[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 50 (Thursday, March 27, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4483-S4488]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING GRATITUDE OF UNITED STATES TO NATIONS PARTICIPATING IN
COALITION TO DISARM IRAQ
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the measure is laid
aside, and the Senate will proceed to the consideration of S. Con. Res.
30, which the clerk will report.
The senior assistant bill clerk read as follows:
A concurrent resolution (S. Con. Res. 30) expressing the
sense of Congress to commend and express the gratitude of the
United States to the nations participating with the United
States in the Coalition to Disarm Iraq.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There will now be 1 hour of debate equally
divided between the chairman and ranking member of the Foreign
Relations Committee.
The Senator from Indiana.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I yield myself such time as I may require
on this initial statement.
I ask unanimous consent that Senators Warner and Allen be added as
cosponsors of S. Con. Res. 30.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LUGAR. I rise in support of this resolution thanking those
nations participating with the United States in the ``Coalition to
Disarm Iraq.'' I am pleased that this resolution enjoys the strong
support of the ranking member of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
the Senator from Delaware, and the leadership on both sides of the
aisle.
[[Page S4484]]
Our resolution cites the important diplomatic initiatives originally
undertaken by our allies in Europe in support of U.S. resolve to
enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441. On January 30, 2003, the
Prime Ministers of Denmark, Italy, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, and the
United Kingdom, and the Presidents of the Czech Republic and the
Spanish Government issued a declaration stating the ``the Iraqi regime
and its weapons of mass destruction represent a clear threat to world
security.'' The declaration went on to say that ``. . . our governments
have a common responsibility to face this threat. . . .''
These European leaders were immediately joined by the Foreign
Ministers of Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. In a declaration of
February 5, 2003, the Foreign Minister stated in part: ``the clear and
present danger posed by Saddam Hussein's regime requires a united
response from the community of democracies. We call upon the United
Nations Security Council to take the necessary and appropriate action
in response to Iraq's continuing threat to international peace and
security.''
This is not the first time the Senate has commended the important
contributions made by the leaders and Foreign Ministers of these
countries, but at a time when some question international support in
Iraq, we thought it important to revisit their statements of support
and reiterate our gratitude.
In addition to these statements of support, our resolution identifies
additional nations that have expressed their support for coalition
action in Iraq. Nations around the world are providing important
diplomatic and strategic support in a number of ways, including
expressions of political support, overflights and basing authorization,
intelligence-sharing, and other important strategies contributions.
This list includes long-standing U.S. allies and relatively new
partners in the war on terrorism: large nations with strong militaries
and small nations who share our view of the inherent threat posed by
Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. In addition to the nations
mentioned, international support grows each day. In an effort to
acknowledge the contributions of each, I will list those nations who
have made their contributions public to date: Afghanistan, Angola,
Australia, Azerbajian, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El
Salvador, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Georgia, Honduras, Iceland, Japan, Kuwait,
Macedonia, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Mongolia, The Netherlands,
Nicaragua, Palau, Panama, The Philippines, Rwanda, Singapore, Solomon
Islands, South Korea, Tonga, Turkey, Uganda, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan.
More specifically, our resolution expresses our Nation's sincere
gratitude to Australia, Denmark, Poland, and the United Kingdom, whose
forces have joined with the United States in sending troops into harm's
way. Each of these nation is making important contributions to
coalition efforts to disarm Saddam Hussein's regime of its weapons of
mass destruction. In addition, we thank the numerous other nations that
are providing military and logistical support to operations in the
region.
We also pay special tribute to the leaders of the United Kingdom,
Australia, and Spain. Prime Minister Tony Blair, Prime Minister John
Howard, and President of the Spanish Government, Jose Maria Aznar, have
provided courageous leadership to efforts to disarm Iraq, and the
Senate of the United States commends them for their efforts and
expresses its thanks.
I welcome the opportunity to introduce this resolution of gratitude
to our allies around the world who are supporting our efforts in Iraq
in so many important ways. I am hopeful this resolution will receive
the unanimous support of the Senate, to ensure a strong expression of
appreciation and commendation of the important contributions by members
of the international community who are making the ``Coalition to Disarm
Iraq'' a success.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, I rise to join my colleague, the chairman
of the committee, in support of S. Con. Res. 30, which commends and
expresses the gratitude of the United States to the other nations
participating with us in the Coalition to Disarm Iraq. The American
people and this Congress stand with our Commander in Chief and behind
our men and women in uniform. It is their responsibility, and the
Commander in Chief's, to prosecute this war in Iraq, but it is our
responsibility to give them the support they need and deserve.
