[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 68 (Thursday, May 8, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5881-S5888]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


                         NATO EXPANSION TREATY

  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the Senate will 
go into executive session to consider Executive Calendar No. 6, which 
the clerk will report.
  The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:

       Resolution of Ratification to Accompany Treaty Document No. 
     108-4, Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on 
     Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia and Slovenia.

  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the chairman of 
the Foreign Relations Committee is recognized prior to the vote on the 
resolution of ratification.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, the Senate comes together this morning to 
ratify the accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
Slovakia, and Slovenia to the NATO alliance. It will be a truly 
historic vote in the Senate and a most important day in the histories 
of these nation-states. I am hopeful the Senate will support 
overwhelmingly this remarkable foreign policy initiative.
  When President Bush made his first trip to Warsaw Europe 2 years ago, 
he strongly voiced in his Warsaw address the U.S. commitment to Europe 
generally and to NATO in particular. Now, at a moment when relations 
with some of our European allies are strained, a clear showing of 
bipartisan support for NATO enlargement takes on added importance. The 
affirming message of the first round of enlargement led to improved 
alliance capabilities and strengthened transatlantic ties. I am 
confident that this second round will do the same. The eyes of a 
hopeful and expectant world are upon us. I ask my colleagues to join me 
in voting for this resolution of ratification.
  I would like to direct the attention of Senators to the balcony above 
where we are joined today by the Foreign Ministers of the seven 
aspirant states. They have come together with us today to witness our 
actions and to join with us on the Senate floor at the completion of 
the vote. At noon they will be hosted by the Secretary of State for 
lunch at the State Department and later by President Bush at a Rose 
Garden ceremony. Their presence, here today, is a personal witness to 
the close relationship our nations will enjoy as partners in the NATO 
Alliance.

[[Page S5882]]

  I thank Senators for their cooperation and ask for their support of 
the enlargement of the NATO allliance .
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Delaware.
  Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, it is fitting on this day, which is the 
58th anniversary of VE Day, the victory over Nazi tyranny in Europe, 
that the Senate is about to vote to admit seven countries that suffered 
under that tyranny and the tyranny of Communism--Bulgaria, Estonia, 
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia--all of which have 
their Ambassadors present today and are very welcome.
  His Holiness Pope John Paul the II and President Reagan should be 
thanked for having hastened the fall of Communism in Europe. President 
George H.W. Bush should be thanked for the unification of Germany, and 
our President Bush for having widened the circle of the current round 
of NATO enlargement, and President Clinton, who skillfully led the way 
to the pathbreaking last round of enlargement which moved NATO into 
formerly Communist Central Europe.
  Today is a culmination of the work of a number of great men and 
women. I am just happy to be able to play a little tiny part.
  I urge everyone to vote, which I am confident they will, for 
accession.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, I join my colleagues on both sides of the 
aisle to express my support for the ratification of the protocols to 
the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the accession of Bulgaria, 
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
  NATO has been perhaps the most successful military alliance in 
history, ensuring the peace and security of Europe for over fifty 
years. I believe these seven countries will not only benefit 
immeasurably from their inclusion in NATO, but they will all serve to 
further strengthen the alliance in ways that we could not have imagined 
in 1949. Though they are all fledgling democracies, they bring with 
them a zeal for the democratic process that we all share.
  In 1997, I had concerns about admitting the last three nations into 
NATO--Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic. I had significant 
concerns about the cost we as a nation might incur by allowing these 
countries with immature political and social structures and outdated 
militaries to enter the alliance. But time has proven that these costs 
are less than we imagined, and I believe that the cost required to 
bring these next seven nations into the alliance should be well worth 
the investment.
  At the same time, I continue to have reservations about the 
likelihood of true interoperability with these seven new nations. These 
seven nations use military hardware that is a product of the Soviet 
armed forces, and it is rapidly reaching the end of its useful life. 
Very little of this equipment is compatible with the latest hardware, 
weapons, and ammunition currently utilized by the United States. The 
militaries of the seven new nations are also top heavy with senior 
officers who were trained under the old Soviet regime. As with the 
ground forces, their air forces are also products of the Soviet era, 
and are greatly outdated. Finally, interoperability within the 
communications arena will be extremely challenging, at best, until 
these militaries become proficient in English.
  Despite these misgivings, I still believe that we should admit these 
seven nations into the NATO alliance. The NATO alliance ensured victory 
in the Cold War and has preserved the peace in Europe for over fifty 
years. But in order to survive for the next fifty years, the alliance 
must be willing to make much-needed changes to its charter. I support 
the Warner-Levin-Roberts amendment and its two major provisions that 
the President of the United States placed on the agenda at the North 
Atlantic Council. First, I agree that we must eliminate the ``consensus 
rule,'' the antiquated requirement in the NATO charter that nearly 
prevented NATO from protecting one of its own members, Turkey, before 
the commencement of Operation Iraqi Freedom. This rule may have worked 
when the alliance was first formed in 1949 with its original 12 
members, but it cannot work any longer. Secondly, I support the need 
for a new rule in NATO that authorizes the members of the alliance to 
suspend the membership of any country in NATO which no longer supports 
the ideals of the alliance. The recent refusal of support on the part 
of some of our NATO allies during the build-up for and execution of 
Operation Iraqi Freedom has again shown the need for such a change. 
Only with these two critical steps will NATO continue to thrive and be 
as critical to peace and security in the 21st Century as it was in the 
20th Century.
  Mr. JEFFORDS. Mr. President, I will vote today to provide advice and 
consent to the ratification of the Protocols to the North Atlantic 
Treaty of 1949, approving accession to the treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia, 
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.
  While I will vote for this resolution of ratification, I do so with 
deep concerns over the future of NATO and its ability to serve as an 
effective military alliance. Five years ago, I voted against expanding 
NATO to include Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. I did so, in 
part, because of a belief that there was no logical end point once NATO 
began to expand. I was worried at that time that an expanded NATO would 
become unwieldy and lose focus on its primary mission as a defensive 
military alliance. Those fears continue today, magnified by the 
realities associated with seven additional members. However, having 
decided in 1998 to admit Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, there 
is little reason for the United States to reject the current round of 
NATO aspirants. Based on the logic of this latest round of expansion, I 
assume that this trend will continue, and that new members will be 
added in coming years as they meet NATO criteria, with the ultimate 
composition of the alliance becoming extremely diverse.
  I am greatly concerned that the inclusion of 10 new NATO members over 
the past 5 years demonstrates that the United States and its original 
NATO Allies are wavering from the original purpose of the alliance. 
Throughout the cold war, the alliance presented a unified front, 
functioning as an efficient, credible deterrent to aggression. With the 
radical expansion of alliance membership by over 50 percent since 1998, 
the alliance has jeopardized its ability to act decisively in times of 
crisis. I am concerned that the alliance has expanded to the point of 
becoming inefficient and unwieldy. It runs the risk that divergent 
views will lead to paralysis or, worse yet, irrelevance when action is 
required.
  The United States and Europe already have the Organization for 
Security and Cooperation in Europe to handle concerns related to 
promoting security in Europe, and there are several other organizations 
directed toward trade and the resolution of other political issues. I 
am concerned that an expanded NATO will be more suitable for discussion 
than action, and history has unfortunately shown that action is 
sometimes required. I continue to believe that the original decision in 
1998 to expand NATO was a mistake, but reluctantly agree to accession 
by these seven countries.
  Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, today will go down as a remarkable day 
in the history of world diplomacy. I enthusiastically support the 
passage of Treaty Document No. 108-04, the Resolution of Ratification 
to the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession 
of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and 
Slovenia.
  We are seizing a remarkable opportunity to extend the democratic zone 
of security, stability, tranquility, and mutual assistance eastward. I 
welcome the seven aspirant countries, and commend their efforts since 
the fall of their communist regimes 12 years ago to embrace democratic 
governance and liberal economic policies.
  I urge the adoption of the Resolution of Ratification because I 
believe that NATO expansion will bring positive security benefits to 
the United States. Sovereign states no longer pose the greatest threats 
to U.S. national security; transnational actors--terrorists groups and 
their networks of supporters do. I believe that the war on terrorism 
will only be won through effective cooperation between the U.S. and our 
allies around the world. Since 9/11, our NATO allies have helped 
tremendously in our attempt to thwart terrorist attacks here and 
abroad. The NATO accession of Bulgaria, Estonia,

