speaking for my colleagues on this
side of the aisle, we are ready today to sit down with our colleagues
on the Republican side to work out a TANF reauthorization 5-year bill
that will provide predictability, flexibility, and resources to our
States to continue the job that they started 6 years ago when we
reformed the welfare system in a bipartisan way. Let us continue that
effort. Let us make the tools available. Let us not just try to ram
through a bill that the experts tell us will not be in the best
interests of our children.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr.
Levin), a distinguished member of the Committee on Ways and Means who
is a very active member of the Subcommittee on Human Resources.
(Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, the 1996 welfare reform bill expired about a
year ago, and since then this Congress has passed a series of short-
term extensions.
I will vote for this extension, but it is a sad reflection on this
House and its majority, and on the majority in terms of the Senate, and
surely on the administration that we have failed to renew and to really
expand the basic principles of welfare reform that so many of us worked
to enact.
The House Republican leaders rammed through a rewrite of welfare
reform some months ago. It was not a continuation, but really a step
backward. It was passed on a partisan vote. There was no effort in this
House to create a bipartisan welfare bill. In 1996 we passed one on a
bipartisan basis, but this time around there was no effort to continue
that tradition. The bill that was pushed through this House also ran
counter to the research that we helped to fund and the views of
Governors.
In a survey that was conducted by the National Governors Association,
over 40 State welfare directors said this, that the Bush administration
plan would force ``fundamental changes'' in their successful welfare
programs. And the researcher who did most of the research on welfare-
to-work strategies said that the Bush administration plan would force
``the most successful programs to change substantially.''
So we lost, as the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin) has said, a
chance some months ago to work on a bipartisan basis in this House. And
there are key differences between the approach that was embodied in the
bill that passed here and what Democrats have proposed.
The first basic difference is whether people should be, who are on
welfare and remain there, should be working or whether we should help
people move off
[[Page H5188]]
of welfare into work. And we Democrats say that should be the key
objective of welfare reform, helping people move off of welfare into
work; and that was in the proposal that the gentleman from Maryland
(Mr. Cardin) and others of us put together.
A second difference is whether the emphasis should be on people
working in poverty or people working their way out of poverty, and the
Democratic plan emphasized people working their way out of poverty.
A third difference related to the issue of work supports. In 1996,
the first welfare reform bill was vetoed by President Clinton because
there were inadequate day care money and inadequate health care
provisions. And then the majority here came back and finally agreed to
adequate health care and adequate day care. But in the bill that passed
here some months ago, there were inadequacies in terms of health care
provisions and also in terms of day care provisions.
So here we are again. We are suggesting a quarterly extension. We
cannot allow this legislation that was passed almost 7 years ago now to
simply die. We have to continue the process. We owe it to this country.
We owe it to the families who are trying to work their way off of
welfare into work. But we need to do better. As the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Cardin) said to the chairman of the subcommittee, and
really to the chairman of the committee, and really to this whole
House, let us go back and try to put together a bipartisan product.
Welfare reform deserves more than a partisan approach.
So that is really the basic issue before us today. We will pass the
extension. I urge everybody to vote for it. But I do not think that it
should be an excuse for further inaction by the majority in this House.
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would just like to remind everyone that what we are
renewing is an updated legislation that we had some 20 hearings on in
the last Congress. It is legislation that is updating probably the most
successful social welfare reform in our Nation's history. More than 50
percent of those who have been on welfare are now out being productive.
Child poverty levels are at the lowest in history. Again, what we need
to do is extend this for the 3 months so that we can get agreement in
the Senate so we can move forward with this updated legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania
(Mr. English), a member of the committee and subcommittee.
Mr. ENGLISH. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the gentleman for
yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I particularly welcome the opportunity to come to the
floor and invite my colleagues to support this extension on a
bipartisan basis. I will talk more on this in a moment; but too often
we have seen partisanship, as the gentleman pointed out, but not with
the examples that he had cited. We have seen partisanship creep into
the debate on welfare reform, and I think it has detracted from the
seriousness of the endeavor.
As the chairman of the subcommittee noted, this has been, if not one
of the greatest social reforms of the 20th century, certainly the most
successful social reform of the last 20 years of the last century. We
were successful in overhauling a failed welfare system. And as a
result, some 3 million children have risen out of poverty since the
bill that we had passed and we developed in the subcommittee, and I was
there in 1996, and was signed into law by the last administration.