There may be difficult days ahead, but I am confident of the
extraordinary skill and ultimate success of our endeavor. As we gather
here today, the sons and daughters of four countries--the United
Kingdom, Australia, Poland, and Denmark--are fighting alongside our
troops. Our purpose today is to thank them from the bottom of our
hearts for the courage they are demonstrating. It is to tell their
families and loved ones of our gratitude for their sacrifice and to
express to their leaders our profound admiration for their
determination to join other nations, including ours, in a common and
just cause.
Several dozen nations are supporting this coalition in other ways--
politically, diplomatically, and strategically. They, too, have our
deep appreciation. The Senator from Indiana has read the names of those
nations.
Let me say a word to the leaders and the people from friendly
countries and allies who do not support our effort to disarm Saddam
Hussein's regime. This Senator and many others disagree profoundly with
the choices they have made. But this Senator, at least, respects--
equally profoundly--that that choice is the right of a sovereign nation
to make, to differ with us.
I think it is time that we move beyond the finger-pointing and
recriminations that have been flying across the Atlantic and around the
world. We need one another. We will need one another in other
endeavors. It is time to, again, heal the differences. We could not
come together in war, but we are going to have to come together in
peace.
This resolution expresses that hope. By its words, it ``welcomes and
encourages the active involvement of [the countries in this coalition],
other nations, and key international organizations in the
reconstruction and civil administration of Iraq after the conflict.''
When this war ends--hopefully, that will be soon--we will face a
tremendous responsibility and an equally important opportunity in terms
of Iraq's future. Even as our thoughts and prayers are with our
President, our troops, and our allies, we need to think about and act
on that future now.
Why is this so important? I believe it is important because it is
profoundly against the interests of the United States to be left the
sole responsibility for Iraq. As my friend, and the friends of many
here, Tom Friedman, has put it: We may have to rent this country for a
time; but it is not our desire to own it.
There are three reasons for that:
First, it will cost tens of billions of dollars and take years to
rebuild an Iraq that is secure, whole, free, and governed by its own
people. We should not bear that burden or responsibility alone.
Second, an indefinite American military occupation of Iraq would fuel
resentment throughout the Middle East, bolster al-Qaida's recruitment,
and make Americans a target for malcontents everywhere. We need to make
the peace in Iraq the world's responsibility, not just our own.
Third, failure to engage the U.N. and as many countries as possible
in post-Saddam Iraq would miss an opportunity to repair the damage that
has been done to the U.N., to our alliances, and international
cooperation--all of which we will need to win the war against
terrorism, to contend with North Korea and Iran's nuclear programs, to
slow the spread of weapons of mass destruction, to deal with outbreaks
of disease, and to contend with so many other threats that have no
respect for borders.
I hope the administration will spare no effort in securing the
sanction of the United Nations for everything that will have to be done
to keep the peace in Iraq after the war, to provide humanitarian aid,
to rebuild the country, and to help put Iraq back into the hands of its
own people.
[[Page S4485]]
By gaining the U.N.'s approval, we would help political leaders
around the world whose people oppose the war justify their
participation--including financial participation--in building the
peace. It has not been lost on any of our colleagues in the last
several days of debate, nor upon our fellow Americans; it is dawning on
them that in the last gulf war, we paid between 17 and 20 percent of
the cost of the war. For this gulf war, we are lucky to pay the
totality of the bill--if not 100 percent, very close to it. The meter
is just beginning to run. The chairman of the committee and I have held
hearings over the last 10 months on this issue. We don't have any firm
number, but we have estimates that it is going to cost--after we win--
anywhere from $19 billion a year to numbers well in excess of that. It
is in our interest--our direct interest--that other nations participate
in making Iraq secure.
By gaining U.N. approval, as I said, we would help the political
leaders around the world who know that is in their interest as well--
whose people oppose the war--to justify their participation, including
financial participation. And we would demonstrate a U.S. commitment to
rebuild ties to the U.N., which will be important in our long-term
security.
