[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 68 (Thursday, May 8, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5881-S5888]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NATO EXPANSION TREATY
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the Senate will
go into executive session to consider Executive Calendar No. 6, which
the clerk will report.
The assistant legislative clerk read as follows:
Resolution of Ratification to Accompany Treaty Document No.
108-4, Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on
Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia and Slovenia.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the chairman of
the Foreign Relations Committee is recognized prior to the vote on the
resolution of ratification.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, the Senate comes together this morning to
ratify the accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia to the NATO alliance. It will be a truly
historic vote in the Senate and a most important day in the histories
of these nation-states. I am hopeful the Senate will support
overwhelmingly this remarkable foreign policy initiative.
When President Bush made his first trip to Warsaw Europe 2 years ago,
he strongly voiced in his Warsaw address the U.S. commitment to Europe
generally and to NATO in particular. Now, at a moment when relations
with some of our European allies are strained, a clear showing of
bipartisan support for NATO enlargement takes on added importance. The
affirming message of the first round of enlargement led to improved
alliance capabilities and strengthened transatlantic ties. I am
confident that this second round will do the same. The eyes of a
hopeful and expectant world are upon us. I ask my colleagues to join me
in voting for this resolution of ratification.
I would like to direct the attention of Senators to the balcony above
where we are joined today by the Foreign Ministers of the seven
aspirant states. They have come together with us today to witness our
actions and to join with us on the Senate floor at the completion of
the vote. At noon they will be hosted by the Secretary of State for
lunch at the State Department and later by President Bush at a Rose
Garden ceremony. Their presence, here today, is a personal witness to
the close relationship our nations will enjoy as partners in the NATO
Alliance.
[[Page S5882]]
I thank Senators for their cooperation and ask for their support of
the enlargement of the NATO allliance .
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, it is fitting on this day, which is the
58th anniversary of VE Day, the victory over Nazi tyranny in Europe,
that the Senate is about to vote to admit seven countries that suffered
under that tyranny and the tyranny of Communism--Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia--all of which have
their Ambassadors present today and are very welcome.
His Holiness Pope John Paul the II and President Reagan should be
thanked for having hastened the fall of Communism in Europe. President
George H.W. Bush should be thanked for the unification of Germany, and
our President Bush for having widened the circle of the current round
of NATO enlargement, and President Clinton, who skillfully led the way
to the pathbreaking last round of enlargement which moved NATO into
formerly Communist Central Europe.
Today is a culmination of the work of a number of great men and
women. I am just happy to be able to play a little tiny part.
I urge everyone to vote, which I am confident they will, for
accession.
Mr. REED. Mr. President, I join my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle to express my support for the ratification of the protocols to
the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the accession of Bulgaria,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
NATO has been perhaps the most successful military alliance in
history, ensuring the peace and security of Europe for over fifty
years. I believe these seven countries will not only benefit
immeasurably from their inclusion in NATO, but they will all serve to
further strengthen the alliance in ways that we could not have imagined
in 1949. Though they are all fledgling democracies, they bring with
them a zeal for the democratic process that we all share.
In 1997, I had concerns about admitting the last three nations into
NATO--Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic. I had significant
concerns about the cost we as a nation might incur by allowing these
countries with immature political and social structures and outdated
militaries to enter the alliance. But time has proven that these costs
are less than we imagined, and I believe that the cost required to
bring these next seven nations into the alliance should be well worth
the investment.
At the same time, I continue to have reservations about the
likelihood of true interoperability with these seven new nations. These
seven nations use military hardware that is a product of the Soviet
armed forces, and it is rapidly reaching the end of its useful life.
Very little of this equipment is compatible with the latest hardware,
weapons, and ammunition currently utilized by the United States. The
militaries of the seven new nations are also top heavy with senior
officers who were trained under the old Soviet regime. As with the
ground forces, their air forces are also products of the Soviet era,
and are greatly outdated. Finally, interoperability within the
communications arena will be extremely challenging, at best, until
these militaries become proficient in English.
Despite these misgivings, I still believe that we should admit these
seven nations into the NATO alliance. The NATO alliance ensured victory
in the Cold War and has preserved the peace in Europe for over fifty
years. But in order to survive for the next fifty years, the alliance
must be willing to make much-needed changes to its charter. I support
the Warner-Levin-Roberts amendment and its two major provisions that
the President of the United States placed on the agenda at the North
Atlantic Council. First, I agree that we must eliminate the ``consensus
rule,'' the antiquated requirement in the NATO charter that nearly
prevented NATO from protecting one of its own members, Turkey, before
the commencement of Operation Iraqi Freedom. This rule may have worked
when the alliance was first formed in 1949 with its original 12
members, but it cannot work any longer. Secondly, I support the need
for a new rule in NATO that authorizes the members of the alliance to
suspend the membership of any country in NATO which no longer supports
the ideals of the alliance. The recent refusal of support on the part
of some of our NATO allies during the build-up for and execution of
Operation Iraqi Freedom has again shown the need for such a change.
Only with these two critical steps will NATO continue to thrive and be
as critical to peace and security in the 21st Century as it was in the
20th Century.
Mr. JEFFORDS. Mr. President, I will vote today to provide advice and
consent to the ratification of the Protocols to the North Atlantic
Treaty of 1949, approving accession to the treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.
While I will vote for this resolution of ratification, I do so with
deep concerns over the future of NATO and its ability to serve as an
effective military alliance. Five years ago, I voted against expanding
NATO to include Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. I did so, in
part, because of a belief that there was no logical end point once NATO
began to expand. I was worried at that time that an expanded NATO would
become unwieldy and lose focus on its primary mission as a defensive
military alliance. Those fears continue today, magnified by the
realities associated with seven additional members. However, having
decided in 1998 to admit Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, there
is little reason for the United States to reject the current round of
NATO aspirants. Based on the logic of this latest round of expansion, I
assume that this trend will continue, and that new members will be
added in coming years as they meet NATO criteria, with the ultimate
composition of the alliance becoming extremely diverse.