According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the number of
American children experiencing hunger has plummeted to half the number
in 1995. Now, the economy was growing during this period; but we also
have to recognize that at different times when the economy was growing
in the past, the welfare rolls had also been growing. During this
period, the welfare rolls were literally cut in half. In all, 3.5
million fewer Americans lived their lives in poverty than in 1995.
The results of welfare reform are hard to argue with, although some
on the left are continuing to try to make that argument.
While this success is inspiring, we recognize that more work needs to
be done and further changes need to be made, which were embodied in the
bill that we passed last year. May I say we need to recognize that some
of the things that were included in the bill that we passed earlier
this year, which was a replication of what had passed in the earlier
Congress to fully reauthorize this program, including initiatives like
full-check sanction, a very important reform that makes very clear if
you do not follow the rules, you do not get your welfare benefits.
Some 2 million recipients now remain dependent upon welfare
assistance and many still do not participate in work or training
programs. In response, we have passed in our reauthorization, a boost
of tough work requirements and reinvigorated work incentives for State
and welfare recipients. Stronger welfare reform means less dependence
and more economic independence for poor people in America. Perhaps more
importantly, strengthening welfare reform means fewer American children
will be living in poverty.
However, some opponents of welfare reform, as we have seen, have
sought to turn back the clock by running out the clock on this
reauthorization. We saw that in the Senate in the last Congress; and,
unfortunately, in this Congress the Senate has not taken up the bill in
as timely a fashion as we would like. Hence, we are with this bill
today.
I believe that there are opponents of this effective social policy
that are trying to filibuster our attempts to fight poverty. I urge the
Senate to end this obstructionism and work with us to enact a
strengthened TANF program.
I am hopeful that this bill will pass today; but having heard some of
the remarks earlier on the floor, I also want to take a moment to
clarify the record. Yes, the bill that passed in 1996 passed finally
with bipartisan support. But in its earlier forms it had been
consistently opposed by the minority. The record shows very clearly the
broad outline of what we had proposed and was signed into law was
present in the earlier versions of the bill, but it was opposed by the
Clinton administration and opposed by many on the minority side. We had
sought bipartisanship in that markup in 1996 just as we had sought
bipartisanship last year and this year. But bipartisanship requires
both parties to engage. We also have shown on our side, in the
majority, a strong and consistent commitment to day care, whereas, we
were faulted by some for not adequately funding day care. In fact, in
1996 we put twice as much funding, substantially more funding for day
care than the Clinton administration had originally proposed. So that
has always been a red herring.
What we have done is give the States adequate resources to meet the
needs of poor people; and as they brought more and more off the rolls,
they have been extraordinarily successful in meeting those needs.
We need to continue that work and continue this bill by passing this
reauthorization.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, first, let me just comment briefly on my friend's, the
gentleman from Pennsylvania's (Mr. English), revisionist history.
The original welfare reform bill was signed by President Clinton. He
held out his final support because it was moving through Congress
without the child care provisions that my friend from Pennsylvania is
now taking credit for or the health provisions.
Let me also point out, if I might, Mr. Speaker, that a lot has
happened in the last year. We have had no hearings on this legislation
in this Congress. Yet we have extended unemployment insurance. We have
seen a deterioration in our economy. We have seen our States strapped
with some of the highest budget deficits in their history. And yet on
the most important anti-poverty program in our Nation, we have not had
one hearing or one opportunity to deal with the bill on this
reauthorization act. That is not bipartisanship, and that is not an
open process.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson-Lee).
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin) for yielding me time. I thank him
for his leadership on this issue in the Committee on Ways and Means.
[[Page H5189]]
Let me acknowledge to the chairman of this committee that I stand in
support of the extension of the temporary assistance for needy families
block grant reauthorization. But I think it is important to put a face
on this question. And my good friend from Maryland (Mr. Cardin) made a
very good point. We have a troubled economy, almost a crumbling
economy. And, frankly, it is imperative, it is almost urgent, it is a
crisis that we have hearings on this particular legislation, the idea
of welfare reauthorization, because people are hurting.