I personally think Kosovo provides a powerful precedent for such a
course of action. In Kosovo, we chose not to pursue a use of force
resolution at the U.N. that we knew Russia would veto. I was in this
Chamber urging that we bypass the U.N. and go directly to a coalition
of the willing--in this case, the EU and NATO--to gain support for what
many of us here strongly believed was in the interest of the United
States, the interest of Europe, and in the humanitarian interests of
hundreds of thousands of people. We moved.
But even before the first bombs fell, we worked closely with the
Security Council on an agreement to put the U.N. and other countries
front and center in Kosovo for humanitarian aid and civil authority
once the peace was made. As a result, we did not have to build the
peace alone. Our motives were not questioned alone, and we did not bear
the costs alone. Evidence the fact that we were carrying roughly 15
percent of the freight, 15 percent of the personnel, after Milosevic
was defeated.
I know there is tension between those who see the efficiency of an
American military occupation and those who seek the legitimacy of a
U.N.-led effort.
I have made close to a dozen trips, during and after the war in
Bosnia and Kosovo, to the Balkans. I can tell you, there is no U.N.
organization, there is no multilateral organization, there is no
organization in the world that can deliver with the speed and
efficiency whatever is needed that equals that of the U.S. military; it
doesn't exist--whether it is building a road, digging a well, or
securing a neighborhood. But the fact is, we have to find a place
between that efficiency and the need for legitimacy.
In the immediate weeks after the war, our military will have to be in
charge of the country, and long term, we will have to be in charge of
the security side of the equation in the country. Longer term, our
goal--working with our allies and the international community--must be
to put Iraq back in the hands of the Iraqi people, and this, again, in
order for it to have legitimacy and, in my view, the prospect of
succeeding, will have to be viewed by the region and the rest of the
world as having been and gotten the imprimatur of the international
community. The last thing we need to do is look as though we are
putting in a puppet government--which is not our intention--in Baghdad
in order to serve our purposes. There will be no legitimacy, and it
will commit us much longer and in a more costly way.
During this critical interim period, we must achieve a very difficult
balance. On the one hand, we have to avoid prolonging American military
occupation, and, of course, for as long as our troops are there,
security must be their responsibility--U.S. responsibility, not the
responsibility of the U.N. or any other organization. We also had a
bite out of that apple in the Balkans, in Bosnia. It did not work. It
was a mistake. We corrected that mistake in Kosovo. But it should not
be their role long term to administer Iraq or to choose its future
leaders.
We don't want the American military having to make political
decisions day in and day out and being blamed for every grievance. That
would fuel resentment and turn us from liberators into occupiers. We do
not want the American military putting in place a new Iraqi government,
in my view. It would be seen as a puppet and, I believe, with no
legitimacy.
On the other hand, we must not leave too quickly or hand over power
to the Iraqis who lack the ability, the authority, and the institutions
to govern their country--and risk Iraq coming apart at the seams.
Again, this is a different circumstance in Iraq than it was in Bosnia
and in Kosovo, but we had a piece of that in both those countries.
This is a difficult balance. I am not suggesting any absolute
formula, but I am suggesting that, to the degree the American military
commander is seen to be handpicking and/or putting in place a new Iraqi
regime, a new Iraqi government, it will diminish its legitimacy. To the
degree to which an American sergeant, lieutenant, or captain has to
stand someplace in Kirkuk and tell a returning Kurd, who was expelled
through ethnic cleansing 15 years ago, whether he can go into his home
and expel the Arab Sunni living there, that is a problem for us. I do
not want some American GI having to make that decision, although they
are qualified to make it. They should not have to be the ones to make
each of those decisions.
Again, the handoff in the transition will be difficult, but as long
as we move toward involving the international community without
yielding any of our security interests, that is the way to go.
How would they deal, for example, as I said, with the Kurds, the
Turkmen, and Arabs literally fighting over the oil-rich city of Kirkuk,
trying to claim that city? How will they contend with uncooperative
ethnic leaders bent on revenge instead of reconciliation?
We are the ones who will have to provide the military muscle for the
coalition to interface between those groups, but we should have the
rest of the world in on the deal and the responsibility. Instead,
someone must be given the authority to resolve the incredibly
complicated problems that will arise, and we should look to those
experiences, as I said, in the Balkans, some of it good, some of it not
so good, and draw from that experience.