I am greatly concerned that the inclusion of 10 new NATO members over
the past 5 years demonstrates that the United States and its original
NATO Allies are wavering from the original purpose of the alliance.
Throughout the cold war, the alliance presented a unified front,
functioning as an efficient, credible deterrent to aggression. With the
radical expansion of alliance membership by over 50 percent since 1998,
the alliance has jeopardized its ability to act decisively in times of
crisis. I am concerned that the alliance has expanded to the point of
becoming inefficient and unwieldy. It runs the risk that divergent
views will lead to paralysis or, worse yet, irrelevance when action is
required.
The United States and Europe already have the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe to handle concerns related to
promoting security in Europe, and there are several other organizations
directed toward trade and the resolution of other political issues. I
am concerned that an expanded NATO will be more suitable for discussion
than action, and history has unfortunately shown that action is
sometimes required. I continue to believe that the original decision in
1998 to expand NATO was a mistake, but reluctantly agree to accession
by these seven countries.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, today will go down as a remarkable day
in the history of world diplomacy. I enthusiastically support the
passage of Treaty Document No. 108-04, the Resolution of Ratification
to the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession
of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and
Slovenia.
We are seizing a remarkable opportunity to extend the democratic zone
of security, stability, tranquility, and mutual assistance eastward. I
welcome the seven aspirant countries, and commend their efforts since
the fall of their communist regimes 12 years ago to embrace democratic
governance and liberal economic policies.
I urge the adoption of the Resolution of Ratification because I
believe that NATO expansion will bring positive security benefits to
the United States. Sovereign states no longer pose the greatest threats
to U.S. national security; transnational actors--terrorists groups and
their networks of supporters do. I believe that the war on terrorism
will only be won through effective cooperation between the U.S. and our
allies around the world. Since 9/11, our NATO allies have helped
tremendously in our attempt to thwart terrorist attacks here and
abroad. The NATO accession of Bulgaria, Estonia,
[[Page S5883]]
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia will solidify the
cooperation that already exists bilaterally between the U.S. and these
seven countries.
I do have one concern that I would like to mention: the rights of the
large historic Hungarian minorities in Slovakia and Romania. I urge
both countries' governments to continue to work with their Hungarian
communities to resolve property restitution disputes and other
contentious issues. And I urge the governments of all seven countries
to pay continued attention to human rights so that all of their
citizens may enjoy the benefits that accession to NATO will bring.
I extend a special welcome to the distinguished Foreign Ministers and
Ambassadors who have come to the Senate Chamber today from each of the
seven countries. I welcome them to a crucial alliance, one that was
formed in the wake of World War II to protect freedom and democracy,
human rights, and rule of law through the combined strength of western
military, intelligence, economic, and political assets.
Mr. President, today's vote gives me great optimism about the future
of our NATO alliance and about the contributions that these seven
newest members will make for our collective peace, stability, freedom,
and prosperity.
Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I rise in support of ratification of the
Protocol to the Washington Treaty to bring seven new members in the
NATO alliance.
Allies and partners make concrete and indispensable contributions to
American national security in the complex and rapidly-changing post-
cold war environment. Most security problems cannot be addressed
unilaterally, and acting with others helps reduce the backlash against
the United States. We are virtually always better off sharing the risks
and burdens and costs with our allies. The NATO alliance has been a
reliable cornerstone of America's national security since it was
founded more than half a century ago.
I believe we need to modernize and strengthen NATO as our key
alliance in the 21st century. We need to do four things to make NATO
stronger:
First, we need to overcome differences over Iraq and other issues by
working together to develop a common understanding of the threats we
face, so we don't again face the challenge of NATO Allies refusing
access to U.S. troops or denying protection to another ally.
Second, our European partners need to modernize their military
capabilities to be ready to take on any potential enemy or military
task, and to ensure interoperability between U.S. and European forces.
Third, NATO must be ready to act beyond Europe, because our common
enemies and shared missions could be anywhere.
Finally, NATO must be ready to fight new enemies rather than just
conventional military forces. These threats include the proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction and missiles, rogue states and ethnic
conflicts, and terrorism.
The limited debate and sparse opposition to further enlargement of
NATO are a tribute to the success of the round of NATO enlargement we
ratified in 1996. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are full and
reliable NATO allies. They have already contributed to America's
security, joining in the unanimous invocation of article 5 of the
Washington Treaty, that an attack on one is an attack on all, after
terrorists attacked the United States on September 11 of 2001.
Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are being fully integrated
into Europe including membership in the European Union. But they
understand the value of the trans-Atlantic alliance.
I am particularly proud that Poland is always ready to stand with
America. Poland sent ground forces for the war in Iraq, joining only
two other allies: the United Kingdom and Australia.
I strongly support NATO membership for the three Baltic states:
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. These countries know freedom and are
willing to fight for it, because they suffered so long under Soviet
occupation. The Baltic states are working to help America confront new
challenges now that the cold war is over.
I had the opportunity to visit Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania a few
years ago, and participate in the NATO parliamentary assembly meeting
in Vilnius. I was truly impressed by the spirit and progress of the
Estonian, Lithuanian and Latvian peoples. All three Baltic states are
building modern armed forces to contribute to the security of NATO.
I am particularly proud of the Maryland-Estonia partnership, under
which the Maryland National Guard has helped organize and train
Estonia's military. All three Baltic states have contributed to the war
on terrorism and international peacekeeping missions.