[[Page S5883]]

Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia will solidify the 
cooperation that already exists bilaterally between the U.S. and these 
seven countries.
  I do have one concern that I would like to mention: the rights of the 
large historic Hungarian minorities in Slovakia and Romania. I urge 
both countries' governments to continue to work with their Hungarian 
communities to resolve property restitution disputes and other 
contentious issues. And I urge the governments of all seven countries 
to pay continued attention to human rights so that all of their 
citizens may enjoy the benefits that accession to NATO will bring.
  I extend a special welcome to the distinguished Foreign Ministers and 
Ambassadors who have come to the Senate Chamber today from each of the 
seven countries. I welcome them to a crucial alliance, one that was 
formed in the wake of World War II to protect freedom and democracy, 
human rights, and rule of law through the combined strength of western 
military, intelligence, economic, and political assets.
  Mr. President, today's vote gives me great optimism about the future 
of our NATO alliance and about the contributions that these seven 
newest members will make for our collective peace, stability, freedom, 
and prosperity.
  Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise in support of ratification of the 
Protocol to the Washington Treaty to bring seven new members in the 
NATO alliance.
  Allies and partners make concrete and indispensable contributions to 
American national security in the complex and rapidly-changing post-
cold war environment. Most security problems cannot be addressed 
unilaterally, and acting with others helps reduce the backlash against 
the United States. We are virtually always better off sharing the risks 
and burdens and costs with our allies. The NATO alliance has been a 
reliable cornerstone of America's national security since it was 
founded more than half a century ago.
  I believe we need to modernize and strengthen NATO as our key 
alliance in the 21st century. We need to do four things to make NATO 
stronger:
  First, we need to overcome differences over Iraq and other issues by 
working together to develop a common understanding of the threats we 
face, so we don't again face the challenge of NATO Allies refusing 
access to U.S. troops or denying protection to another ally.
  Second, our European partners need to modernize their military 
capabilities to be ready to take on any potential enemy or military 
task, and to ensure interoperability between U.S. and European forces.
  Third, NATO must be ready to act beyond Europe, because our common 
enemies and shared missions could be anywhere.
  Finally, NATO must be ready to fight new enemies rather than just 
conventional military forces. These threats include the proliferation 
of weapons of mass destruction and missiles, rogue states and ethnic 
conflicts, and terrorism.
  The limited debate and sparse opposition to further enlargement of 
NATO are a tribute to the success of the round of NATO enlargement we 
ratified in 1996. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are full and 
reliable NATO allies. They have already contributed to America's 
security, joining in the unanimous invocation of article 5 of the 
Washington Treaty, that an attack on one is an attack on all, after 
terrorists attacked the United States on September 11 of 2001.
  Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are being fully integrated 
into Europe including membership in the European Union. But they 
understand the value of the trans-Atlantic alliance.
  I am particularly proud that Poland is always ready to stand with 
America. Poland sent ground forces for the war in Iraq, joining only 
two other allies: the United Kingdom and Australia.
  I strongly support NATO membership for the three Baltic states: 
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These countries know freedom and are 
willing to fight for it, because they suffered so long under Soviet 
occupation. The Baltic states are working to help America confront new 
challenges now that the cold war is over.
  I had the opportunity to visit Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania a few 
years ago, and participate in the NATO parliamentary assembly meeting 
in Vilnius. I was truly impressed by the spirit and progress of the 
Estonian, Lithuanian and Latvian peoples. All three Baltic states are 
building modern armed forces to contribute to the security of NATO.
  I am particularly proud of the Maryland-Estonia partnership, under 
which the Maryland National Guard has helped organize and train 
Estonia's military. All three Baltic states have contributed to the war 
on terrorism and international peacekeeping missions.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in support of further enlargement of 
NATO. I believe this round of enlargement, like the last, will 
strengthen NATO. Strengthening NATO strengthens America's national 
security.
  Mr. EDWARDS. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of NATO's 
expansion and the ratification of the Treaty before us. For more than 
50 years, the alliance has been the cornerstone of the U.S.-European 
relationship, and I believe that NATO remains our most important 
alliance. NATO's enlargement is critical to ensuring its continuing 
relevance in the 21st century.
  With the inclusion of 7 new members--Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, 
Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia--NATO shows its commitment 
to establishing partnerships with its former adversaries and expanding 
the zone of freedom and security from Europe's West to Europe's East. 
Enlargement enables these countries to complete the journey they began 
with the end of Soviet communism, a journey that will make them part of 
a Europe that is whole, free and at peace.
  With this step, we also come closer to completing the vision outlined 
by President Bill Clinton nearly a decade ago. In January 1994, 
President Clinton first described the enlargement of NATO as one of not 
``whether but when.'' Thanks to his strong leadership, Poland, Hungary 
and the Czech Republic joined the alliance in 1999, and NATO developed 
a new relationship with Russia. President George W. Bush deserves 
credit for continuing his predecessor's policies.
  I am deeply committed to NATO. A year ago, I voted in favor of the 
Freedom Consolidation Act, which stressed the importance of NATO and 
endorsed taking the step of enlargement. And last December, I went to 
NATO headquarters in Brussels and met with senior alliance officials, 
including Lord George Robertson, the superb NATO Secretary General; 
General Joe Ralston, then-NATO's military commander; our excellent U.S. 
Ambassador to NATO, Nick Burns; and several of his fellow NATO 
Ambassadors. I also visited London, where I met with the leader of one 
of our closest NATO allies, the United Kingdom's Tony Blair.
  In all of these discussions, we agreed that bringing these deserving 
countries into NATO was critical to making the alliance stronger. But 
we also agreed that enlargement was only the first step--and in some 
ways, that it might prove to be the easiest. This is remarkable, 
especially when considering how contentious the issue of NATO 
enlargement was less than half a decade ago, not only here in the 
Senate, but around the world.
  For NATO to continue to be a strong alliance, its members must meet 
at least two challenges. First, NATO members must close the gap in 
their military capabilities, and second, we must work to orient NATO 
toward new missions.
  The Europeans understand that in terms of military spending and 
modernization, they are just not keeping up. A big part of the problem 
is budgetary. Last year the U.S. spent twice as much on defense than 
every other NATO member combined. The $48 billion increase in military 
spending that Congress appropriated after the September 11, 2001, 
attacks was itself twice as much as Germany's entire defense budget.
  Everyone at NATO understands the problem. Lord Robertson repeatedly 
warns about it, but the question is whether our European partners can 
muster up the creativity and political will to get the job done. Since 
I believe that it is in the U.S. security interest