We should empower an international civil servant to be the country's
high commissioner or representative at some point as this transition
goes forward. He or she should be backed up by an international
civilian administration that empowers Iraqis, by a credible
international security force with American forces at its core, American
forces in the lead.
God willing, this war will continue to go well. Casualties on all
sides, God willing, will be few, and, God willing, a victory will be
sooner than later. And working with the international community, God
willing, we will put Iraq on the path to a democratic society.
Even if we succeed in these difficult endeavors, we should not expect
Iraq's promise that will come from this new government to automatically
trigger progress throughout the region. Indeed, we will not truly win
the peace unless we adopt and pursue a broader strategy for the Middle
East. I believe the President has recognized that by underscoring and
endorsing the road map between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Now
we must follow through and show a consistent commitment to its
implementation.
Finding a solution to this problem would exponentially increase our
ability to promote and support democracy and democratic reform
throughout the region. We must do that for the sake of its people and
for the safety of our own. For when there are no democratic outlets,
dissent moves underground, it turns into resentment, and it is
ventilated by extremism and even terrorism. So we must make it clear to
our friends in that region that their future and their future with us
requires--requires--a move toward democratization.
If we listen to the voices of Arabs themselves, if we heed the wisdom
of the U.N.'s Arab development report that ties progress to empowering
women, reforming economies, and expanding political participation, we
can
[[Page S4486]]
and will help infuse a sense of hope in a region that lacks hope.
Mr. President, by refusing to disarm, a defiant Saddam has made the
fateful choice between war and peace. This is not an exercise of a
doctrine of preemption. This is an exercise of enforcing a peace
agreement. This is an enforcement action, enforcing an agreement a
defeated president made in the early nineties to the whole world at the
United Nations saying: If you let me remain in power, I commit to keep
the following conditions to this peace agreement. That is what this
was.
If this had been 1919, we would have been in Versailles having to
sign an agreement. It was 1991, and it was at a time when the United
Nations was available to us.
He made this choice. He made the choice between war and peace. Let us
make sure that in winning the war, we also win the peace.
I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator McCain
be added as a cosponsor to this legislation.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LUGAR. Mr. President, how much time remains on our side?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The chairman has 23\1/2\ minutes remaining,
and the ranking member has 12\1/2\ minutes remaining.
Mr. LUGAR. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, as the distinguished Senator from Delaware has pointed
out, the resolution addresses very specifically the future, and I cite
language from the resolution we are considering. Clause 5 says:
(5) welcomes and encourages the active involvement and
participation of these countries--
And those are the countries we have listed in the resolution--
other nations, and key international organizations in the
reconstruction and administration of Iraq after the current
conflict in Iraq;
That is an important clause. This is a resolution of commendation, of
affirmation. This is our expression, as the U.S. Senate, of thanks, and
we are very specific about the nature of contributions many nations
have made, and their leaders specifically.
It is our intent to be inclusive deliberately and to indicate that we
welcome the very broadest participation in the work to disarm Iraq of
weapons of mass destruction.
Having said that, we also welcome their thoughts, their
contributions, their revenues, their physical support as we think of
the postwar situation. That is a very important set of situations, as a
matter of fact.
I appreciate the good counsel of my colleague from Delaware when he
talks not only about the inclusiveness and the need for participation
along with us to share both the opportunities and the burdens but,
likewise, the fact this will not happen by chance; this is going to
require active American diplomacy.
I commend the President, the Secretary of State, the Secretary of
Defense, Dr. Rice, and others who have been visibly active in this
role. But this is a role in which we can assist as a body in commending
the nations today and through all of the contacts any of us may have
with these nations to indicate ways in which they can be helpful and
reasons they should be helpful.
The distinguished Senator from Delaware, as chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee last year, commenced hearings which he has cited
today on the post-war Iraq situation. We could not have predicted last
summer or last fall precisely in the circumstances, but at some point
it was apparent to many of us that it would be important for those
weapons of mass destruction to be found and to be destroyed. Our prayer
then was that the coalition of nations in the United Nations, working
through the Security Council or other groups, might, in fact, be
persuasive; that declarations of the weapons would be made and that
international authorities that could work with us in verifying their
destruction. We are still in that quest. The large coalition we have
talked about today is determined, in fact, to find the weapons and to
destroy them, to rid the world of the problems of proliferation that
could endanger any of the nations we are citing today, and others who
have not chosen to join with us as yet.