I urge my colleagues to join me in support of further enlargement of
NATO. I believe this round of enlargement, like the last, will
strengthen NATO. Strengthening NATO strengthens America's national
security.
Mr. EDWARDS. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of NATO's
expansion and the ratification of the Treaty before us. For more than
50 years, the alliance has been the cornerstone of the U.S.-European
relationship, and I believe that NATO remains our most important
alliance. NATO's enlargement is critical to ensuring its continuing
relevance in the 21st century.
With the inclusion of 7 new members--Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia--NATO shows its commitment
to establishing partnerships with its former adversaries and expanding
the zone of freedom and security from Europe's West to Europe's East.
Enlargement enables these countries to complete the journey they began
with the end of Soviet communism, a journey that will make them part of
a Europe that is whole, free and at peace.
With this step, we also come closer to completing the vision outlined
by President Bill Clinton nearly a decade ago. In January 1994,
President Clinton first described the enlargement of NATO as one of not
``whether but when.'' Thanks to his strong leadership, Poland, Hungary
and the Czech Republic joined the alliance in 1999, and NATO developed
a new relationship with Russia. President George W. Bush deserves
credit for continuing his predecessor's policies.
I am deeply committed to NATO. A year ago, I voted in favor of the
Freedom Consolidation Act, which stressed the importance of NATO and
endorsed taking the step of enlargement. And last December, I went to
NATO headquarters in Brussels and met with senior alliance officials,
including Lord George Robertson, the superb NATO Secretary General;
General Joe Ralston, then-NATO's military commander; our excellent U.S.
Ambassador to NATO, Nick Burns; and several of his fellow NATO
Ambassadors. I also visited London, where I met with the leader of one
of our closest NATO allies, the United Kingdom's Tony Blair.
In all of these discussions, we agreed that bringing these deserving
countries into NATO was critical to making the alliance stronger. But
we also agreed that enlargement was only the first step--and in some
ways, that it might prove to be the easiest. This is remarkable,
especially when considering how contentious the issue of NATO
enlargement was less than half a decade ago, not only here in the
Senate, but around the world.
For NATO to continue to be a strong alliance, its members must meet
at least two challenges. First, NATO members must close the gap in
their military capabilities, and second, we must work to orient NATO
toward new missions.
The Europeans understand that in terms of military spending and
modernization, they are just not keeping up. A big part of the problem
is budgetary. Last year the U.S. spent twice as much on defense than
every other NATO member combined. The $48 billion increase in military
spending that Congress appropriated after the September 11, 2001,
attacks was itself twice as much as Germany's entire defense budget.
Everyone at NATO understands the problem. Lord Robertson repeatedly
warns about it, but the question is whether our European partners can
muster up the creativity and political will to get the job done. Since
I believe that it is in the U.S. security interest
[[Page S5884]]
to work more, not less, with our European partners, it is obvious that
our partners need to be strong and capable of working with the United
States.
Beyond the issue of capabilities, NATO's members face an even more
fundamental question: What is NATO's purpose? My answer is this: If
NATO's cold war mission was to keep the peace in Europe, the real point
of the Transatlantic security relationship in the 21st century is what
we can do together outside of Europe. This includes addressing threats
like terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and
pandemics like HIV/AIDS. And it includes acting in places that NATO
planners have considered ``out of area'': the Middle East, South and
Central Asia, and Africa. The bottom line is that neither the United
States nor Europe can tackle any of these problems alone. We need each
other, and to neglect natural building blocks like NATO simply does not
make any sense.
Over the past 2 years, NATO has made historic strides in addressing
these new threats. Following the September 11 attacks, NATO Allies came
together and, for the first time, invoked the alliance's self defense
clause. NATO partners are on the ground today in Afghanistan. Later
this year, the alliance itself will assume command of the international
security force in Afghanistan.
I also believe that NATO can and should play a central role in
providing security in a postwar Iraq. We all know that many NATO
members were deeply divided over the issue of what to do about Iraq.
But now that the war is over, I believe that we have an opportunity to
reaffirm NATO's importance and relevance--as well as America's
commitment to the Alliance--by looking for ways to include NATO in
providing security today in Iraq. Doing so would not only lend
credibility to America's efforts in Iraq, but over the coming months
and years ease the burden on the American people. This is a test, a
test not just for NATO but for American leadership in NATO.
This is not the first time America's leadership in NATO has been
tested. In fact, the question of whether or not to enlarge NATO was a
test of American leadership, and with our vote today, we will have met
that test. Now, I believe we have to show the same sense of commitment
and resolve to help NATO meet the new challenges we face in Iraq and
elsewhere.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the minority leader.
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I commend Senators Lugar and Biden for
their historic achievement this morning. This has been an effort that
has enjoyed strong bipartisan support within our country and within the
Senate. I commend them especially for their remarkable leadership in
bringing us to this point.
I also welcome the Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors who join us on
this momentous occasion from Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. I welcome them to NATO; I welcome them
here. This is truly a historic day.
We continue today what we did on VE Day, now more than 50 years ago,
what thousands of our GIs, including my father, started more than 60
years ago with the landing at Normandy, the creation of a Europe that
is whole and that is free.
This is the beginning of a partnership that will produce greater
world stability, greater international involvement in world affairs,
and a partnership with countries that will increasingly become valuable
partners and allies of the United States.
Expanding NATO to include these seven democracies will make NATO
stronger and the United States safer.
Five years ago we undertook to expand NATO for the first time. At
that time, the debate hung on this critical question: Should NATO limit
its mission to defending a fixed list of nations, selected more than 50
years ago, against an enemy that no longer existed? Or does it exist to
provide a collective security umbrella armed to defend an alliance of
free countries--countries that have demonstrated not only a deep
commitment to democracy, but a willingness to defend it?