The history of this legislation was aptly pointed out that, in fact,
as more people moved from welfare to work in the mid-1990s, it was
because the economy was percolating. Under President Clinton's
administration and the 1997 Budget Act, jobs increased and
opportunities increased for those welfare recipients moving off of
welfare; as I heard the chairman mention, more work, stronger families
and less poverty.
Today we have the complete opposite: a deficit that is blossoming,
booming and imploding; unemployment at 6.1 percent; constituents in my
district begging for work but without the opportunity for work. Just
last weekend in visiting with my constituents, a single mother with
three children, working every day, begged me for increased child care
assistance.
{time} 1115
The reason why that bill passed in the mid-1990s that President
Clinton signed is because he held out for child care and health
assistance. What do we have now? We have the complete opposite. We have
poverty growing deeper, more people in poverty and needing welfare, and
no response from this Congress.
Yet the Democratic approach, which we are prepared to sit down and
negotiate, involves more welfare recipients getting real jobs coming
out of poverty, not make-work jobs, State flexibility to help welfare
recipients move into employment, even in the backdrop of these terrible
economic conditions. We need more education training, which the
Democratic bill has, which we have not been able to get to the table
and discuss and negotiate in a bipartisan way, and then of course the
whole issue of child care services.
Mr. Speaker, we have another crisis because in fact as we extend this
legislation but yet not have the real hearings that we need to have, we
are still fighting to get the child tax credit bill on the floor of the
House. We ARE still fighting to get the Republican leadership of this
House to understand that people are living in a crisis, and those
making $10,000 to $26,000 a year are begging us to pass the Senate bill
which gives an additional $154 on average per child to hardworking low-
income families, up to 12 million families.
The new tax law provides each of America's 190,000 families, meaning
the bill passed by the Republicans, a $550 billion tax cut, an average
of $93,500. So here we are, extending a welfare bill without real
hearings to be able to assist us in getting a real welfare reform bill,
and yet we cannot get the child tax credit bill, the refund bill, the
freestanding Senate bill which has been passed by the Senate to aid 12
million families, we cannot get it on the floor of the House.
What we are hearing are rumors about a kitchen sink full of
unnecessary additions to the tax bill that will do nothing but throw it
into conference and delay this refund to needy working families in
America. I hope as we extend and vote to extend this particular bill,
we do it on behalf of those families who made a change in their life
and those attempting to make a change, but we cannot really help
America's working families unless we sit down in a bipartisan way and
work on the Democratic approach and come together on a bill that truly
puts tools and skills in the hands of those who want to move from
welfare to work.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, we are shamed if we continue to pay 190,000
rich families in America $93,000, and we cannot afford to give working
families on average $154. Let us vote for the Senate bill on the tax
question and reextend this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2350, a bill to reauthorize
the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant program.
TANF is an important program for millions of needy families and it is
right that we support the extension in funding that this bill provides.
While I support this bill, I agree with my Democratic colleagues who
have said that this three month extension is only the beginning of what
we must do to provide for the needy. I also agree with my colleagues
that we need to bring to the floor and pass a bill to extend the child
credit to more than 6 million families that were excluded from the
legislation that the President recently signed. Extending the child tax
credit will do much to aid low-income families in this country. As
such, passing the child tax credit bill should be the next order of
business by this body.
Mr. Speaker, in 1996, the House passed ``The Personal Responsibility
and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act.'' The act was a far-reaching
welfare reform plan that dramatically changed the nation's welfare
system. The primary change is that welfare recipients are now required
to work in exchange for the time-limited assistance that they receive.
As part of that bill, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
program replaces the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and
Job Opportunities and Basic Skills Training (JOBS) programs. Under
TANF, States and territories operate programs, and tribes have the
option to run their own programs. States, territories, and tribes each
receive a block grant allocation with a requirement on States to
maintain historical levels of State spending known as maintenance of
effort. Moreover, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
Reconciliation Act empowers States with the flexibility to design their
TANF programs.
Under TANF, recipients must work after two years of receiving
assistance. With the county's current economic standing being so poor,
it is difficult to find employment not only for TANF recipients but
also for most unemployed people who are looking for work. To count
toward State work requirements, recipients are required to participate
in unsubsidized or subsidized employment, on-the-job training,
community service, 12 months of vocational training, or they must
provide child care services to individuals who are participating in
community service. In this House, we know that budgets for subsidized
employment programs have been cut, funds for vocational training are
being slashed, and education programs are being decreased on the State
and Federal level. The diminution of those employment and education
programs only hurts TANF recipients and other low-income families.