[[Page S5884]]

to work more, not less, with our European partners, it is obvious that 
our partners need to be strong and capable of working with the United 
States.
  Beyond the issue of capabilities, NATO's members face an even more 
fundamental question: What is NATO's purpose? My answer is this: If 
NATO's cold war mission was to keep the peace in Europe, the real point 
of the Transatlantic security relationship in the 21st century is what 
we can do together outside of Europe. This includes addressing threats 
like terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and 
pandemics like HIV/AIDS. And it includes acting in places that NATO 
planners have considered ``out of area'': the Middle East, South and 
Central Asia, and Africa. The bottom line is that neither the United 
States nor Europe can tackle any of these problems alone. We need each 
other, and to neglect natural building blocks like NATO simply does not 
make any sense.
  Over the past 2 years, NATO has made historic strides in addressing 
these new threats. Following the September 11 attacks, NATO Allies came 
together and, for the first time, invoked the alliance's self defense 
clause. NATO partners are on the ground today in Afghanistan. Later 
this year, the alliance itself will assume command of the international 
security force in Afghanistan.
  I also believe that NATO can and should play a central role in 
providing security in a postwar Iraq. We all know that many NATO 
members were deeply divided over the issue of what to do about Iraq. 
But now that the war is over, I believe that we have an opportunity to 
reaffirm NATO's importance and relevance--as well as America's 
commitment to the Alliance--by looking for ways to include NATO in 
providing security today in Iraq. Doing so would not only lend 
credibility to America's efforts in Iraq, but over the coming months 
and years ease the burden on the American people. This is a test, a 
test not just for NATO but for American leadership in NATO.
  This is not the first time America's leadership in NATO has been 
tested. In fact, the question of whether or not to enlarge NATO was a 
test of American leadership, and with our vote today, we will have met 
that test. Now, I believe we have to show the same sense of commitment 
and resolve to help NATO meet the new challenges we face in Iraq and 
elsewhere.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the minority leader.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I commend Senators Lugar and Biden for 
their historic achievement this morning. This has been an effort that 
has enjoyed strong bipartisan support within our country and within the 
Senate. I commend them especially for their remarkable leadership in 
bringing us to this point.
  I also welcome the Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors who join us on 
this momentous occasion from Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. I welcome them to NATO; I welcome them 
here. This is truly a historic day.
  We continue today what we did on VE Day, now more than 50 years ago, 
what thousands of our GIs, including my father, started more than 60 
years ago with the landing at Normandy, the creation of a Europe that 
is whole and that is free.
  This is the beginning of a partnership that will produce greater 
world stability, greater international involvement in world affairs, 
and a partnership with countries that will increasingly become valuable 
partners and allies of the United States.
  Expanding NATO to include these seven democracies will make NATO 
stronger and the United States safer.
  Five years ago we undertook to expand NATO for the first time. At 
that time, the debate hung on this critical question: Should NATO limit 
its mission to defending a fixed list of nations, selected more than 50 
years ago, against an enemy that no longer existed? Or does it exist to 
provide a collective security umbrella armed to defend an alliance of 
free countries--countries that have demonstrated not only a deep 
commitment to democracy, but a willingness to defend it?
  A strong, bipartisan majority answered that question by voting to 
enlarge NATO to meet the threats of a new world. The results of that 
decision did not disappoint.
  On September 12, 2001, for the first time in its history, NATO 
invoked Article 5, and mobilized to defeat the threat of terrorism. 
NATO aircraft patrolled American skies and later this summer NATO will 
take over control of the Security Force in Afghanistan. Today we have 
the opportunity to take the next step and strengthen NATO yet again.
  Each of the seven countries seeking to join our alliance has made the 
democratic reforms that inclusion in NATO demands. We could not have 
made this contention 15 years ago. But due to the foresight and 
perseverance of the citizens of each of these countries, Bulgaria, 
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia are all 
today strong democracies.
  Emerging from a history of foreign occupation, and defending 
themselves against the threats of corruption and organized crime, these 
nations have affirmed their commitment to democracy both in word and in 
deed. They have earned the right to be members of NATO. With that 
right, comes a responsibility, and they have shown a willingness to 
meet that responsibility.
  Each has contributed to the peacekeeping missions in the Balkans. 
Each contributed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and 
Operation Iraqi Freedom. Each has contributed to the International 
Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan and have pledged contributions 
for the reconstruction of Iraq.
  As important as our shared values are, NATO remains, at its core, a 
defensive alliance.
  As such, the forces of alliance members must remain capable of 
defending against a significant military threat--in Europe and beyond.
  At Prague, NATO members pledged to transform NATO to make it better 
able to address the threats we face now.
  Gone are the days of defending the Fulda Gap in the heart of Europe. 
Now we must be ready to counter the elusive and ever-present threat of 
terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction far 
outside the borders of Europe.
  Each of our new partners will bring specialized capabilities to the 
alliance.
  In Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans, we have seen first-hand the 
expertise of Bulgarian and Slovak anti-nuclear, biological, and 
chemical weapons teams; Slovenian de-mining units; and Romanian 
mountain troops.
  We will continue to draw on their skills as we carry forward our 
efforts to defeat terror and restore stability to Afghanistan and Iraq.
  The addition of new members amplifies the need to close the 
disparities between the United States and our Allies.
  We are encouraged by our new members ``niche capabilities.'' But the 
differences between the United States and its NATO Allies in transport, 
logistics, communications, and intelligence capabilities risk 
undercutting the alliance.
  As we take this momentous step today--of extending the NATO security 
guarantee to seven new countries stretching from the Baltic to the 
Black Sea--we remind our friends, new and old, of their responsibility 
to invest in the capabilities of our brothers in arms.
  We also must not permit periodic disagreements to erode the common 
cause that has made NATO the most successful military alliance in 
history.
  The feud in the North Atlantic Council over how to aid Turkey in the 
event of an attack by Iraq exposed serious divisions in NATO. 
Subsequent discussion of a EU-based security arrangement as an 
alternative to NATO does little to ease those divisions.
  These are not insurmountable challenges, but this alliance, like our 
key alliances in Asia, demand communication, attention, and diplomacy.
  Handled correctly, this new and newly energized NATO can play a 
central role in post-Saddam Iraq--a role that can ease the burden on 
America's troops and American taxpayers.
  I am proud to cast my vote for this resolution on the anniversary of 
one of our Nation's most glorious achievements--V-E Day, May 8.
  My father was an Army sergeant in World War II. He landed on the 
beaches of Normandy with the 6th Armored Division on ``D Plus 1''--June 
7, 1944.
  One of his many duties was getting word back to the States about the 
dead