A strong, bipartisan majority answered that question by voting to
enlarge NATO to meet the threats of a new world. The results of that
decision did not disappoint.
On September 12, 2001, for the first time in its history, NATO
invoked Article 5, and mobilized to defeat the threat of terrorism.
NATO aircraft patrolled American skies and later this summer NATO will
take over control of the Security Force in Afghanistan. Today we have
the opportunity to take the next step and strengthen NATO yet again.
Each of the seven countries seeking to join our alliance has made the
democratic reforms that inclusion in NATO demands. We could not have
made this contention 15 years ago. But due to the foresight and
perseverance of the citizens of each of these countries, Bulgaria,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia are all
today strong democracies.
Emerging from a history of foreign occupation, and defending
themselves against the threats of corruption and organized crime, these
nations have affirmed their commitment to democracy both in word and in
deed. They have earned the right to be members of NATO. With that
right, comes a responsibility, and they have shown a willingness to
meet that responsibility.
Each has contributed to the peacekeeping missions in the Balkans.
Each contributed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and
Operation Iraqi Freedom. Each has contributed to the International
Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan and have pledged contributions
for the reconstruction of Iraq.
As important as our shared values are, NATO remains, at its core, a
defensive alliance.
As such, the forces of alliance members must remain capable of
defending against a significant military threat--in Europe and beyond.
At Prague, NATO members pledged to transform NATO to make it better
able to address the threats we face now.
Gone are the days of defending the Fulda Gap in the heart of Europe.
Now we must be ready to counter the elusive and ever-present threat of
terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction far
outside the borders of Europe.
Each of our new partners will bring specialized capabilities to the
alliance.
In Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans, we have seen first-hand the
expertise of Bulgarian and Slovak anti-nuclear, biological, and
chemical weapons teams; Slovenian de-mining units; and Romanian
mountain troops.
We will continue to draw on their skills as we carry forward our
efforts to defeat terror and restore stability to Afghanistan and Iraq.
The addition of new members amplifies the need to close the
disparities between the United States and our Allies.
We are encouraged by our new members ``niche capabilities.'' But the
differences between the United States and its NATO Allies in transport,
logistics, communications, and intelligence capabilities risk
undercutting the alliance.
As we take this momentous step today--of extending the NATO security
guarantee to seven new countries stretching from the Baltic to the
Black Sea--we remind our friends, new and old, of their responsibility
to invest in the capabilities of our brothers in arms.
We also must not permit periodic disagreements to erode the common
cause that has made NATO the most successful military alliance in
history.
The feud in the North Atlantic Council over how to aid Turkey in the
event of an attack by Iraq exposed serious divisions in NATO.
Subsequent discussion of a EU-based security arrangement as an
alternative to NATO does little to ease those divisions.
These are not insurmountable challenges, but this alliance, like our
key alliances in Asia, demand communication, attention, and diplomacy.
Handled correctly, this new and newly energized NATO can play a
central role in post-Saddam Iraq--a role that can ease the burden on
America's troops and American taxpayers.
I am proud to cast my vote for this resolution on the anniversary of
one of our Nation's most glorious achievements--V-E Day, May 8.
My father was an Army sergeant in World War II. He landed on the
beaches of Normandy with the 6th Armored Division on ``D Plus 1''--June
7, 1944.
One of his many duties was getting word back to the States about the
dead
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and missing so their families could be notified. That experience left
him with a profound respect for the sacrifices democracy sometimes
demands. It is a lesson he passed on to his four sons.
He taught my brothers and me another lesson: When you make a promise,
you keep it.
With this vote, the United States makes a promise--a promise to
protect our Allies, old and new, from any threat that may emerge in the
years to come.
In return, we expect their wholehearted commitment to stand with us
to continue the push for a Europe, whole and free. That effort began
over 60 years ago with the blood and effort of soldiers like my father.
By advancing their cause, this treaty honors their sacrifice.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, 6 months ago, I traveled to Prague to
support and bear witness to the historic decision of President Bush and
the leaders of the Atlantic alliance to invite seven countries to join
NATO. Today, on the 58th anniversary of Victory in Europe Day, the
United States will vote to ratify in this Senate that vision of a free
Europe, stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.
I commend the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator
Lugar, and the ranking member, Senator Biden, for their efforts to
support this goal. I also thank the Democratic leader, Senator Daschle,
for helping to make this happen.
In the few years I have been in Washington and in my few short months
as majority leader of the Senate, I have seen few ideas that are so
untroubled by political differences, that so united the Senate and the
Nation, and that so completely fortified the very foundation of our
liberty--that democratic government shall be defended and that freedom
shall prevail.
These are exhilarating times in which we live. In just over a dozen
years, we have seen the collapse of the Soviet Union, the freeing of
captive nations, the collapse and defeat of tyrannical dictatorships,
and the birth of new democracies across Europe, Latin America, the
Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Each of these victories for freedom has
been hard fought and each is worthy of defending.
It should be instructive to us that all seven of these soon-to-be
NATO Allies were already on our side in the recent fight to liberate
Iraq because they had to fight for their own liberation. They
understand that freedom is not free.
It has often been said that during the long years of the cold war,
America's example inspired Europe's freedom fighters, but to many of
us, it is their example which is truly inspiring. To those from the
ranks of Europe's new democracies who watch this morning as we cast our
votes on this important treaty, I say: Thank you for your example and
thank you for your inspiration.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on the resolution of
ratification.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The question is on agreeing to the resolution of ratification, as
amended. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. I announce that the Senator from Alaska (Ms.