Mr. Speaker, there is a five-year time limit for families who receive
TANF. In other words, after receiving five years of assistance over a
lifetime, recipients are ineligible for cash aid. If we do not do what
is needed to get this economy moving and to create jobs for the
unemployed, there will be many families bumping up against the cutoff
time for their TANF benefits.
In closing, I will support this bill for the good of my constituents.
I call upon the other members of this body to support this bill and to
support the child tax credit for low-income families immediately.
Finally, I call upon my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to
stop the attack against working families and to support positive
initiatives to help improve the lives of American families.
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would just like to remind the other side how
successful this legislation has been since 1996. Child poverty has
fallen sharply. Nearly 3 million children have been lifted from
poverty. The black child poverty rate is now at a record low. More
parents are working. Employment by mothers most likely to go on welfare
rose by 40 percent from 1995 to 2000. Dependence fell by unprecedented
levels. Welfare caseloads fell by 9 million, from 14 million recipients
in 1994 to just 5 million today.
Again, this is legislation that has been updated this year that we
had some 20 hearings on in the last Congress and which passed earlier
this year; and I might mention also that we provide an additional $2
billion in added child care funds in our legislation which hopefully
will be renewed here in 3 months. We provide the States with more State
flexibility in spending cash welfare funds, we focus more on promoting
healthy marriage and child well-being, and we encourage more work,
higher incomes, and less welfare dependence.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me just in response to our friend from California,
point out if the gentleman has so much confidence in current law in the
results that have just been spelled out, I am
[[Page H5190]]
curious as to why the bill that passed the House that is now being
promoted, why over 40 of our welfare administrators in our various
States have said it will cause a fundamental change in their welfare
system, it would cause them to shift their local priorities to
federally mandated priorities where our own scorekeepers have indicated
that there are additional mandates to the States far beyond the dollars
made available, far beyond the $2 billion, if in fact $2 billion is
made available, our States would be required to conform to new
mandates. If we believe that the current law has been so successful,
why are we now taking away the ability of States to set their own
priorities?
Mr. Speaker, I am going to ask my colleagues to do two things. First,
I ask my colleagues to support the 3-month extension. It is the
responsible thing to do. We need to approve this legislation.
Second, I am going to ask, let us all step back for a moment and take
a deep breath and take a look at the issues and the families that are
affected, listen to our Governors who have the principal
responsibility, analyze the GAO report which indicates that most of our
States have had to cut back on child care money because of their fiscal
problems.
In my own State of Maryland, they are taking no new enrollments in
child care unless you are on welfare. Think of this message: If you
want safe, affordable child care, go on welfare. That is the wrong
message. Let us talk together, let us listen to each other and let us
come up with a bipartisan bill that we can be proud of, that can pass
both this body and the other body and be signed by the President; and,
most importantly, will help our States in their efforts not only to get
people out of welfare, but to get American families out of poverty.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. HERGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, in closing, let me remind the gentleman from Maryland
(Mr. Cardin) that just in the last 2 weeks we passed legislation which
was signed by the President which gives to the States an additional $20
billion in State aid. The States also have some $6 billion in Temporary
Aid to Needy Families or TANF surplus that is available to them. We
also transferred some $3 billion of surplus that they have available.
We also have $6 billion of unemployment that they have in surplus
available.
The gentleman asked if the legislation is so successful, why would we
want to make changes; child poverty has fallen, more parents are
working, dependence fell by unprecedented levels. But the fact is there
is still more that needs to be done. There is still 58 percent of
recipients who are not working or trained. There are too many families
that are breaking up, who never formed, that this legislation will
address, and there are some 2 million families that remain dependent on
welfare. And that is why even though this legislation has been so
incredibly successful, we still have more to do.
With that, I would urge the body to support this legislation, this
extending of 3 months. I urge an ``aye'' vote.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaHood). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Herger) that the House
suspend the rules and pass the bill, H.R. 2350.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of
those present have voted in the affirmative.
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.
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