[[Page S5885]]

and missing so their families could be notified. That experience left 
him with a profound respect for the sacrifices democracy sometimes 
demands. It is a lesson he passed on to his four sons.
  He taught my brothers and me another lesson: When you make a promise, 
you keep it.
  With this vote, the United States makes a promise--a promise to 
protect our Allies, old and new, from any threat that may emerge in the 
years to come.
  In return, we expect their wholehearted commitment to stand with us 
to continue the push for a Europe, whole and free. That effort began 
over 60 years ago with the blood and effort of soldiers like my father. 
By advancing their cause, this treaty honors their sacrifice.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader.
  Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, 6 months ago, I traveled to Prague to 
support and bear witness to the historic decision of President Bush and 
the leaders of the Atlantic alliance to invite seven countries to join 
NATO. Today, on the 58th anniversary of Victory in Europe Day, the 
United States will vote to ratify in this Senate that vision of a free 
Europe, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.
  I commend the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator 
Lugar, and the ranking member, Senator Biden, for their efforts to 
support this goal. I also thank the Democratic leader, Senator Daschle, 
for helping to make this happen.
  In the few years I have been in Washington and in my few short months 
as majority leader of the Senate, I have seen few ideas that are so 
untroubled by political differences, that so united the Senate and the 
Nation, and that so completely fortified the very foundation of our 
liberty--that democratic government shall be defended and that freedom 
shall prevail.
  These are exhilarating times in which we live. In just over a dozen 
years, we have seen the collapse of the Soviet Union, the freeing of 
captive nations, the collapse and defeat of tyrannical dictatorships, 
and the birth of new democracies across Europe, Latin America, the 
Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Each of these victories for freedom has 
been hard fought and each is worthy of defending.
  It should be instructive to us that all seven of these soon-to-be 
NATO Allies were already on our side in the recent fight to liberate 
Iraq because they had to fight for their own liberation. They 
understand that freedom is not free.
  It has often been said that during the long years of the cold war, 
America's example inspired Europe's freedom fighters, but to many of 
us, it is their example which is truly inspiring. To those from the 
ranks of Europe's new democracies who watch this morning as we cast our 
votes on this important treaty, I say: Thank you for your example and 
thank you for your inspiration.
  Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on the resolution of 
ratification.
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The question is on agreeing to the resolution of ratification, as 
amended. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. McCONNELL. I announce that the Senator from Alaska (Ms. 
Murkowski) is necessarily absent.
  Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Delaware (Mr. Carper), the 
Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), and the Senator from 
Connecticut (Mr. Lieberman) are necessarily absent.
  I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from 
Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy) would vote ``aye''.
  The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 96, nays 0, as follows:

                      [Rollcall Vote No. 142 Ex.]