Our resolution is not one of censure or condemnation. We are not
about the job of finger-pointing and asking why or why not. We are
affirmative. We are saying affirmatively, these nations have taken a
stand, and we hope they will take a larger stand because there will be
much work to do. We hope there will be more joining with us in an
inclusive move.
As the Senator from Delaware has spoken, and I concur with him, we
would include in that, as our resolution does, international
organizations, our NATO allies, the United Nations, others who are very
important for the future of the world in many sectors quite apart from
the one we are discussing today.
Having said that, it is important that we all understand that we are
going to have to stay the course with regard to operations in Iraq,
both with regard to the military situation, the disarmament situation,
and the reconstruction situation. That will not be easy. The expense of
that, regardless of the estimates--and many learned people throughout
this country and throughout various organizations have been addressing
this issue, our own government has been addressing the issue because it
will be soon upon us, but the necessity of staying the course is
absolutely imperative not only with regard to our credibility as a
nation and the welfare of the people in this country and the people of
Iraq and others who are with us, but with regard to the surrounding
neighborhood and everybody who may be impacted by the military action
presently.
The great fear of many nations, either expressed or unexpressed, is
that without extraordinary leadership and statesmanship, there will be
chaos in Iraq in the postwar situation. There are many historical
reasons for that which most of us have reviewed in the course of
discussing Iraq.
The whole origin of current Iraq, the repression of the Kurds which
did keep the peace, albeit in a very cruel and harmful way to the
people who were involved in the country, and frequently with enormous
loss of life to the neighbors, as Iraq and the Saddam regime invaded
other countries, used weapons of mass destruction to kill hundreds of
thousands of people outside of Iraq, quite apart from those he
repressed within the country. This is the history of a situation that
is not on the face of itself correcting, or that of a unified spirit,
or with lots of basis for democratic institutions and the ways in which
people might find their way automatically.
I commend the Senator from Delaware for pointing out that it is not
our purpose--and we point that out in what we are saying today--to be
governors of Iraq. The whole idea is Iraq for the Iraqis, for people
who come forward to take leadership swiftly and surely, but with the
right instincts with regard to human rights, freedom of expression, and
a respect for other nations around them, and with all of the pursuits
that we think are important to express up front. This is one of the
basic reasons nations have joined with us, and we commend them as they
commend us. This is a coalition of the willing with regard to
disarmament, but it is a coalition of countries that are striving
toward some common ideals as to how people should live and how they
should treat each other.
We have a very large job, and I make that point now because some have
charged that the future has been muted, that there is an impression
that somehow or another the war will happen, hopefully will be over
swiftly and surely, the disarmament will occur, and some Americans,
quite apart from the coalition of the willing we have listed, may have
the impression that we are going to leave. In fact, many Americans,
unless we have an up front debate, may very well favor that position
and say this is a dangerous part of the world.
Granted, the Iraqis have lots of problems. We are all for them
working it out and doing the best they can. This is
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likely to lead to the chaos that is generally feared.
Nations, not altogether cynically, advocated the continuation of the
current regime because they said it would create stability. Some
nations were prepared to accept tyranny because at least it brings
stability. There are not going to be changes of boundaries, changes of
government, people coming and going with strange doctrines. Or, from
our standpoint, having watched a failed state in Afghanistan prior to
the time that al-Qaida was utilizing camps, utilizing organization and
finance, using that failed state as an incubator, attacked America,
Iraq is a much larger country. A failed state there is conceivably an
incubator for even more harm, whether it be al-Qaida or any number of
other groups, some national, some unknown to us, who find sustenance,
who find the possibility for proliferation of dangerous weapons and
perhaps in due course weapons of mass destruction.
To allow chaos to occur would be a monumental foreign policy and
security policy failure by the United States. That is why we need to be
forward looking, affirmative, inclusive, signing up more partners,
commending those who come as they come.
I have heard some say, the contributions of some of the countries
that are listed in our resolution are very modest. In some cases, they
have barely said: We are for you. We think you are on the right track.
We want to identify with the United States.
They say: Where is the beef? Where are troops? Where is money? Where
are supplies? Those are legitimate questions. I would simply respond
for each of the nations that we list today. They have made a
declaration that could be fateful with regard to those who have
authority in those countries. The leaders of those countries must
answer to their parliaments, to their people, to others in the press
and those who play some role in public opinion. This was not a casual
association or declaration. Nor will it be after the war is over, and
the responsibility for Iraq comes front and center for all of us.
