[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 75 (Tuesday, May 20, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Page S6705]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       WINNING THE PEACE IN IRAQ

  Mr. EDWARDS. Over a month ago, our military achieved an impressive 
victory in Iraq--a victory earned by the brave men and women of our 
Armed Forces, and a victory that serves as a testament to the 
bipartisan commitment to ensuring that our military remains the best in 
the world. Through these efforts, we removed a brutal regime and helped 
liberate a people.
  This victory also brought an enormous responsibility upon the United 
States: to help the Iraqi people rebuild their lives in peace and 
prosperity. Meeting this challenge is a test of our leadership, a test 
of our commitment and resolve, and a test of our willingness to engage 
with the rest of the world.
  Unfortunately, the Bush administration has put us on a course to fail 
these tests. Since that statue of Saddam Hussein came crashing down, 
America's postwar policy has been confused and chaotic. The American-
led civil administration is understaffed, underequipped and unprepared. 
Already many of its senior leaders have come and gone. The 
international community has expressed a willingness to help, but has 
been kept on the sidelines. Baghdad and other key cities remain unsafe. 
There has been widespread looting of hospitals, businesses, museums, 
and homes. Mass gravesites have not been protected. Refugees are 
fleeing to neighboring countries like Jordan. Radical clerics have 
begun to fill the power vacuum. Saddam Hussein and many of his senior 
henchmen are still at large. And most disturbing, nuclear, chemical and 
biological facilities have been left unprotected and have been 
ransacked--not only destroying possible evidence about Saddam's weapons 
of mass destruction, but presenting a real threat that such materials 
will end up in the hands of terrorists.
  Continuing on this path not only hurts the Iraqi people, who have 
suffered enough and deserve better, but it squanders all that our 
military achieved in Iraq, threatens our security, and undermines our 
standing in the world.
  I am concerned that we are about to repeat the same mistakes we have 
made in Afghanistan, where this administration's efforts to win the 
peace have been ineffective and weak. The lack of American leadership 
has left Afghanistan dangerously unstable. We cannot make the same 
mistake in Iraq.
  Last fall, many of us who supported the use of military force in Iraq 
warned President Bush about this problem. We argued that the United 
States needed to put the same amount of energy, effort, and creativity 
into planning for what to do after Saddam was gone.
  We supported the use of force to ensure that Iraq complied with its 
commitments to the international community. But we also called on the 
President to carefully plan for a new Iraq--a prosperous democracy at 
peace with itself and its neighbors.
  The President obviously did not heed our advice. The administration 
did not make adequate plans for the situation which now threatens the 
success of our mission in Iraq--and in some instances, it apparently 
did not plan at all. It now tries to explain away its failures as the 
``untidy'' realities of postwar Iraq. Rather than make excuses, the 
administration must act before it undermines all that we have 
accomplished.
  Because the administration failed to anticipate the consequences of 
victory, we now face the prospect of an Iraq that descends into chaos. 
We must take action now to stop this.
  Almost 6 weeks ago, the day after Baghdad fell to U.S. forces, I 
outlined four clear and simple principles to guide U.S. policy in 
postwar Iraq.
  First, the U.S. must bring other countries into this effort, as well 
as institutions like the United Nations and NATO. Including others will 
not just increase the likelihood of success. It will help create a free 
Iraqi government with legitimacy and authority in the region and the 
rest of the world. And by sharing the costs of this massive effort, 
including others will ease the burdens on the American people.
  Second, the U.S. must do more to ensure the safety and security of 
the Iraqi people. It makes no sense that we did not have enough 
military forces on the ground to protect critical weapons sites or stop 
looting from spinning out of control. Clearly, we should have had more 
forces ready to meet these challenges.
  It is good that reinforcements are on the way, but I believe that the 
best way to deal with this problem now would be to create a 
multinational peacekeeping force, led by NATO. We all know that many 
NATO members were deeply divided over the issue of what to do about 
Iraq. But now that the war is over, I believe that we have an 
opportunity to reaffirm NATO's importance and relevance--as well as 
America's commitment to the alliance--by looking for ways to include 
NATO in providing security today in Iraq.
  Third, we have to do better at ensuring that the Iraqi people, not 
some puppet government, will shape Iraq's future. So far, our efforts 
to support an open political process have been unimpressive, raising 
doubts about our commitment to giving the Iraqi people a voice in the 
process and a government that reflects their diversity. The 
administration has not articulated a clear path to help the Iraqi 
people achieve self-government, preserve basic freedoms, and uphold the 
rule of law. This process must be seen as legitimate. Therefore we 
should act now to give the broader international community a role.
  Fourth, we have to ensure that the Iraqi people can build a 
prosperous economy that is theirs alone. Iraq has enormous economic 
potential, and we have to help the Iraqi people tap into that potential 
and make clear that the oil is theirs and not for the U.S. or others to 
exploit. Many of the recent decisions about which companies will help 
rebuild Iraq have raised doubts around the world about our motives. We 
need a transparent and open process to guarantee that the awarding of 
contracts is fair.
  While our national interest requires that we make this commitment to 
help rebuild Iraq, the American people deserve to know how much this is 
going to cost. This administration has consistently been unclear about 
the duration and costs of our commitment in a post-Saddam Iraq. We must 
have a better accounting. How much will it cost the American taxpayer? 
How much will other countries contribute? What are the signposts for 
measuring success in a transition to an independent, democratic Iraqi 
government?
  It is in America's national interest to help build an Iraq at peace 
with itself and its neighbors, because a democratic, tolerant, and 
accountable Iraq will be a peaceful regional partner. A free Iraq could 
serve as a model for the entire Arab world. And if done right--with 
humility, patience, and cooperation--this effort to rebuild Iraq will 
bring the world together and return America to a place where it is 
respected and admired.

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