                                YEAS--96

     Akaka
     Alexander
     Allard
     Allen
     Baucus
     Bayh
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bunning
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Cantwell
     Chafee
     Chambliss
     Clinton
     Cochran
     Coleman
     Collins
     Conrad
     Cornyn
     Corzine
     Craig
     Crapo
     Daschle
     Dayton
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Dole
     Domenici
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Edwards
     Ensign
     Enzi
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Fitzgerald
     Frist
     Graham (FL)
     Graham (SC)
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Harkin
     Hatch
     Hollings
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Inouye
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Lincoln
     Lott
     Lugar
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Miller
     Murray
     Nelson (FL)
     Nelson (NE)
     Nickles
     Pryor
     Reed
     Reid
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Santorum
     Sarbanes
     Schumer
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stabenow
     Stevens
     Sununu
     Talent
     Thomas
     Voinovich
     Warner
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--4

     Carper
     Kennedy
     Lieberman
     Murkowski
  The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Two-thirds of the Senators present having 
voted in the affirmative, the resolution of ratification is agreed to.
  The resolution of ratification agreed to is as follows:

       Protocols to North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on Accession of 
     Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and 
     Slovenia (Treaty Doc. 108-4)


   section 1. senate advice and consent subject to declarations and 
                               conditions

       The Senate advises and consents to the ratification of the 
     Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the 
     Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia (as defined in section 4(6)), which 
     were opened for signature at Brussels on March 26, 2003, and 
     signed on behalf of the United States of America and other 
     parties to the North Atlantic Treaty, subject to the 
     declarations of section 2 and the conditions of section 3.


                          sec. 2. declarations

       The advice and consent of the Senate to ratification of the 
     Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the 
     Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia is subject to the following 
     declarations:
       (1) Reaffirmation that United States membership in NATO 
     remains a vital national security interest of the United 
     States. The Senate declares that
       (A) for more than 50 years the North Atlantic Treaty 
     Organization (NATO) has served as the preeminent organization 
     to defend the countries in the North Atlantic area against 
     all external threats;
       (B) through common action, the established democracies of 
     North America and Europe that were joined in NATO persevered 
     and prevailed in the task of ensuring the survival of 
     democratic government in Europe and North America throughout 
     the Cold War;
       (C) NATO enhances the security of the United States by 
     embedding European states in a process of cooperative 
     security planning, by preventing the destabilizing re-
     nationalization of European military policies, and by 
     ensuring an ongoing and direct leadership role for the United 
     States in European security affairs;
       (D) the responsibility and financial burden of defending 
     the democracies of Europe and North America can be more 
     equitably shared through an alliance in which specific 
     obligations and force goals are met by its members;
       (E) the security and prosperity of the United States is 
     enhanced by NATO's collective defense against aggression that 
     may threaten the security of NATO members;
       (F) with the advice and consent of the United States 
     Senate, Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic became 
     members of NATO on March 12, 1999;
       (G) on May 17, 2002, the Senate adopted the Freedom 
     Consolidation Act of 2001 (S. 1572 of the 107th Congress), 
     and President George W. Bush signed that bill into law on 
     June 10, 2002, which ``reaffirms support for continued 
     enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 
     Alliance; designates Slovakia for participation in the 
     Partnership for Peace and eligible to receive certain 
     security assistance under the NATO Participation Act of 1994; 
     [and] authorizes specified amounts of security assistance for 
     [fiscal year] 2002 for Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia, 
     Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania''; and
       (H) United States membership in NATO remains a vital 
     national security interest of the United States.
       (2) Strategic rationale for NATO enlargement. The Senate 
     finds that
       (A) notwithstanding the collapse of communism in most of 
     Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United 
     States and its NATO allies face threats to their stability 
     and territorial integrity;
       (B) an attack against Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, or Slovenia, or their destabilization 
     arising from external subversion, would threaten the 
     stability of Europe and jeopardize vital United States 
     national security interests;
       (C) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia, having established democratic 
     governments and having demonstrated a willingness to meet all 
     requirements of membership, including those necessary to 
     contribute to the defense of all NATO members, are in a 
     position to further the principles of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North 
     Atlantic area; and
       (D) extending NATO membership to Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, 
     Lithuania, Romania,

[[Page S5886]]

