[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 055 (Monday, April 7, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4887-S4890]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DROWNING IN TRADE DEFICITS
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, today I will speak about trade. On
occasion, I have come to talk about our problems in international trade
because it relates to the center of the issues we need to be concerned
about with respect to our country's economy; and that is jobs, a
growing economy that produces good jobs that pay well, that expands
opportunities for the American people. Yet our trade strategy in this
country has been a bankrupt trade strategy for a long while.
I will use a chart to describe what I am talking about. The current
trade strategy in America is producing nothing but red ink, and not
just a small amount of red ink, but we are literally drowning in trade
deficits. This is the merchandise trade deficit in this country. These
are trade deficits that are completely out of control. Last year, there
was $470 billion in trade deficits.
[[Page S4888]]
April 1 was April Fools Day, and that is the day the U.S. Trade
Representative released its 2003 report on trade barriers. This is the
2002 report. The 2003 report is not yet available in hard copy, but I
am told it is as thick and as voluminous as the 2002 report. It
describes the trade barriers that we find overseas and around the world
for American goods produced by American workers in American factories.
It lists country by country and barrier by barrier foreign markets that
are closed to our products.
Frankly, despite all the talk about free trade and expanded trade,
there has been very little progress in prying open these markets. Let
me use one example that demonstrates better than almost any other of
how difficult it has been for us to make real progress on these issues.
I will describe it in the context of our trade with Japan in beef--yes,
beef. Fifteen years ago now, we reached a trade agreement with Japan so
that American beef could be sold into the Japanese marketplace. That
trade agreement provided that for every pound of American beef that
went into Japan, there would be a 50-percent tariff. That is after our
negotiators reached an agreement. We have a very large trade deficit
with Japan, but our negotiators reached an agreement that said at the
end of this agreement there will now be a 50-percent tariff on every
pound of American beef going into Japan, and then it will reduce over
time. But if we get increased quantities into Japan, it will snap back.
So 15 years after our beef agreement with Japan, and those who
negotiated having had a fiesta of sorts on the front pages of all of
our papers talking about this enormous success that we would now get
more American beef into Japan, there is now a 38\1/2\-percent tariff,
and it is about to go back to 50 percent. The USTR report now says that
Japan plans to increase the tariff to 50 percent because of an increase
in beef imports this year.
The only reason there is an increase in this year is that the
Japanese consumers are finally starting to eat beef again after mad cow
disease was found in Japan some years ago. So Japan decided that a
38\1/2\-percent tariff is not enough. Now it will go back to 50
percent, 15 years after we reached an agreement with this country to
take more American beef.
This chart shows the agreements we have with other countries in terms
of the balance of trade. My colleagues will see that red represents
deficits. We have trade deficits with virtually every major trading
partner, with the exception of Australia, and we are about to remedy
that because we are about to enter into an agreement with Australia. I
assume they will be able to turn a positive trade balance into a
deficit very shortly.
It does not matter which agreement we have had, whether it is NAFTA
or GATT, what we have done is create circumstances where all of our
major trading partners are running trade surpluses with us.
I will talk a bit about the country of China. We have major trade
deficits with China, with Europe, Canada, Mexico, Korea, and Japan. Are
they getting better? No, they are getting much worse. Does it hurt this
country? Of course it does. It means jobs that would have been in this
country to produce goods and services the American people want instead
exist in other countries. So the jobs that used to represent American
jobs are now belonging to some other country producing those products
to ship back into this country.
Let me talk about trade with China in the context of wheat. I come
from a State that produces beef and wheat so I am naturally interested
in that. I will discuss other products as well. The U.S. trade official
in charge of trade with China recently left his job, and he had the
courage to say publicly that China has failed miserably to live up to
its promises that it made on agricultural trade when it joined the WTO
in November of 2001. In fact, our trade official said the United States
would be well justified in filing a WTO case against China. He said the
evidence of unfair trade by the Chinese is ``undeniable,'' and the
Chinese themselves privately acknowledge they are cheating on
agricultural trade.
The official said the administration did not have the spine to take
action because the Chinese might be offended. He said the
administration was worried that a WTO case would be seen as an in-your-
face thing to do to China so soon after China joined the WTO.