By ``all of us,'' I mean the countries we now have gathered together
in the commendation and those, prayerfully, that will join us. That,
hopefully, at some point will include all the nations of the United
Nations and of NATO. It will include those that may not be with us as
of this moment.
I will take at least a minute of this debate to commend our
colleague, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, simply because he was a person, in
my own experience as a young person, as mayor of Indianapolis going
with him to Brussels when he was a counselor to President Nixon and
representing this country in a group called the Challenges for a Modern
Society, as we talked about the problems of urbanization in our NATO
countries, the problems of the environment, the problems of jobs for
people. With Daniel Patrick Moynihan at my side, I invited the mayors
of all the countries of the world to come to my city of Indianapolis in
1971, and he came.
He gave a great speech about international relations, what NATO could
do. He gave it at a time that he was on the threshold, as it turned
out, of going into a diplomacy as our Ambassador to India and then to
the United Nations.
I remember visiting with him when he was our Ambassador. It was a
year in which both of us were considering candidacies for the
Senate, which, in fact, occurred in the year of 1976, successfully, for
both of us. We came to this body together and served for 24 years.
Throughout that period of time, his counsel, I am sure if he were on
the floor today speaking on some issue, would have been to be
inclusive, to be hardheaded, to understand the facts, to understand the
history, the traditions, the difficulties, sometimes the cynicism and
the remorse, but also the triumphs that can come with successful
diplomacy and successful international relations. Those were missions
he undertook gladly on behalf of our country and finally in service
with the Senate.
I mention that spirit today because I think it is appropriate. This
is an important resolution. I appreciate the decision of the leadership
to take it up now before this weekend, before any more time passes,
even this sense of appreciation and mission and what is to follow, it
seems to me, is critically important for all Americans, both to
understand and then to participate in the debate which we surely will
have.
I ask unanimous consent Senator Hagel be added as a cosponsor to this
resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LUGAR. I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. LUGAR. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call
be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LUGAR. I yield such time to the Senator from Virginia as he
desires.
Mr. WARNER. I thank my distinguished colleague and longtime friend.
This is a very important step that the Chamber is about to undertake
with this vote. I anticipate it will be a vote of resounding support
for this initiative and this resolution. It sends a signal far beyond
the shores of our Nation.
I also wish to say a word about the distinguished chairman of the
Foreign Relations Committee. We have served in this Chamber together,
for me a quarter of a century, for 25 years. I have known committee
chairmen on both sides of the aisle and we take great pride, the entire
Senate, in this magnificently trained individual. He has trained almost
all his life to take on these responsibilities.
He is too modest to talk about it, but we often reminisce about our
somewhat modest participation in the U.S. Navy many years ago when he
was the foreign policy adviser to one of the more distinguished chiefs
of naval operations in contemporary naval history. At a very young age
he began to assume the mantle of responsibilities of foreign affairs.
We are fortunate to have him at the helm, together with his
distinguished colleague, the Senator from Delaware, Mr. Biden, who
likewise has spent much of his life in the field of foreign affairs.
These two fine leaders bring to this Chamber this important piece of
legislation which has my strong support.
But, as it relates to this coalition, our thoughts and our hearts and
our minds go out to the families who have lost their soldier, sailor,
airman, marine in this conflict, and those who have suffered the brunt
of battle and now bear the scars of conflict.
We owe a great debt to these men and women who so proudly wear the
uniform of our country, and who are willing to take the risks. I
mentioned earlier today, if you look at the 290 million citizens
privileged to live in this great Nation, the United States of America,
less than one-half of 1 percent are currently wearing the uniform and
assuming the risks as their forebears did, over the 200-plus years of
this great Republic. Indeed, we owe them a tremendous, great,
gratitude.
This unified support is one that our President, a distinguished
Commander in Chief throughout this conflict, has worked so hard to put
together. This resolution recognizes in many ways the efforts of our
President and the Secretary of State, to some extent the Secretary of
Defense, and others to put it together.