     Slovakia, and Slovenia will strengthen NATO, enhance security 
     and stability in Central Europe, deter potential aggressors, 
     and advance the interests of the United States and its NATO 
     allies.
       (3) Full membership for new NATO members. The Senate 
     understands that Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, in becoming NATO members, 
     will have all the rights, obligations, responsibilities, and 
     protections that are afforded to all other NATO members.
       (4) The importance of European integration.
       (A) Sense of the Senate. It is the sense of the Senate that
       (i) the central purpose of NATO is to provide for the 
     collective defense of its members;
       (ii) the Organization for Security and Cooperation in 
     Europe is an institution for the promotion of democracy, the 
     rule of law, crisis prevention, and post-conflict 
     rehabilitation and, as such, is an essential forum for the 
     discussion and resolution of political disputes among 
     European members, Canada, and the United States; and
       (iii) the European Union is an essential organization for 
     the economic, political, and social integration of all 
     qualified European countries into an undivided Europe.
       (B) Policy of the United States. The policy of the United 
     States is
       (i) to utilize fully the institutions of the Organization 
     for Security and Cooperation in Europe to reach political 
     solutions for disputes in Europe; and (ii) to encourage 
     actively the efforts of the European Union to continue to 
     expand its membership, which will help to strengthen the 
     democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
       (5) Future consideration of candidates for membership in 
     NATO.
       (A) Senate findings. The Senate finds that
       (i) Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty provides that 
     NATO members by unanimous agreement may invite the accession 
     to the North Atlantic Treaty of any other European state in a 
     position to further the principles of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North 
     Atlantic area;
       (ii) in its Prague Summit Declaration of November 21, 2002, 
     NATO stated that the Alliance
       (I)(aa) will keep its door open ``to European democracies 
     willing and able to assume the responsibilities and 
     obligations of membership, in accordance with Article 10 of 
     the Washington Treaty'';
       (bb) will keep under review through the Membership Action 
     Plan (MAP) the progress of those democracies, including 
     Albania, Croatia, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of 
     Macedonia, that seek NATO membership, and continue to use the 
     MAP as the vehicle to measure progress in future rounds of 
     NATO enlargement;
       (cc) will consider the MAP as a means for those nations 
     that seek NATO membership to develop military capabilities to 
     enable such nations to undertake operations ranging from 
     peacekeeping to high-intensity conflict, and help aspirant 
     countries achieve political reform that includes strengthened 
     democratic structures and progress in curbing corruption;
       (dd) concurs that Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have successfully used the 
     MAP to address issues important to NATO membership; and
       (ee) maintains that the nations invited to join NATO at the 
     Prague Summit ``will not be the last'';
       (II)(aa) in response to the terrorist attacks on September 
     11, 2001, and its subsequent decision to invoke Article 5 of 
     the Washington Treaty, will implement the approved 
     ``comprehensive package of measures, based on NATO's 
     Strategic Concept, to strengthen our ability to meet the 
     challenges to the security of our forces, populations and 
     territory, from wherever they may come''; and
       (bb) recognizes that the governments of Bulgaria, Estonia, 
     Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have 
     successfully used the MAP to address important issues and 
     have showed solidarity with the United States after the 
     terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001;
       (III) will create ``. . . a NATO Response Force (NRF) 
     consisting of a technologically advanced, flexible, 
     deployable, interoperable, and sustainable force including 
     land, sea, and air elements ready to move quickly to wherever 
     needed, as decided by the Council'';
       (IV) will streamline its ``military command arrangements'' 
     for ``a leaner, more efficient, effective, and deployable 
     command structure, with a view to meeting the operational 
     requirements for the full range of Alliance missions'';
       (V) will ``approve the Prague Capabilities Commitment (PCC) 
     as part of the continuing Alliance effort to improve and 
     develop new military capabilities for modern warfare in a 
     high threat environment''; and
       (VI) will ``examine options for addressing the increasing 
     missile threat to Alliance territory, forces and populations 
     centres'' and tackle the threat of weapons of mass 
     destruction (WMD) by enhancing the role of the WMD Centre 
     within the International Staff;
       (iii) as stated in the Prague Summit Declaration, Bulgaria, 
     Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia 
     have ``demonstrated their commitment to the basic principles 
     and values set out in the Washington Treaty, the ability to 
     contribute to the Alliance's full range of missions including 
     collective defence, and a firm commitment to contribute to 
     stability and security, especially in regions of crisis and 
     conflict'';
       (iv) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia have been acting as de facto NATO 
     allies through their contributions and participation in 
     peacekeeping operations in the Balkans, Operation Enduring 
     Freedom, and the International Security Assistance Force 
     (ISAF);
       (v) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia, together with Albania, Croatia, and 
     the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, issued joint 
     statements on November 21, 2002, and February 5, 2003, 
     expressing their support for the international community's 
     efforts to disarm Iraq; and
       (vi) the United States will not support the accession to 
     the North Atlantic Treaty of, or the invitation to begin 
     accession talks with, any European state (other than 
     Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and 
     Slovenia), unless
       (I) the President consults with the Senate consistent with 
     Article II, section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution of the 
     United States (relating to the advice and consent of the 
     Senate to the making of treaties); and
       (II) the prospective NATO member can fulfill the 
     obligations and responsibilities of membership, and the 
     inclusion of such state in NATO would serve the overall 
     political and strategic interests of NATO and the United 
     States.
       (B) Requirement for Consensus and ratification. The Senate 
     declares that no action or agreement other than a consensus 
     decision by the full membership of NATO, approved by the 
     national procedures of each NATO member, including, in the 
     case of the United States, the requirements of Article II, 
     section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution of the United States 
     (relating to the advice and consent of the Senate to the 
     making of treaties), will constitute a commitment to 
     collective defense and consultations pursuant to Articles 4 
     and 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.
       (6) Partnership for peace. The Senate declares that
       (A)(i) the Partnership for Peace between NATO members and 
     the Partnership for Peace countries is an important and 
     enduring complement to NATO in maintaining and enhancing 
     regional security; and
       (ii) the Partnership for Peace has greatly enhanced 
     security and ability throughout the Euro-Atlantic area, with 
     Partnership for Peace countries, especially countries that 
     seek NATO membership, and has encouraged them to strengthen 
     political dialogue with NATO allies and to undertake all 
     efforts to work with NATO allies, as appropriate, in the 
     planning, conduct, and oversight of those activities and 
     projects in which they participate and to which they 
     contribute, including combating terrorism;
       (B) the Partnership for Peace serves a critical role in 
     promoting common objectives of NATO members and the 
     Partnership for Peace countries, including
       (i) increasing the transparency of national defense 
     planning and budgeting processes;
       (ii) ensuring democratic control of defense forces;
       (iii) maintaining the capability and readiness of 
     Partnership for Peace countries to contribute to operations 
     of the United Nations and the Organization for Security and 
     Cooperation in Europe;
       (iv) developing cooperative military relations with NATO;
       (v) enhancing the interoperability between forces of the 
     Partnership for Peace countries and forces of NATO members; 
     and
       (vi) facilitating cooperation of NATO members with 
     countries from Central Asia, the Caucasus, and eastern and 
     southeastern Europe.
       (7) The NATO-Russia Council. The Senate declares that
       (A) it is in the interest of the United States for NATO to 
     continue to develop a new and constructive relationship with 
     the Russian Federation as the Russian Federation pursues 
     democratization, market reforms, and peaceful relations with 
     its neighbors; and
       (B) the NATO-Russia Council, established by the Heads of 
     State and Government of NATO and the Russian Federation on 
     May 28, 2002, will
       (i) provide an important forum for strengthening peace and 
     security in the Euro-Atlantic area, and where appropriate for 
     consensus building, consultations, joint decisions, and joint 
     actions;
       (ii) permit the members of NATO and Russia to work as equal 
     partners in areas of common interest;
       (iii) participate in joint decisions and joint actions only 
     after NATO members have consulted, in advance, among 
     themselves about what degree any issue should be subject to 
     the NATO-Russia Council;
       (iv) not provide the Russian Federation with a voice or 
     veto in NATO's decisions or freedom of action through the 
     North Atlantic Council, the Defense Planning Committee, or 
     the Nuclear Planning Committee; and
       (v) not provide the Russian Federation with a veto over 
     NATO policy.
       (8) Compensation for victims of the Holocaust and of 
     Communism. The Senate finds that
       (A) individuals and communal entities whose property was 
     seized during the Holocaust or the communist period should 
     receive appropriate compensations;