When China joined the WTO in November of 2001, the Chinese agreed to
significantly expand the amount of imported wheat that would come into
China at low tariffs. They agreed for 2002 it would set a tariff rate
on imported wheat at 8\1/2\ million metric tons. That means 8\1/2\
million metric tons of wheat could enter the Chinese marketplace at low
tariffs. But according to the Congressional Research Service, Chinese
imports were less than 8 percent of what we expected to move into
China. China was supposed to allow 8\1/2\ million metric tons, but it
imported about 662,000 metric tons, and only 169,000 of that was from
U.S. producers. How could that be? China's millers increasingly demand
high quality wheat--the wheat we produce, wheat we can produce
efficiently.
One explanation is, to import wheat under this Chinese TRQ, a Chinese
importer needs a license. The license is granted by the Chinese
government. The Chinese government decides only 10 percent of the
licenses are going to be available to private importers; 90 percent are
reserved for the Chinese government itself. If the Chinese government
decides not to take American wheat into its marketplace, it will not do
it. That is exactly what they have done. They commit to 8.5 million
tons of imported wheat and make sure 90 percent will never be brought
into the country.
I came to the Senate when this happened and quoted a Chinese
agricultural official in the South Asian Post. For the Chinese
consumption they were saying a bilateral agreement will open up trade
between the United States and China. What he said in the South Asian
Post, do not expect that is what we will accept into China. He said
that to the Chinese. But they were telling the Americans a different
story.
March 17, the USTR official named Bruce Quinn, who was the director
of the China desk at USTR, now the former director of the China desk,
told wheat industry meetings that USTR should file a case against China
at the WTO. What made Mr. Quinn's comments particularly interesting is
they were made on the last week in the job for him. He was moving to
another agency. He felt then he could speak freely. He said about the
Chinese government: The Chinese officials have never disagreed with the
United States technical criticism about China administering tariff-free
quotas. They just make the political argument you have to understand
China, China is a special case. He said the inter agency trade policy
review gave the ambassador's office the green light to proceed to take
action against the WTO for China, but too many in the administration
feel it is an in-your-face thing to do so soon after joining the WTO.
Soon after making these comments in the last week on the job, the
administration disavowed its comments, saying he was not speaking for
the administration, but nobody said Mr. Quinn had said something wrong
or what he said was wrong.
Why should we be reluctant to file a case against China at the WTO if
evidence of cheating is rampant, so rampant that even the Chinese
government admits it? Isn't that what the WTO was supposed to provide,
a forum for dealing with unfair and illegal trade practices? If we let
the Chinese government or China off the hook in the first year or two
of this bilateral agreement, what will happen in the future?
Some might say this is about wheat and they are not wheatgrowers. For
those who might view the proceedings and think we do not grow wheat and
do not see it as a big deal selling grain or wheat to China, this is
just one example of many that represents this monumental trade deficit.
Our trade deficit in goods this past year was $470 billion. One-fourth
of that, $103 billion, was with China alone. The deficits of Canada,
$50 billion. Mexico, $37 billion. And Japan and Europe. Not only do we
have deficits with trading partners, but we have deficits in almost
every sector of trading: $110 billion deficit in vehicles, $47 billion
trade deficit in consumer electronics, $58 billion deficit in clothing.
I mention the trade deficit with China. Just to give an example of
what causes much of this, in many cases it is
[[Page S4889]]
incompetent trade negotiators on our part. We negotiate a bilateral
with China and our trade negotiators agree, after a phase-in with
respect to the U.S. and China, we will agree to a 10 times higher
tariff on U.S. automobiles that we attempt to sell in China than would
be imposed on Chinese automobiles in the United States. We say we will
impose 2.5 percent on Chinese automobiles that are shipped here and you
impose a 25 percent tariff on U.S. automobiles in China. I don't know
who would agree to that. Whoever it is does not deserve to be paid by
the American taxpayers. It is an incompetent position to engage in
bilateral negotiations and tie our consumers', our employees' hands
behind their back in international trade. We will do that by saying you
can go ahead and impose tariffs 10 times the amount of tariffs we would
impose on equivalent goods.