Murkowski) is necessarily absent.
Mr. REID. I announce that the Senator from Delaware (Mr. Carper), the
Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), and the Senator from
Connecticut (Mr. Lieberman) are necessarily absent.
I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from
Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy) would vote ``aye''.
The yeas and nays resulted--yeas 96, nays 0, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 142 Ex.]
YEAS--96
Akaka
Alexander
Allard
Allen
Baucus
Bayh
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Bunning
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Cantwell
Chafee
Chambliss
Clinton
Cochran
Coleman
Collins
Conrad
Cornyn
Corzine
Craig
Crapo
Daschle
Dayton
DeWine
Dodd
Dole
Domenici
Dorgan
Durbin
Edwards
Ensign
Enzi
Feingold
Feinstein
Fitzgerald
Frist
Graham (FL)
Graham (SC)
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Harkin
Hatch
Hollings
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnson
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lincoln
Lott
Lugar
McCain
McConnell
Mikulski
Miller
Murray
Nelson (FL)
Nelson (NE)
Nickles
Pryor
Reed
Reid
Roberts
Rockefeller
Santorum
Sarbanes
Schumer
Sessions
Shelby
Smith
Snowe
Specter
Stabenow
Stevens
Sununu
Talent
Thomas
Voinovich
Warner
Wyden
NOT VOTING--4
Carper
Kennedy
Lieberman
Murkowski
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Two-thirds of the Senators present having
voted in the affirmative, the resolution of ratification is agreed to.
The resolution of ratification agreed to is as follows:
Protocols to North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on Accession of
Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and
Slovenia (Treaty Doc. 108-4)
section 1. senate advice and consent subject to declarations and
conditions
The Senate advises and consents to the ratification of the
Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the
Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia (as defined in section 4(6)), which
were opened for signature at Brussels on March 26, 2003, and
signed on behalf of the United States of America and other
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty, subject to the
declarations of section 2 and the conditions of section 3.
sec. 2. declarations
The advice and consent of the Senate to ratification of the
Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the
Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia is subject to the following
declarations:
(1) Reaffirmation that United States membership in NATO
remains a vital national security interest of the United
States. The Senate declares that
(A) for more than 50 years the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) has served as the preeminent organization
to defend the countries in the North Atlantic area against
all external threats;
(B) through common action, the established democracies of
North America and Europe that were joined in NATO persevered
and prevailed in the task of ensuring the survival of
democratic government in Europe and North America throughout
the Cold War;
(C) NATO enhances the security of the United States by
embedding European states in a process of cooperative
security planning, by preventing the destabilizing re-
nationalization of European military policies, and by
ensuring an ongoing and direct leadership role for the United
States in European security affairs;
(D) the responsibility and financial burden of defending
the democracies of Europe and North America can be more
equitably shared through an alliance in which specific
obligations and force goals are met by its members;
(E) the security and prosperity of the United States is
enhanced by NATO's collective defense against aggression that
may threaten the security of NATO members;
(F) with the advice and consent of the United States
Senate, Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic became
members of NATO on March 12, 1999;
(G) on May 17, 2002, the Senate adopted the Freedom
Consolidation Act of 2001 (S. 1572 of the 107th Congress),
and President George W. Bush signed that bill into law on
June 10, 2002, which ``reaffirms support for continued
enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)
Alliance; designates Slovakia for participation in the
Partnership for Peace and eligible to receive certain
security assistance under the NATO Participation Act of 1994;
[and] authorizes specified amounts of security assistance for
[fiscal year] 2002 for Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia,
Slovenia, Bulgaria and Romania''; and
(H) United States membership in NATO remains a vital
national security interest of the United States.
(2) Strategic rationale for NATO enlargement. The Senate
finds that
(A) notwithstanding the collapse of communism in most of
Europe and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United
States and its NATO allies face threats to their stability
and territorial integrity;
(B) an attack against Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, or Slovenia, or their destabilization
arising from external subversion, would threaten the
stability of Europe and jeopardize vital United States
national security interests;
(C) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia, having established democratic
governments and having demonstrated a willingness to meet all
requirements of membership, including those necessary to
contribute to the defense of all NATO members, are in a
position to further the principles of the North Atlantic
Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North
Atlantic area; and
(D) extending NATO membership to Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Romania,
[[Page S5886]]
Slovakia, and Slovenia will strengthen NATO, enhance security
and stability in Central Europe, deter potential aggressors,
and advance the interests of the United States and its NATO
allies.
(3) Full membership for new NATO members. The Senate
understands that Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, in becoming NATO members,
will have all the rights, obligations, responsibilities, and
protections that are afforded to all other NATO members.
(4) The importance of European integration.
(A) Sense of the Senate. It is the sense of the Senate that
(i) the central purpose of NATO is to provide for the
collective defense of its members;
(ii) the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe is an institution for the promotion of democracy, the
rule of law, crisis prevention, and post-conflict
rehabilitation and, as such, is an essential forum for the
discussion and resolution of political disputes among
European members, Canada, and the United States; and
(iii) the European Union is an essential organization for
the economic, political, and social integration of all
qualified European countries into an undivided Europe.
(B) Policy of the United States. The policy of the United
States is
(i) to utilize fully the institutions of the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe to reach political
solutions for disputes in Europe; and (ii) to encourage
actively the efforts of the European Union to continue to
expand its membership, which will help to strengthen the
democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
(5) Future consideration of candidates for membership in
NATO.