[[Page S5887]]

       (B) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia have put in place publicly declared 
     mechanisms for compensation for property confiscated during 
     the Holocaust and the communist era, including the passage of 
     statutes, and for the opening of archives and public 
     reckoning with the past;
       (C) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia have each adjudicated and resolved 
     numerous specific claims for compensation for property 
     confiscated during the Holocaust or the communist era over 
     the past several years;
       (D) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia have each established active 
     historical commissions or other bodies to study and report on 
     their government's and society's role in the Holocaust or the 
     communist era; and
       (E) the governments of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, 
     Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have made clear 
     their openness to active dialogue with other governments, 
     including the United States Government, and with 
     nongovernmental organizations, on coming to grips with the 
     past.
       (9) Treaty interpretation. The Senate reaffirms condition 
     (8) of the resolution of ratification of the Document Agreed 
     Among the States Parties to the Treaty on Conventional Armed 
     Forces in Europe (CFE) of November 19, 1990 (adopted at 
     Vienna on May 31, 1996), approved by the Senate on May 14, 
     1997, relating to condition (1) of the resolution of 
     ratification of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) 
     Treaty approved by the Senate on May 27, 1988.
       (10) Consideration of certain issues with respect to NATO 
     decisionmaking and membership.
       (A) Sense of the Senate. It is the sense of the Senate 
     that, not later than the date that is eighteen months after 
     the date of the adoption of this resolution, the President 
     should place on the agenda for discussion at the North 
     Atlantic Council
       (i) the NATO ``consensus rule''; and
       (ii) the merits of establishing a process for suspending 
     the membership in NATO of a member country that no longer 
     complies with the NATO principles of democracy, individual 
     liberty, and the rule of law set forth in the preamble to the 
     North Atlantic Treaty.

 (B) Report. Not later than 60 days after the discussion at the North 
  Atlantic Council of each of the issues described in clauses (i) and 
(ii) of subparagraph (A), the President shall submit to the appropriate 
            congressional committees a report that describes

       (i) the steps the United States has taken to place these 
     issues on the agenda for discussion at the North Atlantic 
     Council;
       (ii) the views of the United States on these issues as 
     communicated to the North Atlantic Council by the 
     representatives of the United States to the Council;
       (iii) the discussions of these issues at the North Atlantic 
     Council, including any decision that has been reached with 
     respect to the issues:
       (iv) methods to provide more flexibility to the Supreme 
     Allied Commander Europe to plan potential contingency 
     operations before the formal approval of such planning by the 
     North Atlantic Council; and
       (v) methods to streamline the process by which NATO makes 
     decisions with respect to conducting military campaigns.


                           sec. 3. conditions

       The advice and consent of the Senate to the ratification of 
     the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the 
     Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia is subject to the following 
     conditions, which shall be binding upon the President:
       (1) Costs, benefits, burden-sharing, and military 
     implications of the enlargement of NATO
       (A) Presidential certification. Prior to the deposit of the 
     United States instrument of ratification, the President shall 
     certify to the Senate that
       (i) the inclusion of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in NATO will not have the 
     effect of increasing the overall percentage share of the 
     United States in the common budgets of NATO; and
       (ii) the inclusion of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in NATO does not detract from 
     the ability of the United States to meet or to fund its 
     military requirements outside the North Atlantic area.
       (B) Annual reports. Not later than April 1 of each year 
     during the 3-year period following the date of entry into 
     force of the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 
     on the Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the President shall submit 
     to the appropriate congressional committees a report, which 
     may be submitted in an unclassified and classified form, and 
     which shall contain the following information:
       (i) The amount contributed to the common budgets of NATO by 
     each NATO member during the preceding calendar year.
       (ii) The proportional share assigned to, and paid by, each 
     NATO member under NATO's cost-sharing arrangements.
       (iii) The national defense budget of each NATO member, the 
     steps taken by each NATO member to meet NATO force goals, and 
     the adequacy of the national defense budget of each NATO 
     member in meeting common defense and security obligations.
       (C) Reports on future enlargement of NATO.
       (i) Reports Prior to Commencement of Accession Talks. Prior 
     to any decision by the North Atlantic Council to invite any 
     country (other than Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, 
     Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia) to begin accession talks 
     with NATO, the President shall submit to the appropriate 
     congressional committees a detailed report regarding each 
     country being actively considered for NATO membership, 
     including
       (I) an evaluation of how that country will further the 
     principles of the North Atlantic Treaty and contribute to the 
     security of the North Atlantic area;
       (II) an evaluation of the eligibility of that country for 
     membership based on the principles and criteria identified by 
     NATO and the United States, including the military readiness 
     of that country;
       (III) an explanation of how an invitation to that country 
     would affect the national security interests of the United 
     States;
       (IV) a United States Government analysis of the common-
     funded military requirements and costs associated with 
     integrating that country into NATO, and an analysis of the 
     shares of those costs to be borne by NATO members, including 
     the United States; and
       (V) a preliminary analysis of the implications for the 
     United States defense budget and other United States budgets 
     of integrating that country into NATO.
       (ii) Updated Reports Prior to Signing Protocols of 
     Accession. Prior to the signing of any protocol to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty on the accession of any country, the 
     President shall submit to the appropriate congressional 
     committees a report, in classified and unclassified forms
       (I) updating the information contained in the report 
     required under clause (i) with respect to that country; and
       (II) including an analysis of that country's ability to 
     meet the full range of the financial burdens of NATO 
     membership, and the likely impact upon the military 
     effectiveness of NATO of the country invited for accession 
     talks, if the country were to be admitted to NATO.
       (D) Review and reports by the General Accounting Office. 
     The Comptroller General of the United States shall conduct a 
     review and assessment of the evaluations and analyses 
     contained in all reports submitted under subparagraph (C) 
     and, not later than 90 days after the date of submission of 
     any report under subparagraph (C)(ii), shall submit a report 
     to the appropriate congressional committees setting forth the 
     assessment resulting from that review.
       (2) Reports on intelligence matters.
       (A) Progress report. Not later than January 1, 2004, the 
     President shall submit a report to the congressional 
     intelligence committees on the progress of Bulgaria, Estonia, 
     Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in 
     satisfying the security sector and security vetting 
     requirements for membership in NATO.
       (B) Reports regarding protection of intelligence sources 
     and methods. Not later than January 1, 2004, and again not 
     later than the date that is 90 days after the date of 
     accession to the North Atlantic Treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia, 
     Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the 
     Director of Central Intelligence shall submit a detailed 
     report to the congressional intelligence committees
       (i) identifying the latest procedures and requirements 
     established by Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia for the protection of intelligence 
     sources and methods; and
       (ii) including an assessment of how the overall procedures 
     and requirements of such countries for the protection of 
     intelligence sources and methods compare with the procedures 
     and requirements of other NATO members for the protection 
     of intelligence sources and methods.
       (C) Definitions. In this paragraph:
       (i) Congressional Intelligence Committees. The term 
     ``congressional intelligence committees'' means the Select 
     Committee on Intelligence of the Senate and the Permanent 
     Select Committee on Intelligence of the House of 
     Representatives.
       (ii) Date of Accession to the North Atlantic Treaty by 
     Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and 
     Slovenia. The term ``date of accession to the North Atlantic 
     Treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia'' means the latest of the following 
     dates:
       (I) The date on which Bulgaria accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (II) The date on which Estonia accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (III) The date on which Latvia accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (IV) The date on which Lithuania accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (V) The date on which Romania accedes to the North Atlantic 
     Treaty.
       (VI) The date on which Slovakia accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (VII) The date on which Slovenia accedes to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty.
       (3) Requirement of full cooperation with United States 
     efforts to obtain the fullest possible accounting of captured 
     and missing United States personnel from past military 
     conflicts or cold war incidents. Prior to the deposit of the 
     United States instrument of ratification, the President shall 
     certify to Congress that each of the governments of Bulgaria, 
     Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia 
     are fully cooperating with United States efforts to obtain 
     the fullest possible accounting of captured or