The trade deficit with Canada, similarly, is a deficit that in some
respects comes from the Canadians as a result of the trade agreement
being allowed to continue, a Canadian wheat board, which would be
illegal in this country, a state trading enterprise would be illegal in
this country. In Canada, it sells into this marketplace at secret
prices, undercuts our farmers, and essentially thumbs its nose at
American officials when they say we want the evidence of selling below
acquisition costs in our marketplace and, therefore, dumping illegally
in our marketplace. And the Canadians say, We are sorry; we do not
intend to disclose anything to you, or any prices in this country.
Trade deficit with Europe, $82 billion last year. The WTO was
supposed to provide us with a forum to resolve trade disputes. The fact
is, it has not with respect to Europe. We went to the WTO, got a
dispute resolution in our favor against Europe dealing with the import
of U.S. beef to Europe which Europe was preventing. And despite that,
we are still not getting U.S. beef into the European marketplace.
Trade deficit with Korea, $13 billion in 2002. I spoke before about
cars from Korea, but let me give an example. We have just received the
2002 figures for automobile trade with Korea. The Koreans sold 633,000
Korean cars in this country. We sold 3,200 in Korea; 633,000 this year
and 3,200 that way.
Now, why we do not sell more vehicles? Take the Dodge Dakota pickup
truck. In February of this year, DaimlerChrysler started to sell that
pickup truck in Korea. The Dodge Dakota truck is made in Detroit,
Michigan. Korea does not manufacture pickups like Dodge Dakotas, so
DaimlerChrysler thought it had a good potential market in Korea and
started to market the vehicle to small business owners. It was very
successful. It got orders for 60 pickup trucks in February, another 60
in March. That does not sound like much, especially when Korea is
sending us 633,000 vehicles in a year, but it is a start. At an
annualized rate that would amount to a 50-percent increase in car
imports from the U.S. into Korea, into the marketplace just from the
Dodge Dakota pickup alone.
Guess what happened? In March, last month, an official with the
Ministry of Construction and Transportation decided the Dakota pickup
posed a hazard in the marketplace so he announced the cargo covers on
pickups, on Dodge Dakotas, were illegal and the drivers of those
pickups would be fined if they put a cargo cover on the pickup truck.
The newspapers had giant headlines: Government ministry finds Dodge
Dakota covers illegal. Guess what happened? The Korean people got the
message. Korean car purchasers canceled 55 of the 60 orders scheduled
for March and now you cannot find a buyer for a Dodge Dakota in Korea,
where in the last couple of months hundreds were lining up. Once again,
we discover that trade is not free and it is not fair.
I have a chart that shows just one example of one sector, and these
are last year's numbers, but, as I indicated, they are the same as this
year, essentially. They ship us all their cars and this represents good
jobs. We cannot get American cars into Korea. Just ask yourself: If the
American consumers want to buy Hyundais and Daewoos and cars that are
produced in Korea to come into this country, should they have the
right? Absolutely. But what if a Korean wants to buy a Mustang? What if
a Korean wants to buy a Ford Mustang convertible? Should they have that
opportunity, that right? Do they now? Of course not. The Koreans are
making sure we are not getting American cars into Korea. The result is
an increased trade deficit, fewer good jobs in this country, and the
further result is nobody seems to care. All they want to do is
negotiate another incompetent agreement.
One of my feelings about the USTR is they come to this Congress
asking for fast-track authority, which I think is nuts, saying to
Congress: Tie your hands behind your back; let us negotiate an
agreement in secret, and when we bring it to you, you decide by rule
you cannot amend it.
I think that is plain nuts. Nonetheless, they were able to persuade
enough people in the Senate and the House.
So they have fast-track authority so the next agreement they make
with another country, they will bring it to the Congress, take it or
leave it, no amendments in order. If they hadn't had fast track when
they did the United States-Canada agreement, we wouldn't be stuck with
the problem we have with the Canadian Wheat Board dumping into our
marketplace, cutting into our farmers. But you couldn't offer an
amendment. Who knows what will be in the next agreement they make? But
when they make the agreement with another country, it will come here,
likely pass the Senate and House, and the newspapers that support all
this will trumpet this as an expansion of trade and it is free trade
and it is wonderful and everybody--all boats are lifted by it.