The coalition is currently engaged in very hard and dangerous work,
to eliminate the weapons of mass destruction from the hands of a proven
despot, and to give a measure of freedom and democracy to the long-
suffering people of Iraq. Some 47 nations have publicly declared
support. I do not doubt there are others in the silence of their
councils that are likewise very sympathetic and are constructively
engaged in this effort. Each member of the coalition that we cite here
today has demonstrated they will face the threat and take the risk as
relates to their individual contributions. Certainly, the forces of
Great Britain, again under the courageous leadership of Prime Minister
Tony Blair, together with the Australians, Danish commandos, the Czech
and Slovak units, and countless others are providing the forces
necessary to bring about the goals I have just mentioned.
Every contribution, no matter how large or small, has its value. Not
only its value, but it is part of the overall matrix to enable the
accomplishment of these goals. Even though small in
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proportion, that small participation is essential to the overall
success.
I hope this coalition will grow in numbers in due course, because the
importance is vital to a better understanding, not only here at home
but across the world, as to the noble goals this coalition has
undertaken.
I thank my colleagues who are managing this bill. I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I will speak using leader time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The leader has that right.
Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, last Thursday the Senate paid tribute to
the military personnel and civilians of the United States who are
currently engaged in Operation Iraqi Freedom. Today, the Senate
likewise pays tribute to the member states of the ``Coalition to Disarm
Iraq'' that are supporting or serving in operations against Saddam
Hussein's regime.
S. Con. Res. 30 reflects our understanding that to join with us in
this endeavor places a political, military and financial burden on our
partners. But shared by many, the burden is lighter.
In particular, as we in the United States comfort our own who have
suffered injury or the death of a family member in this conflict, our
prayers are with those in other countries who likewise have family
members separated from their loved ones and, in some cases, who have
borne the burden of the ultimate sacrifice.
Since the campaign to disarm Iraq began several months ago, literally
dozens of nations have provided diplomatic, military, logistical, and
strategic support, to accomplish our shared objective, the disarmament
of Iraq.
We are especially grateful to Australia, Denmark and Poland, whose
military forces have joined American and British forces on the
battlefield to disarm and liberate Iraq. We have a long friendship with
the Australian, Danish and Polish people. Your governments' willingness
to stand with us now will long be remembered.
Finally, I salute the political courage and vision of leaders such as
Prime Minister John Howard of Australia and President Jose Maria Aznar
of Spain. In their conduct they give us the very definition of
leadership.
When the people of Iraq are free from the repressive dictatorship
that they have lived under for decades, I have no doubt that they will
thank the coalition states, and especially those who risked, and
sacrificed, their lives to help them attain the freedom to which they
are entitled.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.
Mr. BIDEN. How much time remains?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware has 5\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, last week, the Senate passed a resolution,
by unanimous vote, that expressed the sense of the Senate in commending
our troops who are now fighting the war against Iraq. At that time, I
expressed my reservations about extraneous clauses in the resolution
that implied that Congress acted properly in authorizing the President
to begin this war.
Soon the Senate will vote on a resolution to commend those nations
that are in support of U.S.-led efforts to disarm Saddam Hussein and
end his regime. Now that war has begun, the United States needs to act
with the greatest amount of international support. The countries that
are supporting our efforts deserve our gratitude, even though I believe
more could have been done to build a more robust coalition which would
more equally share the burdens of war in Iraq.
But this resolution, like its predecessor, not only refers to the
thanks that we wish to send to our friends and allies. The resolution
also contains eight whereas clauses, some of which speak to United
Nations Security Council Resolution 1441. After reading these clauses,
it seems to me that the resolution, intentionally or not, implies that
the President of the United States acted properly in initiating a war
against Iraq based upon the authority of Resolution 1441. I disagree
with that conclusion.
The resolution contains two whereas clauses that describe joint
statements issued by several nations on January 30, 2003, and February
5, 2003. A reading of these joint statements can be interpreted to
argue that Resolution 1441 was a sufficient basis from which to launch
a war on Iraq. I do not agree that the United Nations authorized the
use of force against Iraq. The U.N. Secretary General seems to share my
view on this point.
The Senate should give its thanks to those countries that give their
support to our troops in the field. I hope that the United States will
work with these countries to address the long-term reconstruction needs
of Iraq. I hope that the administration will begin to repair our ties
with our other allies that did not share our view of the need to use
force in Iraq. But I do not believe that it is proper to give a one-
sided view of the diplomacy that brought us to this point in the
context of thanking our friends.
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