[[Page S5888]]

     missing United States personnel from past military conflicts 
     or Cold War incidents, to include
       (A) facilitating full access to relevant archival material; 
     and
       (B) identifying individuals who may possess knowledge 
     relative to captured or missing United States personnel, and 
     encouraging such individuals to speak with United States 
     Government officials.


                          SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.

       In this resolution:
       (1) Appropriate congressional committees. The term 
     ``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee 
     on Foreign Relations, the Committee on Armed Services, and 
     the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate and the 
     Committee on International Relations, the Committee on Armed 
     Services, and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of 
     Representatives.
       (2) NATO. The term ``NATO'' means the North Atlantic Treaty 
     Organization.
       (3) NATO members. The term ``NATO members'' means all 
     countries that are parties to the North Atlantic Treaty.
       (4) North Atlantic area. The term ``North Atlantic area'' 
     means the area covered by Article 6 of the North Atlantic 
     Treaty, as applied by the North Atlantic Council.
       (5) North Atlantic Treaty. The term ``North Atlantic 
     Treaty'' means the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at 
     Washington on April 4, 1949 (63 Stat. 2241; TIAS 1964), as 
     amended.
       (6) Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the 
     accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia. The term ``Protocols to the North 
     Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession of Bulgaria, 
     Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia'' 
     refers to the following protocols transmitted by the 
     President to the Senate on April 10, 2003 (Treaty Document 
     No. 108-4):
       (A) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Bulgaria, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (B) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Estonia, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (C) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Latvia, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (D) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Lithuania, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (E) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Romania, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (F) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Slovakia, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (G) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the 
     Accession of the Republic of Slovenia, signed at Brussels on 
     March 26, 2003.
       (7) United States instrument of ratification. The term 
     ``United States instrument of ratification'' means the 
     instrument of ratification of the United States of the 
     Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the 
     Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, 
     Slovakia, and Slovenia.
       (8) Washington Treaty. The term ``Washington Treaty'' means 
     the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Washington on April 4, 
     1949 (63 Stat. 2241; TIAS 1964), as amended.

  The Senator from Indiana, the chairman of the Foreign Relations 
Committee.
  Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, today the Senate has taken another step in 
making Europe whole and free. In June 2001, President Bush delivered a 
speech in Warsaw, Poland confirming that:

       All of Europe's new democracies, from the Baltic to the 
     Black Sea and all that lie between, should have the same 
     chance for security and freedom--and the same chance to join 
     the institutions of Europe.

  Today the Senate ratified that vision and has voted overwhelmingly to 
enlarge the NATO alliance to include seven new members.
  I would like to thank a number of people for their contributions to 
this important debate. Jessica Fugate, Kate Burns, and Mike Haltzel 
worked tirelessly to produce a resolution of ratification and committee 
report that enjoyed the unanimous support of the Foreign Relations 
Committee and has been ratified by the Senate. Bob Bradtke, of the 
Department of State; Kurt Volker, of the National Security Council, and 
Ian Brzezinski, of the Department of Defense; worked closely with 
committee staff to ensure strong administration support for the work we 
have completed today. Lastly, special thanks to Paul Gallis, of the 
Congressional Research Service, for his valuable contributions to the 
Committee's work and the Senate's review of the Protocols of Accession.
  I especially thank the distinguished ranking member from Delaware, 
Senator Biden, for his cooperation and leadership on this important 
issue. This is the second major treaty the Foreign Relations Committee 
has guided to ratification in a few short months. I look forward to 
continuing our bipartisan partnership in the days and weeks ahead as we 
turn to the State Department authorization bill, the HIV/AIDS bill, and 
the Foreign Relations Authorization Act.
  Mr. President, I know unanimous consent has been granted for the 
Senate to stand in recess. I look forward to welcoming the foreign 
ministers of the countries we greet today.

                          ____________________