(A) Senate findings. The Senate finds that
(i) Article 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty provides that
NATO members by unanimous agreement may invite the accession
to the North Atlantic Treaty of any other European state in a
position to further the principles of the North Atlantic
Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North
Atlantic area;
(ii) in its Prague Summit Declaration of November 21, 2002,
NATO stated that the Alliance
(I)(aa) will keep its door open ``to European democracies
willing and able to assume the responsibilities and
obligations of membership, in accordance with Article 10 of
the Washington Treaty'';
(bb) will keep under review through the Membership Action
Plan (MAP) the progress of those democracies, including
Albania, Croatia, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, that seek NATO membership, and continue to use the
MAP as the vehicle to measure progress in future rounds of
NATO enlargement;
(cc) will consider the MAP as a means for those nations
that seek NATO membership to develop military capabilities to
enable such nations to undertake operations ranging from
peacekeeping to high-intensity conflict, and help aspirant
countries achieve political reform that includes strengthened
democratic structures and progress in curbing corruption;
(dd) concurs that Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have successfully used the
MAP to address issues important to NATO membership; and
(ee) maintains that the nations invited to join NATO at the
Prague Summit ``will not be the last'';
(II)(aa) in response to the terrorist attacks on September
11, 2001, and its subsequent decision to invoke Article 5 of
the Washington Treaty, will implement the approved
``comprehensive package of measures, based on NATO's
Strategic Concept, to strengthen our ability to meet the
challenges to the security of our forces, populations and
territory, from wherever they may come''; and
(bb) recognizes that the governments of Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have
successfully used the MAP to address important issues and
have showed solidarity with the United States after the
terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001;
(III) will create ``. . . a NATO Response Force (NRF)
consisting of a technologically advanced, flexible,
deployable, interoperable, and sustainable force including
land, sea, and air elements ready to move quickly to wherever
needed, as decided by the Council'';
(IV) will streamline its ``military command arrangements''
for ``a leaner, more efficient, effective, and deployable
command structure, with a view to meeting the operational
requirements for the full range of Alliance missions'';
(V) will ``approve the Prague Capabilities Commitment (PCC)
as part of the continuing Alliance effort to improve and
develop new military capabilities for modern warfare in a
high threat environment''; and
(VI) will ``examine options for addressing the increasing
missile threat to Alliance territory, forces and populations
centres'' and tackle the threat of weapons of mass
destruction (WMD) by enhancing the role of the WMD Centre
within the International Staff;
(iii) as stated in the Prague Summit Declaration, Bulgaria,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia
have ``demonstrated their commitment to the basic principles
and values set out in the Washington Treaty, the ability to
contribute to the Alliance's full range of missions including
collective defence, and a firm commitment to contribute to
stability and security, especially in regions of crisis and
conflict'';
(iv) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia have been acting as de facto NATO
allies through their contributions and participation in
peacekeeping operations in the Balkans, Operation Enduring
Freedom, and the International Security Assistance Force
(ISAF);
(v) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia, together with Albania, Croatia, and
the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, issued joint
statements on November 21, 2002, and February 5, 2003,
expressing their support for the international community's
efforts to disarm Iraq; and
(vi) the United States will not support the accession to
the North Atlantic Treaty of, or the invitation to begin
accession talks with, any European state (other than
Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and
Slovenia), unless
(I) the President consults with the Senate consistent with
Article II, section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution of the
United States (relating to the advice and consent of the
Senate to the making of treaties); and
(II) the prospective NATO member can fulfill the
obligations and responsibilities of membership, and the
inclusion of such state in NATO would serve the overall
political and strategic interests of NATO and the United
States.
(B) Requirement for Consensus and ratification. The Senate
declares that no action or agreement other than a consensus
decision by the full membership of NATO, approved by the
national procedures of each NATO member, including, in the
case of the United States, the requirements of Article II,
section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution of the United States
(relating to the advice and consent of the Senate to the
making of treaties), will constitute a commitment to
collective defense and consultations pursuant to Articles 4
and 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.
(6) Partnership for peace. The Senate declares that
(A)(i) the Partnership for Peace between NATO members and
the Partnership for Peace countries is an important and
enduring complement to NATO in maintaining and enhancing
regional security; and
(ii) the Partnership for Peace has greatly enhanced
security and ability throughout the Euro-Atlantic area, with
Partnership for Peace countries, especially countries that
seek NATO membership, and has encouraged them to strengthen
political dialogue with NATO allies and to undertake all
efforts to work with NATO allies, as appropriate, in the
planning, conduct, and oversight of those activities and
projects in which they participate and to which they
contribute, including combating terrorism;
(B) the Partnership for Peace serves a critical role in
promoting common objectives of NATO members and the
Partnership for Peace countries, including
(i) increasing the transparency of national defense
planning and budgeting processes;
(ii) ensuring democratic control of defense forces;
(iii) maintaining the capability and readiness of
Partnership for Peace countries to contribute to operations
of the United Nations and the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe;
(iv) developing cooperative military relations with NATO;
(v) enhancing the interoperability between forces of the
Partnership for Peace countries and forces of NATO members;
and
(vi) facilitating cooperation of NATO members with
countries from Central Asia, the Caucasus, and eastern and
southeastern Europe.
(7) The NATO-Russia Council. The Senate declares that
(A) it is in the interest of the United States for NATO to
continue to develop a new and constructive relationship with
the Russian Federation as the Russian Federation pursues
democratization, market reforms, and peaceful relations with
its neighbors; and
(B) the NATO-Russia Council, established by the Heads of
State and Government of NATO and the Russian Federation on
May 28, 2002, will
(i) provide an important forum for strengthening peace and
security in the Euro-Atlantic area, and where appropriate for
consensus building, consultations, joint decisions, and joint
actions;
(ii) permit the members of NATO and Russia to work as equal
partners in areas of common interest;
(iii) participate in joint decisions and joint actions only
after NATO members have consulted, in advance, among
themselves about what degree any issue should be subject to
the NATO-Russia Council;
(iv) not provide the Russian Federation with a voice or
veto in NATO's decisions or freedom of action through the
North Atlantic Council, the Defense Planning Committee, or
the Nuclear Planning Committee; and
(v) not provide the Russian Federation with a veto over
NATO policy.