That is total nonsense. I am in favor of expanded trade and expanded
opportunity, but I am in favor of trade officials in this country
having a spine and backbone to stand up for the interests of this
country.
Should we continue to decide it is our lot in life to compete with
somebody who is making 30 cents an hour, working 70 hours a week?
Should we compete with a 12-year-old working 12 hours a day making 12
cents an hour? That happens, by the way. Is that fair competition?
That product is produced in any number of countries overseas and then
shipped to the marketplace in Toledo or Fargo or Manchester or New York
City. Is that fair trade? Is that what our producers ought to compete
against? Or should we have some basic standards which say that what we
fought for for over a century in this country--the right to work in a
safe workplace, the right to organize, the right to be paid a fair
wage, the right not to expect you have to work next to children; all of
those rights that were fought for in this country--some people died for
them; some people chained themselves to the factory gates for those
rights--should all those be rights over which producers pole-vault to
rush to another country to produce and say we don't have to worry about
that, we don't have to worry about dumping pollution into the stream or
the air, hiring 12-year-old kids, putting them in an unsafe workplace,
we can do that because we have the right to do that and we have the
right to ship our products to our country?
They ought not have that right because that is not fair trade. It is
not fair competition, and we should not ask American workers and
producers to compete against that.
There are so many issues to talk about with respect to international
trade. In the end, I come back to the notion that it represents the
strength of our economy to maintain a strong manufacturing base. No
country will long remain a strong economic power if it does not retain
a basic manufacturing base. Our manufacturing base is very quickly
moving from this country to countries where production costs are lower.
It is one thing to say we lose in international competition. It is
quite another to say we are going to set up the competition in a manner
that is fundamentally unfair and guarantees you lose.
In my judgment, whether it is farmers or manufacturing workers or
textile plants, if we can't compete and win against fair competition,
then our plants should not make it at all. But the competition ought to
be required to be fair.
None of these trade agreements require that--none of them. Whether it
is someone who is ranching out there today, producing cattle for a
market and expecting to be able to move it into Japan without a 50-
percent tariff or somebody who is raising potatoes in
[[Page S4890]]
the Red River Valley expecting to be able to move potato flakes into
Korea without a 300-percent tariff or somebody producing Durham wheat,
expecting not to compete against the state cartel in Canada that
undersells them at secret prices, or, yes, a big automobile company in
this country that expects not to have to compete against those who
produce elsewhere and keep their markets closed to us--all of those are
very serious problems relating to this country's economy and this
country's ability to produce good jobs that pay well for the American
people.
A $470 billion trade deficit this year--somebody is going to have to
pay that bill. You can make the case--at least economists do--that the
budget deficit is money we owe to ourselves. You cannot make that case
with the trade deficit. This is money we owe to other countries that
will inevitably be repaid with a lower standard of living in this
country. That is why it is important at some point that we pay
attention to it and view this as a crisis.
You can't get the editorial pages of the major newspapers to say so.
You can't even get an op-ed piece published in the Washington Post
unless you have a vision about trade that exactly matches theirs and
the prevailing view in this town, which is: There are free traders--
that is what they say--there are free traders who see beyond the
horizon, who have a world view that is learned and is to be commended.
Then there are the others and the others are xenophobic isolationist
stooges who just have never gotten it and understood that things have
changed in the world.
Those are the two sides. If you are someone who says an unkind word
at all about this structure of trade agreements that requires us to
compete unfairly and allows others to compete unfairly against us, you
don't have a chance of having that view expressed in the major
newspapers in this country. That is regrettable because that means we
don't have an aggressive debate on international trade.
The debate should never be about: Is expanding trade something that
helps our country and helps others around the world? The debate ought
to be about as we globalize--and we are globalizing our economies very
quickly--will the rules of international trade in this global economy
keep up with the galloping globalization? The answer to that, until
now, regrettably, has been no. The rules have not kept pace, and that
is why we find ourselves in this position.
I yield the floor.
I make a point of order that a quorum is not present.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________