[Congressional Record Volume 149, Number 41 (Thursday, March 13, 2003)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3748-S3749]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

      By Mr. FEINGOLD:
  S.J. Res. 9. A joint resolution requiring the President to report to 
Congress specific information relating to certain possible consequences 
of the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq; to the Committee 
on Foreign Relations.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, today I introduce a Senate companion to 
a joint resolution already introduced in the House by Congressman 
Sherrod Brown of Ohio.
  This resolution is quite simple. It requires the President to report 
to Congress on the potential costs and consequences of military action 
in Iraq before ordering the United States Armed Forces to war in Iraq. 
This is a resolution that simply requires that this country know what 
it is we are getting into before, not after, war breaks out.
  Of course, it is my hope, and I very much believe the President when 
he asserts that it is his hope, that there will be no war. But judging 
from the administration's statements and Iraq's behavior, with each 
passing day it becomes more and more likely that the United States will 
engage in a major military operation in Iraq. It is entirely possible 
that we will undertake this operation without a great deal of 
international support. And while I have no doubt in my mind that our 
admirable men and women in uniform will be successful in any military 
engagement, I do have doubts about whether or not the American people 
truly understand the magnitude of the task the country is setting for 
itself--not only with regard to the military engagement itself, but 
with regard to occupation and reconstruction.
  I do not believe that Americans have been told much about what the 
future holds beyond the most optimistic of scenarios, and frankly I do 
not believe that Congress has heard much about the full range of 
potential scenarios either.
  This resolution would require that the President provide that 
information before ordering our men and women in uniform to war in 
Iraq.
  The resolution asks for a full accounting of the implications for 
homeland security of initiating military action against Iraq. It asks 
for an accounting of the implications for the fight against terrorism. 
It asks for an accounting of the implications for regional stability in 
the Middle East, and for an accounting of the implications of war in 
Iraq for the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
  This resolution recognizes that there may be positive and negative 
implications to consider. It does not pre-judge these issues. But it 
does acknowledge that Members of Congress, the elected representatives 
of the people, should be privy to the thinking of our experts and 
leaders in the executive branch about the effect of war in Iraq on all 
of these issues. It is our responsibility to weigh these questions, to 
weigh the consequences of starting a war.
  And, while I do not doubt for a moment the skills and competence of 
our brave service men and women, I do know that their efforts alone are 
not enough to ensure a lasting victory. It is crucial to the ultimate 
success of U.S. policy, that the American people understand the 
potential risks and the potential rewards of this national undertaking. 
We are considering the American military occupation of a major Middle 
Eastern country, and we are considering this in a very dangerous time. 
This country must have its eyes open before we move forward.
  This resolution also requires that the administration explain to 
Congress the steps that the United States and our allies will take to 
ensure that any and all weapons of mass destruction will be safeguarded 
from dispersal to other rogue states or international terrorist 
organizations. If the goal is disarmament, then defeating Saddam 
Hussein's forces is not going to accomplish the mission at hand. Do we 
know where the WMD sites are? One would assume that we would share that 
information with the inspectors if we had it. But if we do not, how 
will we ensure that WMD and the means to make them are not dispersed 
across Iraq's borders, or sold off to the highest bidder, in the event 
of invasion. Saddam Huessein's order is despicable and dangerous. But 
disorder is dangerous too. Again, we need to understand the risks, and 
we need to understand the plan.