(8) Compensation for victims of the Holocaust and of
Communism. The Senate finds that
(A) individuals and communal entities whose property was
seized during the Holocaust or the communist period should
receive appropriate compensations;
[[Page S5887]]
(B) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia have put in place publicly declared
mechanisms for compensation for property confiscated during
the Holocaust and the communist era, including the passage of
statutes, and for the opening of archives and public
reckoning with the past;
(C) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia have each adjudicated and resolved
numerous specific claims for compensation for property
confiscated during the Holocaust or the communist era over
the past several years;
(D) Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia have each established active
historical commissions or other bodies to study and report on
their government's and society's role in the Holocaust or the
communist era; and
(E) the governments of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have made clear
their openness to active dialogue with other governments,
including the United States Government, and with
nongovernmental organizations, on coming to grips with the
past.
(9) Treaty interpretation. The Senate reaffirms condition
(8) of the resolution of ratification of the Document Agreed
Among the States Parties to the Treaty on Conventional Armed
Forces in Europe (CFE) of November 19, 1990 (adopted at
Vienna on May 31, 1996), approved by the Senate on May 14,
1997, relating to condition (1) of the resolution of
ratification of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF)
Treaty approved by the Senate on May 27, 1988.
(10) Consideration of certain issues with respect to NATO
decisionmaking and membership.
(A) Sense of the Senate. It is the sense of the Senate
that, not later than the date that is eighteen months after
the date of the adoption of this resolution, the President
should place on the agenda for discussion at the North
Atlantic Council
(i) the NATO ``consensus rule''; and
(ii) the merits of establishing a process for suspending
the membership in NATO of a member country that no longer
complies with the NATO principles of democracy, individual
liberty, and the rule of law set forth in the preamble to the
North Atlantic Treaty.
(B) Report. Not later than 60 days after the discussion at the North
Atlantic Council of each of the issues described in clauses (i) and
(ii) of subparagraph (A), the President shall submit to the appropriate
congressional committees a report that describes
(i) the steps the United States has taken to place these
issues on the agenda for discussion at the North Atlantic
Council;
(ii) the views of the United States on these issues as
communicated to the North Atlantic Council by the
representatives of the United States to the Council;
(iii) the discussions of these issues at the North Atlantic
Council, including any decision that has been reached with
respect to the issues:
(iv) methods to provide more flexibility to the Supreme
Allied Commander Europe to plan potential contingency
operations before the formal approval of such planning by the
North Atlantic Council; and
(v) methods to streamline the process by which NATO makes
decisions with respect to conducting military campaigns.
sec. 3. conditions
The advice and consent of the Senate to the ratification of
the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the
Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia is subject to the following
conditions, which shall be binding upon the President:
(1) Costs, benefits, burden-sharing, and military
implications of the enlargement of NATO
(A) Presidential certification. Prior to the deposit of the
United States instrument of ratification, the President shall
certify to the Senate that
(i) the inclusion of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in NATO will not have the
effect of increasing the overall percentage share of the
United States in the common budgets of NATO; and
(ii) the inclusion of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in NATO does not detract from
the ability of the United States to meet or to fund its
military requirements outside the North Atlantic area.
(B) Annual reports. Not later than April 1 of each year
during the 3-year period following the date of entry into
force of the Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949
on the Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the President shall submit
to the appropriate congressional committees a report, which
may be submitted in an unclassified and classified form, and
which shall contain the following information:
(i) The amount contributed to the common budgets of NATO by
each NATO member during the preceding calendar year.
(ii) The proportional share assigned to, and paid by, each
NATO member under NATO's cost-sharing arrangements.
(iii) The national defense budget of each NATO member, the
steps taken by each NATO member to meet NATO force goals, and
the adequacy of the national defense budget of each NATO
member in meeting common defense and security obligations.
(C) Reports on future enlargement of NATO.
(i) Reports Prior to Commencement of Accession Talks. Prior
to any decision by the North Atlantic Council to invite any
country (other than Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia) to begin accession talks
with NATO, the President shall submit to the appropriate
congressional committees a detailed report regarding each
country being actively considered for NATO membership,
including
(I) an evaluation of how that country will further the
principles of the North Atlantic Treaty and contribute to the
security of the North Atlantic area;
(II) an evaluation of the eligibility of that country for
membership based on the principles and criteria identified by
NATO and the United States, including the military readiness
of that country;
(III) an explanation of how an invitation to that country
would affect the national security interests of the United
States;
(IV) a United States Government analysis of the common-
funded military requirements and costs associated with
integrating that country into NATO, and an analysis of the
shares of those costs to be borne by NATO members, including
the United States; and
(V) a preliminary analysis of the implications for the
United States defense budget and other United States budgets
of integrating that country into NATO.
(ii) Updated Reports Prior to Signing Protocols of
Accession. Prior to the signing of any protocol to the North
Atlantic Treaty on the accession of any country, the
President shall submit to the appropriate congressional
committees a report, in classified and unclassified forms
(I) updating the information contained in the report
required under clause (i) with respect to that country; and
(II) including an analysis of that country's ability to
meet the full range of the financial burdens of NATO
membership, and the likely impact upon the military
effectiveness of NATO of the country invited for accession
talks, if the country were to be admitted to NATO.
(D) Review and reports by the General Accounting Office.