  This resolution requires the Administration to explain the plan for 
stabilization and reconstruction. Earlier this week the Senate Foreign 
Relations Committee held a hearing on reconstruction in Iraq. We had 
hoped to get answers to some of the basic questions that senior 
officials from the State and Defense Departments were utterly unable to 
respond to as recently as February. But the Administration canceled the 
appearance of General Jay Garner, the director for the Pentagon's 
Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, who was slated to 
come before the committee. And so the Foreign Relations Committee of 
the United States Senate is left scanning the newspapers to get a sense 
of Administration plans, extrapolating from tidbits in the press to 
understand potential costs, and quizzing very capable experts--but 
experts not privy to Administration planning--about the universe of 
possibilities. This is simply unacceptable.
  This resolution calls for the Administration to clearly report to 
Congress on the nature and extent of the international support for 
military action against Iraq and the impact of military action against 
Iraq on allied support for the broader war on terrorism. I believe that 
this is the single most important issue before us. I know that I 
disagree with some of my colleagues on the wisdom of the 
Administration's policy in Iraq. But I am certain that none of us 
disagree on the proposition that the first priority of all of us in 
government must be the fight against terrorism. And we all know that we 
cannot fight terrorism alone. But I have heard directly from foreign 
officials who are telling me that it will be more difficult for them to 
be strong supporters of the fight against terrorism if the U.S. acts in 
Iraq without the United Nations' approval.
  This resolution calls on the Administration to explain clearly the 
steps that it will take to protect United States soldiers, allied 
forces, and Iraqi civilians from any known or suspected environmental 
hazards resulting from military operations. Everyone in this body has 
heard from veterans of the Gulf War who suffer and struggle even today, 
long after their period of sacrifice for their country should have 
ended. Based on what we know from these veterans, it is entirely 
reasonable to demand a plan now, not after the fact.
  The resolution also calls for the Administration to provide estimates 
of the American and allied military casualties, Iraqi military 
casualties, and Iraqi civilian casualties resulting from military 
action against Iraq, and measures that will be taken to prevent 
civilian casualties and adhere to international humanitarian law. I 
know that America is a resilient society and a resolute society. But I 
am not at all

[[Page S3749]]

sure that Americans have been prepared for anything but the best-case 
scenario, and that is a disservice to the American people and a 
disservice to our military.
  This resolution calls for an estimate of the full costs associated 
with military action against Iraq, including, but not limited to, 
providing humanitarian aid to the Iraqi people and to neighboring 
nations in light of possible refugee flows, reconstructing Iraq with or 
without allied support, and securing long-term political stability in 
Iraq and the region insofar as it is affected by such military action. 
I can tell you that right now in the Budget committee, we are flying 
blind, trying to make fiscally responsible decisions for the future 
while the Administration remains unwilling to provide an honest 
accounting of what this war will cost, or what it will cost to meet the 
humanitarian needs of Iraq, or what the long process of reconstruction 
will cost. We know that these are not small figures. And unfortunately, 
it looks as though we will be proceeding without a great deal of 
international support, meaning less burden-sharing and more shouldering 
of this cost on our own. And that is why this resolution also calls for 
an accounting of the anticipated short and long term effects of 
military action on the United States economy and the Federal budget.

  I feel strongly that we should have demanded this information long 
ago. But we continue to ask, because Congress continues to have 
constitutional responsibilities. And I continue to hear from a 
tremendous number of my constituents who are deeply concerned about the 
prospect of a war with Iraq. The sources of their concern and their 
views on the issue vary, but in virtually all cases, they want to 
understand the range of options before us, and they are demanding more 
information about the costs and commitments they will incur as a result 
of decisions that we make here. They are right to insist on that 
information, to insist that we exercise some foresight here and wrestle 
honestly with the consequences that may follow from taking military 
action. Without such a discussion, we cannot hope to answer the most 
important question before us--will a given course of action make the 
U.S. more or less secure in the end.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and to insist that 
the Administration provide this information before war breaks out. I 
voted against the resolution authorizing the use of force in Iraq last 
fall, because I was uncomfortable with the Administration's shifting 
justifications for war, dissatisfied with the vague answers available 
at the time relating to our plans for dealing with weapons of mass 
destruction and reconstruction in Iraq, and most of all, because I was 
concerned that this action would actually alienate key allies in the 
fight against terrorism. But even those who voted differently surely 
must believe that we have a responsibility to anwser these questions 
now, and to share the answers with our constituents, so that this great 
country is operating not on wishful thinking or simple ignorance, but 
with an understanding of the facts before us, and the awesome task 
ahead.

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