The Comptroller General of the United States shall conduct a
review and assessment of the evaluations and analyses
contained in all reports submitted under subparagraph (C)
and, not later than 90 days after the date of submission of
any report under subparagraph (C)(ii), shall submit a report
to the appropriate congressional committees setting forth the
assessment resulting from that review.
(2) Reports on intelligence matters.
(A) Progress report. Not later than January 1, 2004, the
President shall submit a report to the congressional
intelligence committees on the progress of Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia in
satisfying the security sector and security vetting
requirements for membership in NATO.
(B) Reports regarding protection of intelligence sources
and methods. Not later than January 1, 2004, and again not
later than the date that is 90 days after the date of
accession to the North Atlantic Treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia,
Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the
Director of Central Intelligence shall submit a detailed
report to the congressional intelligence committees
(i) identifying the latest procedures and requirements
established by Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia for the protection of intelligence
sources and methods; and
(ii) including an assessment of how the overall procedures
and requirements of such countries for the protection of
intelligence sources and methods compare with the procedures
and requirements of other NATO members for the protection
of intelligence sources and methods.
(C) Definitions. In this paragraph:
(i) Congressional Intelligence Committees. The term
``congressional intelligence committees'' means the Select
Committee on Intelligence of the Senate and the Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence of the House of
Representatives.
(ii) Date of Accession to the North Atlantic Treaty by
Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and
Slovenia. The term ``date of accession to the North Atlantic
Treaty by Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia'' means the latest of the following
dates:
(I) The date on which Bulgaria accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(II) The date on which Estonia accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(III) The date on which Latvia accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(IV) The date on which Lithuania accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(V) The date on which Romania accedes to the North Atlantic
Treaty.
(VI) The date on which Slovakia accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(VII) The date on which Slovenia accedes to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
(3) Requirement of full cooperation with United States
efforts to obtain the fullest possible accounting of captured
and missing United States personnel from past military
conflicts or cold war incidents. Prior to the deposit of the
United States instrument of ratification, the President shall
certify to Congress that each of the governments of Bulgaria,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia
are fully cooperating with United States efforts to obtain
the fullest possible accounting of captured or
[[Page S5888]]
missing United States personnel from past military conflicts
or Cold War incidents, to include
(A) facilitating full access to relevant archival material;
and
(B) identifying individuals who may possess knowledge
relative to captured or missing United States personnel, and
encouraging such individuals to speak with United States
Government officials.
SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.
In this resolution:
(1) Appropriate congressional committees. The term
``appropriate congressional committees'' means the Committee
on Foreign Relations, the Committee on Armed Services, and
the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate and the
Committee on International Relations, the Committee on Armed
Services, and the Committee on Appropriations of the House of
Representatives.
(2) NATO. The term ``NATO'' means the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
(3) NATO members. The term ``NATO members'' means all
countries that are parties to the North Atlantic Treaty.
(4) North Atlantic area. The term ``North Atlantic area''
means the area covered by Article 6 of the North Atlantic
Treaty, as applied by the North Atlantic Council.
(5) North Atlantic Treaty. The term ``North Atlantic
Treaty'' means the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at
Washington on April 4, 1949 (63 Stat. 2241; TIAS 1964), as
amended.
(6) Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the
accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia. The term ``Protocols to the North
Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the Accession of Bulgaria,
Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia''
refers to the following protocols transmitted by the
President to the Senate on April 10, 2003 (Treaty Document
No. 108-4):
(A) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Bulgaria, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(B) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Estonia, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(C) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Latvia, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(D) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Lithuania, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(E) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Romania, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(F) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Slovakia, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(G) The Protocol to the North Atlantic Treaty on the
Accession of the Republic of Slovenia, signed at Brussels on
March 26, 2003.
(7) United States instrument of ratification. The term
``United States instrument of ratification'' means the
instrument of ratification of the United States of the
Protocols to the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949 on the
Accession of Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania,
Slovakia, and Slovenia.
(8) Washington Treaty. The term ``Washington Treaty'' means
the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Washington on April 4,
1949 (63 Stat. 2241; TIAS 1964), as amended.
The Senator from Indiana, the chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, today the Senate has taken another step in
making Europe whole and free. In June 2001, President Bush delivered a
speech in Warsaw, Poland confirming that:
All of Europe's new democracies, from the Baltic to the
Black Sea and all that lie between, should have the same
chance for security and freedom--and the same chance to join
the institutions of Europe.
Today the Senate ratified that vision and has voted overwhelmingly to
enlarge the NATO alliance to include seven new members.
I would like to thank a number of people for their contributions to
this important debate. Jessica Fugate, Kate Burns, and Mike Haltzel
worked tirelessly to produce a resolution of ratification and committee
report that enjoyed the unanimous support of the Foreign Relations
Committee and has been ratified by the Senate. Bob Bradtke, of the
Department of State; Kurt Volker, of the National Security Council, and
Ian Brzezinski, of the Department of Defense; worked closely with
committee staff to ensure strong administration support for the work we
have completed today. Lastly, special thanks to Paul Gallis, of the
Congressional Research Service, for his valuable contributions to the
Committee's work and the Senate's review of the Protocols of Accession.
I especially thank the distinguished ranking member from Delaware,
Senator Biden, for his cooperation and leadership on this important
issue. This is the second major treaty the Foreign Relations Committee
has guided to ratification in a few short months. I look forward to
continuing our bipartisan partnership in the days and weeks ahead as we
turn to the State Department authorization bill, the HIV/AIDS bill, and
the Foreign Relations Authorization Act.
Mr. President, I know unanimous consent has been granted for the
Senate to stand in recess. I look forward to welcoming the foreign
ministers of the countries we greet today.
____________________